p 


/ 


/: 


V 


/A 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I^|2i8     |Z6 


I.I 


US 


Li   12.0 


III 


L25  III  1.4 


Ii4 
1^ 


6" 


Pbotographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 


/. 


V. 


/.,    -^rliifA 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREST 

WESSTER.N.Y.  145S0 

(716)  S72-4503 


'^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVl/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historicai  IVAicroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Nottis/Notoa  techniquaa  at  bibiiographiquaa 


to 


Tha  Instituta  has  attamptad  to  obtain  the  beat 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the    nages  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


D 
D 


D 


Coloured  covera/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag^e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurte  et/ou  peliiculie 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  mapa/ 

Cartes  gtegraphiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I    Coloiired  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


D 


Planchea  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avac  d'autres  documanta 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  llure  sorr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  intiriaure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certainea  pagaa  blanches  ajouttea 
lore  d'une  restauration  apparalaaant  dana  le  texte, 
male,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  dt6  fiimiaa. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  auppl^mantairea: 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lul  a  At(k  poaaibia  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dana  la  mAthode  normale  de  filmaya 
aont  Indiquts  ci-dessous. 


□   Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


n 
0 

D 

0 


n 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagtea 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  rastauriaa  et/ou  pellicultea 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicolories,.  tachet6es  ou  piques 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  dAtachtea 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


r~~|    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  in^gaia  de  I'impreaalon 

Includea  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  material  suppl^mantaira 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seuie  Mition  diaponibla 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissuaa.  etc.,  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Lee  pages  totaiement  ou  partieliement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
eic,  ont  6t6  filmtea  A  nouveau  da  fagon  d 
obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possiole. 


Tt 

P< 
of 
fil 


Oi 
b< 
th 

Si( 

ot 
fif 
si( 
or 


T\ 
sh 
Tl 
w 

M 
di 
er 
be 

rit 
re 
m 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  fllmA  au  taux  de  reduction  IndiquA  cl-dessoua. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

90X 

V 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


The  copy  filmad  h«r«  has  b««n  reproduced  thanke 
to  the  generosity  of: 

N«w  Bruntwick  MuMum 
Saint  John 

The  image*  appearing  here  are  the  best  quaiity 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exemplaire  film*  f ut  reprodult  grice  k  la 
ginArosit*  de: 

New  Brunswick  Muiaum 
Saint  John 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  MA  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetA  de  rexempiaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
fllmage. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exemplalres  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  ImprimAe  sont  filmte  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  termlnant  solt  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'Impresslon  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplalres 
originaux  sont  filmte  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premiAre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'Impresslon  ou  d'illustration  et  en  termlnant  par 
la  dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
emprelnte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  ^»>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED').  or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  sulvants  apparattra  sur  la 
derniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE  ",  le 
symboie  V  signifie  "FIN". 


iVIaps.  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiimAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reprodult  en  un  seui  cllchA,  11  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  riombre 
d'Images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivant4 
lllustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

T 


1 


f 


im 


■^— "^■^"> -^«*u 


T 


t 


„L 


,. 


coi.i.ECTio:isrs 


OF  THE 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


SECOND     SKRIKS. 


m  5 
m 


TO 


r 


T 


i 


DOCUMENTARY 


HISTORY  OF  THE  STATE  OE  MAINE. 


EDITED  nr 

WILLIAM   WILLIS. 


VOL.  I. 


CONTAINING    A 


HISTORY    OF   THE   DISCOVERY    OF    MAINE. 


BY 

J.   G.    KOHL. 


WITH  AN  APPENDIX 


ON  THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CAIUIIS. 

By  M.  D'AVEZAC,  oi-  Taris. 


rUBLISHED  BY  THE  MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY,  AIDED   »Y 
APPROPRIATIONS  FROM  THE  STATE. 


PORTLAND: 
18  69. 


..  \ 


J 


Knton-d  according  to  Act  of  ConBros.s,  in  tl.c  year  1809,  by  tiie 

MAINK   lIlSTOaiOAL  SOCIBTV, 

in  tlic  UiHtrict  Court  of  the  United  States  for  tlie  District  of  Maine 


B.  THURSTON  AND  CO.,   VBrNTKRa,   PORTLAND, 


f^M 


Jl 


1 

J 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE. 


In  oftcring  Um  first  volume  of  a  new  series  of  its  publica- 
tions, the  Maine  Historical  Society  l)elieves  it  Avill  confer  a  liigh 
gratification,  not  only  upon  historical  students  in  our  own  State, 
but  on  all  who  take  an  interest  in  the  early  annals  of  our  coun- 
try residing  within  the  limits  of  the  charter  granted  by  James  I. 
in  ICOG,  to  the  Council  of  Plymouth. 

The  Society,  having  long  had  the  impression  that  the  archives 
of  the  chief  commercial  nations  of  Europe  contained  rich  mate- 
rials relating  to  tlie  discovery  of  these  shores,  and  of  the  early 
attempts  to  colonize  them,  were  anxious  to  exi)lore  those  store- 
houses of  hidden  treasures.  For  this  pur})ose  they  appealed 
to  the  State,  and,  in  1863,  obtained  a  pecuniary  grant  to  enable 
them  to  make  a  preliminary  investigation.  Sufficient  encour- 
agement was  given  by  this  appropriation,  to  induce  the  govern- 
ment to  enlarge  its  bounty ;  and,  in  18(37,  the  Governor  and 
Council  were  authorized  to  contract  with  the  Society  for  the 
publication,  annually,  of  a  volume  "  containing  the  earliest  doc- 
uments, charters,  and  other  State  papers  illustrating  the  history 
of  Maine." 

Stimulated  by  this  liberal  benefaction,  the  Society  availed 
itself  of  the  opportunity  of  a  visit  to  Europe  by  the  Rev. 
Leonard  Woods,  d.  d.,  ll.  d,,  late  President  of  Bowdoin  College, 
to  obtain  his  aid  in  the  necessary  examinations.  This  accom- 
plished scholar,  being  accredited  by  the  highest  recommendation 
in  the  country,  and  aided  by  his  learning  and  personal  address, 
had  access  to  various  public  and  private  collections  of  rare  and 
valuable  documents,  and  an  introduction  to  scholars  of  similar 


ii 


I'UKFACB. 


taste,  availed  liiinsoll' of  those  iulvantages  to  promote  tho  ol»jcct8 
of  his  iii(|uiry. 

lie  exi>h)reil  tho  archiv(!9  of  tlie  British  State-paper  offices, 
under  the  gui(hinco  of  Afr.  W.  Noel  Sainsbury,  the  familiar 
spirit  of  those  obscure  regions,  through  whom  ho  obtained  tran- 
scripts of  valuable  documents  relating  to  our  early  history.  lie 
also  visited  the  Jiritish  Museuni,  and  especially  the  map  depart- 
ment, rich  with  early  and  authentic  majis,  and  conducted  by  its 
head,  the  learned  K.  H.  Major,  k.8.  a.,  etc.,  whose  historical  and 
geographical  works  have  placed  him  among  the  first — jyrimns 
inter 2>ares — in  those  pursuits,  gained  access  to  that  unrivalled 
collection,  lie  also  conferred  Avith  IM.  D'Avezac,  the  learned 
archajologist  at  Paris,  from  whom  he  obtained  interesting  infor- 
mation pertinent  to  his  object,  and  has  since  received  from  him 
a  valuable  communication  which  is  placed  in  our  Appendix, 
lie  then  proceeded  to  Germany,  where,  in  Bremen,  ho  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Pr.  J.  G.  Kohl,  whose  reputation  as  a  traveler, 
author,  and  cartographer,  was  eminent  in  this  country,  as  well 
as  in  Europe.  In  him  he  found  a  congenial  spirit,  and  a  ready 
and  hearty  sympathy  in  the  objects  of  his  pursuit.  It  was  not 
long,  therefore,  before  he  came  to  terms  with  Dr.  Kohl,  to  give 
to  our  Society  and  State  the  benefit  of  his  great  learning  and 
practical  experience,  in  the  accomplishment  of  our  purposes. 

Dr.  Kohl  was  born  in*  Bremen  in  1808,  and  educated  to  the 
law  at  Gottingen,  Heidelberg,  and  Munich.  Several  years  after 
this,  he  was  occupied  as  a  private  tutor  in  Courland  and  travel- 
ing in  Russia.  On  his  return,  in  1838,  he  settled  in  Dresden, 
from  which  place  he  made  excursions  in  all  directions,  visiting 
every  important  district  of  Europe,  and  published  the  observa- 
tions and  exi3erience  derived  from  his  various  expeditions,  in  a 
series  of  volumes.  In  1854,  he  came  to  America,  Avhere  he 
traveled  four  years,  during  which  time  he  prepared  for  tho  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  a  series  of  valuable  maps  relating 
to  America.  Since  his  return,  he  has  been  engaged  upon  a 
minute  geographical  survey  and  history  of  this  continent.    His 


} 


PREFACE. 


Ill 


I 


life  has  l)0('n  filled  with  iisoful  literary  labor,  and  a  portion  of  its 
fruit  has  Ijocn  giveji  to  the  world  in  nearly  twenty  distinct 
))ul)licati()ns.  Anunij;  tlu'so  are  "Travels  in  Canada,"  1855; 
"Travels  in  tint  United  States,"  1857;  "Kitahi  (iama,  or  Talcs 
from  Lake  SuixM-ior,"  1800.  Another  interesting  and  impor- 
tant work,  published  l»y  liim  in  18(U,  after  a  severe  course  of 
study  and  preparation,  is  entitled  "  History  of,  and  commentary 
on,  the  two  oldest  cliarts  of  the  now  world,  made  in  Spain  on  the 
command  of  the  enii»eror  Charles  V." 

To  secure  the  services  of  a  man  so  distinguisljed,  and  so 
peculiarly  qualified  for  the  task  by  long  experience  in  similar 
studies,  was  at  once  honorable  to  Dr.  Woods,  and  most  accepta- 
ble and  valuable  to  our  Society  and  community.  The  result  of 
his  labors,  so  promptly  and  amply  furnished,  are  presented  to 
the  public  in  the  volume  before  us.  And  I  may  venture  to  say, 
that  the  amount  of  authentic  information  here  brought  together 
on  the  discovery  and  early  voyages  to  America,  so  fully  and 
clearly  illustrated  by  fac-mnile  copies  of  the  earliest  mai)S 
known  to  exist,  has  never  been  collected  in  so  brief  and  limited 
a  space.  The  ma))S,  twenty-three  in  number,  the  latest  of  which 
is  Mercator's  of  1560,  with  the  learned  explications  of  them, 
reduced  and  lithographed  in  Bremen  under  the  superintend- 
ence of  Dr.  Kohl,  throw  fresh  light,  not  only  upon  the  voyages 
and  discoveries  with  which  they  ave  connected,  but  upon  the 
condition  of  science  and  art  in  those  departments  of  knowledge 
during  that  period.  The  value  of  tlie  work  is  greatly  enhanced 
by  these  illustrations. 

The  maps,  of  course,  give  an  imperfect  and  inaccurate  view  of 
our  coast,  from  the  desultory  and  cursory  manner  in  which  the 
visits  were  made  to  it;  but  they  furnish  a  general  outline  of  the 
north-eastern  shores;  in  most  of  them  are  represented  the  promi- 
nent points  of  Cape  Cod,  Penobscot  IJay,  the  numerous  islands 
along  the  coast  of  Maine,  Cape  Sable,  and  Cape  Race,  points 
which  could  not  fail  to  arrest  the  attention  of  even  a  common 
observer.    The  ancient  Nonimbega,  embracing  sometimes  the 


IV 


J'UKL'ACK. 


i! 

I  I 


wholo  of  New  Eiitfliiiul,  lias  a  coiiHjiiiMious  plaoo  on  nearly  all 
tliu  early  niapH,  and  rclainml  iU  naiiio  far  into  the  next  century, 
but  over  a  narrower  rej;;ioii. 

l*erlia|»M  wv  ought  not  to  bo  surpriseil  at  tlu!  iinporfeetion  of 
these  maps,  or  of  the  narratives  of  those  early  (lis(M)veries,  when 
we  consider  the  ignorance  whi(!h  still  prevails  in  Europe  on  the 
geography  of  Anuiriea.  A  French  author  recently  did  J'ort- 
laml  the  h(»nor  to  njake  it  the  capital  of  New  England,  and 
conspicuous  points  in  the  south  and  west  of  our  country  are 
ollen  so  transposed  in  tlu!  writings  of  some  of  their  literary 
men,  that  we  know  not  where  to  find  them.  It  is  a  familiar 
fact,  that  before  the  Uevolution,  the  name  of  Boston  was  often 
used  for  the  whoh;  of  New  England.  I  Jut  it  is  singular  that 
the  extraordinary  discoveries  and  transactions  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  so  muc  M  variance  with  the  routine  occurrences  of 
European  societies,  shoidd  not  liave  been  transmitted  by  con- 
temporaiKMUis  writers  with  more  fullness  and  accuracy  tlian  wo 
have  received  them.  Even  Eden  and  Hakluyt,  who  may  bo 
calleil  partisans  in  American  discovery,  fail  to  give  na  accu- 
rate re[)resentations  of  those  wonderful  and  peculiar  ent(M"prises, 
which  we  shoidd  sui)pos»'  must  have  made  a  deep  impression 
upon  the  public  mind.  Humboldt  says,  "the  extraordinary  ap- 
I)earances  of  nature,  and  the  intercourse  with  men  of  different 
races  must  have  exercised  an  influence  on  the  progress  of  knowl- 
edge in  Europe.  The  germ  of  a  great  number  of  physical  truths 
is  found  in  the  works  of  the  sixteenth  century." 

But  other  events  nearer  home,  and  of  more  absorbing  inter- 
est, cast  a  shadow  over  those  remote,  desultory,  and  cxceji- 
tional  transactions.  Lord  Bacon,  in  his  "Keign  of  Henry  VII," 
affords  but  two  duodecinxo  pages  to  the  Cabots,  whose  enter- 
prises we  are  accustomed  to  regard  as  among  the  most  impor- 
tant of  that  reign,  and  were  indeed  so,  in  their  influence  upon 
the  future  course  of  history ;  and  in  those  few  words,  he  entirely 
ignores  John  Cabot  and  his  first  voyage.  We  place  this  passage 
in  the  Appendix.     And  Speed,  in  his  "  History  of  Great  Brit- 


ii 


PUKKACK. 


1 


aiiio,"  piildishcd  in  liondoti  in  Kill,  tiikcs  no  notice  of  thoso 
events  except  in  tlieHu  wonls,  "ninl  tiionLtli  some  other  netions, 
as  Schastian  Cabot's  discoviM-y,"  luJ  tlioiiL^lit  Itest  "to  |)ost|ione," 
that  he  rnii^ht  "couch  all  that  concerns  I'ttrliin  Warhcck  hero 
toi^ether;"  so  that  we  have  no  inon- of  the  C'ahots,  or  of  any 
othei'  foreign  undertakings  to  our  coasts,  in  cither  of  tliosu 
works. 

The  editor  of  Ilacon's  Henry  V'lf,  tlu'refore,  in  his  preface 
Justly  says,  "The  original  records  of  the  time  had  not  boon 
studied  by  any  man  with  u  genius  for  writing  history,  nor  gath- 
ered into  a  book  by  any  laltorious  collector.  Tiio  pnl)lished 
histories  were  full  of  inaccuracies  ami  omissions,  which  it  is 
impossible  to  correct  or  supply,  without  laborious  research  in 
public  archives  and  private  collections." 

In  the  present  work,  it  gives  uh  pleasure  to  feel,  that  T)r. 
Kohl  has  given,  in  a  most  comi»act  and  iptcresting  form,  the 
results  of  a  careful  and  laborious  research  into  the  scattered 
original  sources  of  information,  relatitig  to  the  eventful,  but 
obscure  period  of  which  it  treats,  illunjinating  it  by  a  conipre- 
jiensive,  profound,  and  impressive  resume  of  its  record.  Wo 
cannot  but  symj)athi/e  with  him  in  his  repeated  lanuuitations 
over  the  loss  of  reports  and  charts  of  voyages,  the  neglect  of 
tlio  adventurers  to  indicate  the  course  and  progress  of  their 
discoveries,  and  of  cosmographers  to  delineate  them.  These 
neglects  and  omissions  will  be  particularly  noticed  in  his  analy- 
sis— dissection  we  may  rather  call  it — of  the  maps  introduced. 
The  most  elaborate  and  acute  of  these  discussions  is  upon  the 
celebrated  map  of  1544,  unjustly,  as  he  thinks,  ascribed  to  Se- 
bastian Cabot,  and  on  the  Cabot  voyages,  of  which  there  have 
always  existed  contradictory  ojiinions. 

Dr.  Kohl  may,  perha[)S,  be  thought  by  some  to  have  traveled 
beyond  the  primary  object  of  the  work,  by  introducing  the 
movements  of  the  Spanish  and  French  in  Florida.  But  he 
thought  it  not  only  useful,  but  necessary  to  the  unity  and  fulness 
of  the  task  he  had  undertaken,  to  bring  these  voyages  within  his 


VI 


PREFACE. 


comprohcnsivo  review  of  the  development  of  the  northern  and 
eastern  section  of  the  country  in  which  we  are  more  especially 
interested,  and  to  which  Ihevet's  account  of  Norumbega  is  an 
important  appendage.  In  a  private  letter  on  the  subject,  ho 
naively  says,  "  You  will  perhaps  at  first  sight  be  astonished  to 
find  in  my  work,  not  only  a  report  on  Cartier's  voyages  and 
explorations  in  Canada,  but  also  one  on  the  French  settlements 
and  discoveries  in  Florida.  But  by  looking  nearer  into  the  sub- 
ject, I  hope  you  will  find  that  these  matters  also,  are  so  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  history  of  every  2)art  of  the  east 
coast  of  the  United  State j,  with  that  of  Maine  and  New  Eng- 
land, tliat  it  w.op  imnossible  for  rao  to  leave  them  out.  More- 
over, the  geographical  and  hyclrographical  part  of  these  voy- 
ages, in  several  modern  works,  has  not  been  much  cleared  up. 
I  ho]>e  you  will  find,  that  taking  this  into  coroid»^ration,  I  have 
come  to  some  new  results." 

The  volume  now  presented  to  the  public  derives  additional 
value  from  the  very  interesting  communication  of  M.  D'Avezac 
of  Paris,  to  Dr.  AVoods,  and  translated  by  him,  which;  with  his 
explanatory  letter,  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix.  It  is  most 
gratifying  to  be  able  to  place  side  by  side  the  arguments  of  such 
distinguished  cham})ions  in  the  field  of  historical  inquiry.  M. 
D'Avezac  and  Dr.  Kohl  both  reason  from  opposite  views  of 
the  same  admitted  transactions ;  but  Dr.  Kohl  is  more  full  and 
minute  in  his  examination  of  the  still  doubtful  and  disputed 
problem  of  the  Cabot  voyages  and  map.  Both,  wise  and  dili- 
gent seekers  after  truth,  discuss  the  obscure  and  indistinct  indi- 
cations of  the  imperfectly  revealed  events  of  the  time,  in  a 
spirit  of  impartiality  and  ability,  which  is  exhaustive  of  the 
subject.  It  is  a  generous  and  honorable  contest,  which  cannot 
fail  to  interest  and  instruct  the  historical  student  curious  in 
such  investigations. 

It  was  the  original  intention  of  the  Society  to  limit  its  inqui- 
ries and  researches  in  foreign  archives  to  the  voyages  and  dis- 
coveries  which  related  particularly  to  our  territory,  and  to  the 


ft 


mh 


PREFACE. 


vU 


H 


first  efforts  to  coloni;  and  bring  it  forward  into  the  line  of  set- 
tlement and  civilization.  But  as  the  subject  was  investigated, 
it  grew  in  importance,  until  we  were  carried  back  for  an  initial 
point,  to  the  penumbra  of  our  history,  in  the  earliest  known 
authentic  records  of  American  discovery.  And  wc  could  not 
but  think  that  a  carefully  prepared  summary  of  the  voyages  of 
the  Northmen  to  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  and  the  later  voyages  along 
its  coast  in  the  sixteenth  century,  would  be  an  appropiiatc  and 
interesting  introduction  to  the  history  of  its  actual  and  perma- 
nent colonization. 

Our  Society  h.  d  been  encouraged  to  undertake  the  *ask, 
whose  results  are  partially  contained  in  the  present  volume,  by 
the  successful  example  of  other  historical  societies.  Those  of 
Georgia,  Maryland,  New  York,  Massachusetts,  and  others,  aided 
by  their  respective  governments,  had  pursued  their  investiga- 
tions into  the  musty  archives  of  the  State  and  colonial  depart- 
ments of  Great  Britain,  aud  hud  brought  forth  from  them  treas- 
ures of  great  value,  long  hidden,  and  unrevoalod  even  to  their 
possessors.  Perhaps  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  it  was  owing 
to  the  discovery  of  valuable  documents  revealed  by  the  eager 
curiosity  and  persevering  search  of  our  American  scholars,  that 
a  change  wa  effected  in  the  policy  of  the  British  government, 
by  which  these  treasures,  long  neglected  and  carefully  secluded 
from  observation  and  use  by  their  jealous  guardians,  were  at 
length  thrown  open,  and  the  government  itself,  becoming  aware 
of  their  importance,  undertook  to  arrange,  classify,  and  calen- 
dar them,  and  furnish  printed  abstracts  to  the  public.  These 
valuable  collections  are  thus  made  available  to  the  cause  of  his- 
tory, and  have  largely  contributed  to  rectify  errors  and  to  fur- 
nish new  facts  for  the  illustration  of  the  early  and  obscure 
periods  of  our  history. 

In  the  course  of  the  researches  undertaken  for  our  Historical 
Society,  Dr.  Woods  obtained  possession  of  an  unjniblished  man- 
uscript of  Richard  Hakluyt,  the  ardent  patron  and  recorder  of 
American  discovery ;  in  which,  as  early  as  1584,  he  urged  upon 


Vlll 


TREFACE. 


(Jueen  Elizabeth  with  great  earnestness  and  force,  the  prosecu- 
tion of  colonization  upon  our  coasts.  This  interesting  and  valu- 
able document,  containing  in  the  original  draft  sixty-two  and  a 
half  large  folio  pages,  will  form  part  of  a  second  volume  of  our 
Documentary  History,  to  be  published  in  the  course  of  the 
])resent  year. 

It  is  with  no  unworthy  pride  that  the  Maine  Historical  Soci- 
ety now  presents  to  the  public  this,  their  first  documentary  vol- 
ume, richly  freighted  with  rare  and  authentic  materials,  as  a 
valuable  contribution  to  American  history. 

I  cannot  close  these  introductory  remarks  without  tendering 
my  grateful  acknowledgments  to  the  Rev.  Edward  Ballard,  d.  b., 
Secretary  of  the  INEaine  Historical  Society,  for  his  vnry  valuable 
aid  in  preparing  this  volume  for  the  press.  His  wide  historical 
researches,  and  critical  judgment,  have  supplemented  my  many 
deficiencies.  The  Index,  carefully  prepared  and  arranged  by 
him,  gives  additional  value  to  the  volume,  and  will  be  cordially 
welcomed  by  historical  students. 

WILLIAM  WILLIS. 


1    r 


A  HISTORY 


OF  THB 


« 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  EAST  COAST  OF  NORTH  AMERICA, 

PARTICULARLY  THE  COAST  OF  MAINE; 

FROM  THH 

N  O  R  T  H  ]yE  K  ISr     IN     990, 

TO  THB 

CH-A-RTICR     O  IT-     G- I  Ij  B  K!  H  T     IN     1  5  7  8 . 

BY  J.  G.  KOHL, 

07     BRBMEN,     QBBUANT. 


ILLUSTRATED  BT  COPIES  OF  THE  EARLIEST  MAPS  AND  CHARTS. 


II 


•y 


Ill 


L'onsemblo  des  faits,  auquel 
nous  donnons  le  Dom  d'histoire 
n'ost  qu'  uno  pcrtion-portlon 
encore  mutiMe  et  rompue-des 
annales  du  genre  bumaln. 

Walckenaer. 


CONTENTS. 


PAOH 

Inteoduction, .17 

CHAPTER    I. 

Physical,  Features  of  the  Gulf  and  Coast  of  Maine. 

1.  Introductory  Iloinarks 31 

2.  G  3noral  Configuration  of  tho  Continent  of  North  America,        .  32 

3.  The  four  Great  Gulfs  of  tlie  East  Coast  of  North  America,     .       .  33 

4.  Name  of  the  Gulf  between  Cape  Cod  and  Nova  Scotia,       .       .  35 

5.  Size  and  General  Configuration  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,      ...  36 

6.  Soundings,               38 

7.  The  Fishing  Banks  and  Shoals 39 

8.  Currents, 41 

9.  Tides 43 

10.  Climate,  Temperature,  Winds,  Fogs, 44 

11.  Deviation  of  the  Magnetic  Needle, 47 

12.  Capes,  Headlands,  Peninsulas,  Indentations, 47 

1.  Cape  Cod, 49 

2.  Cape  Ann, 50 

3.  Cape  Elizabeth, 50 

4.  Cape  Sable, 61 

13.  Islands, 52 

14.  Harbors,  Bays,  and  Inlets 63 

15.  Elvers 54 


CHAPTER    II. 

Discoveries  of  the  Northmen  in  Noeth-easteen  Amer- 
ica DURING  THE  MIDDLE  AOES. 

1.  Introductory  Remarks 87 

2.  Discovery  of  Iceland  and  Greenland 60 

3.  First  Discovery  of  New  England  by  Blame, 62 

1 


ittii 


10 


CONTENTS. 


13  i     t 


»l 


m 


4.  Voyages  of  Loif,  Erik's  Son,  and  First  Sottlcmont  in  "  Vinland" 

(Now  Eii{,'lan<l), '^^ 

5.  VoyagoH  and  Discovorios  of  Thorvvald.  Erik's  Son,  in  "  Vinland,"  .      6<> 

0.  Unsuccossfnl  Attempt  of  Thorstein,  Erik's  Hon,  to  reach  "  Vin- 

land "a^ain 70 

7.  Voyage  of  Tliorflnn  Karlscfno  to  "  Vinland,"  and  a  New  Settle- 

ment efl'octod  tlioro  by  him,         70 

8.  Exi)editions  from  Greenland  and  Iceland   to  "Vinland,"  suhse- 

(inent  to  those  of  Tliorfinn  Karlsefne, 82 

i).  New  England  considered  by  the  Northmen  to  be  a  part  of  Eu- 

roi)e, "*. 85 

10.  Keminisoences  and  Traces  of  the  Northmen  among  the  Indians  of 

New  England 88 

11,  Voyages  of  the  Venetians,  Zeni,  in  the  northern  i)arts  of  the  At- 

lantic Ocean  at  the  end  of  the  Fourteenth  Century,      .        .        .      92 
The  Sea-chart  of  the  Zeni, 07 

APPENDAGE    TO    CIIAPTEPt   II. 

Charts  for  the  Northmen. 

1.  Map,  No.  2,  of  the  North-Atlantic  Ocean,  drawn  by  the  Icelander 

Sigurdus  Stephanius,  in  1570, 107 

2.  Map,  No.  .'t,  of  the  North-Atlantic  Ocean,  drawn  by  the  Icelander 

Gudbrandus  Torlacius,  in  KiOG 109 


CHAPTER    III. 

Enolisji  Trading  Expeditions  prom  Bui.stol,  and  other 
English  roKT.s,  toward  the  North-west,  trixcipaIvLY  to 
Iceland,  during  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Centu- 
ries.—John  OF  KoLNO.— Columbus, Ill 


i 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Expeditions  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  to  North- 
eastern America,  in  the  years  1497, 1498. 

1.  Voyage  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  in  the  year  1497, .        .       .       121 

2.  Voyage  of  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1498, 135 

APPENDAGE    TO    CHAPTER   IV. 

Charts  for  the  Voyages  of  the  Cabots. 

1.  Map,  No.  4,  of  the  Ocean  and  Islands  between  "Western  Europe 

ana  Eastern  Asia,  from  the  Globe  of  Martin  Behaim,  in  1492,    .    147 


■ 


CONTENTS. 


11 


2.  Map,  No,  r»,  of  Uio  East  Coast  of  Nortli  America,  by  Juan  de  la 

Cosa,  ill  irjOO 151 

.1  Cliart,  No.  (i,  of  tlio  New  World,  by  .Toliann  Ruyscli,  inOS,       .       .    LIO 
4.  Map,  No.  7,  of  Nortli  Ainorica,  from  tlio  Globo  of  .loliaiin  Sclioner, 

].')20, 158 


CHAPTER    V. 

Expeditions  op  Oaspak  and  Mioukl  de  Coutkukal  to  tiik 

NOKTH-EASTEUN     COA.ST     OF    AMEUICA,    IN    TIIK     YEAUH     1.500- 
1603. 

1.  Introductory  llemarks Hit 

2.  Fir.st  Voya<,'e  of  Gaspar  Cortoroal,  in  l.WO l'><> 

.'5.  Gaspar  Corteroal'.s  Second  Voyii^e,  in  1501, 1<>!* 

4.  Searching  Voyajje  of  Mij^uel  Cortereal,  in  1502, 171 


APPENDAGE    TO    CHAPTER    V. 

Charts  for  the  Cortereal  Voyages. 

1.  Portngucse  Chart,  No.  8,  of  the  Coasts  of  Newfoundland,  Labra- 

dor, and  Greenland,  about  1504 174 

2.  Chart,  No.  9,  of  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland,  and  Greenland,  by 

Pedro  Reinel,  made  about  1505, 177 

3.  Portuguese  Chart,  No.   10,  of  Florida,  Nova  Scotia,  Newfound- 

land, Labrador,  and  Greenland,  made  about  1520,      .        .        .        179 


m 


CHAPTER    VI. 

OFFICIAIi    AND    OTHER    VOYAGES,    AND    SEVERAL    PkO.TECTS    OF 

Discovery  from  England,  Spain,  Portugal,  and  France, 

SUBSEQUENT  TO  THE  EXPEDITIONS  OF  THE  CaBOTS  AND    COR- 
TEREALS. 

1.  Two  Patents  of  Henry  VII.  of  England,  to  Navigators,  in  1501, 

1502. — English  Voyages  to  Newfoundland  in  the  beginning  of 
the  Sixteenth  Century, 183 

2.  Portuguese  Fishermen  on  the  Newfoundland  Banks,       .        .       .    187 

3.  Voyages  to  Newfoundland  proposed  by  Juan  Dorneloa,  Juan  de 

Agramonte,  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  1500, 1511,  and  1515, .       .        192 

4.  French  Voyages  to  the  North-east  of  America,  after  Cabot  and 

Cortereal, 199 

5.  An  English  Voyage  to  the  North-west,  said  to  have  been  made 

under  the  command  of  Sebastian  Cabot  and  Sir  Thomas  Pert, 

in  1517, 200 


I 


l\' 


12 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDAGE    TO    CHAPTER    VI. 

(JharlK  for  the  Jlnt  French  Dinnoreries  in  "  Tcrrc  Nueve." 

1.  Aliiii,  No.   11,  of  N<!\v  Franco,  coinjioHod  by  th«  Italian  CoHmop- 

i'iil)li(M-,  .Jucoino  (li  (iiiHtiildi,  in  !,').')(), 

2.  Maj),  No.  I'J,  of  "  Tiorra  Nueva,"  by  G.  RuscoUi,  lijGl,    . 


220 
233 


ClIAPTEU    VII. 

SPANLSH    EXI'KDITIONS    TO    TIIK    CoA.ST    OT     FLORIOA,    FltOM 

CoLUMnir.s  to  Ayllon,  fuom  14!}2  to  1520. 

1.  Introductory  KeiiiarkH, 236 

2.  Coltiniliu.s  ami  the  East  Coast  of  tlio  Uiiitod  States,      ...        237 

3.  ExpcHlitiou  of  Ponco  do  Loon  from  Porto  lUco  to  the  East  Coast  of 

Florida,  in  15i;j, 240 

4.  Voyage  of  Antonio  de  Alaniinos,  from  Vera  Cruz  through  the  Ba- 

hama Channcil  to  Spain,  in  l.')l!) 243 

5.  Tlio  First  Expedition  of  Lucas  Vasi^uez  do  Ayllon  to  Chicora 

(the  Coast  of  Carolina),  in  1520 245 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Expeditions  to  the  East  Coast  of  Noutii  Ameuica  under 
the  Fuencii,  by  Veuuazano,— the  Spaniauds,  by  Gomez,— 

AND  THE  ENOLISH,  BY  RUT. 

1.  Expedition  of  Giovanni  da  Verrazano,  in  1524 249 

2.  Exi)editiou  of  Estevau  Gomez  along  the  East  Coast  of  North 

America,  in  1,525,     .    ' 271 

3.  Exiiedition  of  two  English  ships,  tlie  Mary  of  Guilford,  and  the 

Samson,  under  the  eommand  of  John  Rut,  1527,        .        .       .        281 


il 


APPENDAGE   TO   CHAPTER   VIII. 

I.  Charts  for  Verrazano. 

1.  Map,  No.  13,  of  North  America,  by  Micliael  Lok,  in  1582,         .       ,    290 

2.  Map,  No.  14,  of  North  America,  by  Baptista  Agnese,  1636,   .       .        292 

3.  Map,  No.  15,  Four  Sketches,  a,  b,  c,  d,  of  Nortli  America,  by  differ- 

ent authors,  in  1530-1544, 296 

II.  Charts  for  Gomez. 
1.  Chart,  No.  16,  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America,  from  a  Map  of 


the  World,  by  Diego  Ribero,  in  1529, 


299 


CONTENTS. 


13 


2.  Chart  of  tlio  East  Coast  of  North  Ainorhia,  l»y  Alonzo  do  Cliavos, 

in  ir,;t(;,  and  Ovindo'H  noHcrlption  of  tlio  Coast,  in  1537,    .        .        307 

li.  Maj),  No.  17,  Hk(it(!]it»H  1,  '2,  .1,  4,  fi,  (i,  7,  of  th(i  Kant  Coast  of  tlio 

Uiiitud  States,  by  dillurout  autliors  of  the  Sixtei-nth  Century,    .    315 


CHAPTER    IX. 

FuENCH  Expeditions  to  Canada,  in  in.'M-l.'H.I,  and  Hoiik's 

VOYAOK,  ^^^(i. 

1.  First  VoyaRO  of  Jacques  Cartlor  to  the  Gulf  and  IMvor  of  St.  Law- 

rence, in  l.')34 320 

2.  Second  VoyaRO  of  Jacques  Cartlor  to  the  Gulf  and  lliver  of  St. 

Lawrence,  in  15.'3.'5, 329 

3.  Voyage  of  Master  Hore,  and  other  Englishmen,  to  Capo  Breton 

and  Newfoundland,  in  IR.'JO 337 

4.  Expedition  of  Jean  Francois  de   la   TIorho    do    Tloberval    and 

Jacques  Cartier  to  Canada,  in  1540  and  1.543, 340 

APPENDAGE   TO   CHAPTER   IX. 

Charts  for  Cnrtier  and  lioberval. 

1.  Chart,  No.  18.a,  of  Newfoundland  and  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 

by  Caspar  Viegas,  1534 348 

2.  Chart,   No.   18,  on  Canada  and  the  East  Coast  of  tlio  United 

States,  from  a  Map  of  the  World,  made  in  1, "543,     ....    351 

3.  Chart,  No.  19,  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America,  from  the 

Atlas  of  N.  Vallard  do  Dieppe,  1543 354 

4.  Engraved  Map  of  the  World,  No.  20,  8;   d  to  have  been  made 

by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1544,— and  on  the  Voyage  said  to  have 
been  made  by  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1494,  .        .       ,        .    388 

5.  Chart,  No.  21,  of  the  North-east  of  North  America,  by  Diego  Ho- 

mem,  1558, 377 

6.  Chart,  No.  22,  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America,  from  a  Map 

of  the  World,  by  G.  Mercator,  in  15G9 384 

CHAPTER    X. 

contrnuation  op  the  spanish  expeditions  along  the 
Coast  of  Florida. 

1.  Expedition  of  Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon  to  Chicora  (Carolina), 

in  1526, 394 

2.  Expeditions  of  Fernando  de  Soto,  Diego  Maldonado,  and  Gomez 

Arias,  1538-1543 402 


i 


• 


14 


CONTENTS. 


ih 


err  APT  Ell  xi. 

TiiR  ExpKnFTroNs  rvi>r,i{  liiiiAtM/r  Asn  LAintoNNiKnK  to  Ft,on- 

IDA,    AND    Till',    Hl'ANISII    AN1»    Kn<JM.SII     UnDKIITA  KINUH    CON- 

NICCTKI)  AVrril  TIIKM,  IX  irdi'J-l.W. 

1.  Tlio  tiino  lu'twccn  De  Sofo  and  Ulbault,  incliuliiiK  Tliovct'H  Do- 

Hciiplidii  of  M.iiiio, 413 

2.  First  ICxpldiiii;,'  I'-xpcdition  of  Ca]italn  Joan  I'ibault  from  TIavrn 

do  (!ra((!  to  llio  Kast  Coast  of  Klorula,  (}corj;ia,  and  South  Caro- 
lina, in  \r>(\'2, 421 

3.  The  Fat.'  of  Mk"  FrcuvU  SnttU'iront  at,  Fort  IJoyal,  ir.n2-ir)(n,       .        432 

4.  Sitcoiid  F.\p('dition  of  tlio  Frondi  to  Florida  undor  Captain  Rrnci 

do  IjaiKloniiii'n^  in  iri(;4, 434 

5.  Voyaf,'o  of   Caiitain  John  Hawkins  nionp;  tlio  Coast  of  North 

America,  from  Floriila  to  Nowfoundhmd,  in  laOri,      .        .        .        440 
0.  Tliird   Kxpcdition  of  tho  Frencli  to  Florida  undor  command  of 

Joan  Ivibault,  in  irili,") 447 

7.  Ex])cdition8  and  Surveys  made  under  Don  Fetlro  ^Icnendez  do 

Avila,  on  tlio  East  Coast  of  Florida,  in  ir.(!.-)- 15(17,       .        .        .        4.').') 

8.  French  I'^xpodition  under  Dominique  do  (iourKucs  to  Florida,  in 

ItHM-irm 462 

9.  Spanish  Survey  of  tho  East  Coast  of  Florida,  in  1C73,  .        .        .        407 


CHAPTER    XII. 

Conclusion  and  Recapitulation. 

1.  Agency  of  the  Northmen 477 

2.  Agoncy  of  the  English, 478 

3.  Agenc^y  of  tho  Portuguese, 482 

4.  Agency  of  the  Si)aniardH, 484 

5.  Agency  of  tho  French, 487 

C.  Agency  of  the  Italians, 490 

7.  Agency  of  the  Germans, 493 

8.  Afloucy  of  tho  Netherlanders, 490 

Appendix 499 

Notice 501 

Letter  of  M.  D'Avezac 502 

Index, 516 


LIST   OF   MAPS. 


I'AdK 

1.   NouTii  Atlantic,  nv  tiir  Zkni,  linUun,  lion,     .       .       .  1»7 

II,   NouTii  Atlantic,  hy  Stkimianuth,  [celamlci;  1570,        .  107 

JII.    NoKTii  Ari.ANTrc,  nv  Tuulachs,  Irelundet;  KiOO,       .        .  10» 

IV.    Hy  Maktin  ItKliAlM,  (Icrimin,  14!l'-', 147 

V.   East  Coast  ok  Noutii  Amkhk'a,  hy  .Iuan  dr  la  Cosa, 

Simnisli,  l.WO, Ifll 

VI.    Nkw  W()itLl>,  hy  .Toiianm  TJiyhcm,  Grnuon,  1.'()8,      .        .  150 

VII.   North  Amkkma,  hy  .Ioiiann  Hciiomou,  <lir»i(H),  ir)20,  168 
VIII.   NouTH-KAST  Coast  op  Noutii  Amkhica,  Anonymous, 

rortin/iicsc,  I.IOI, 174 

IX.  NouTH-r.AST  Coast  of  Noutii  Amkuica,  hy  Ttnuo  llKi- 

NKL,  J'nrtttijucnc,  \r>{)r), 177 

X.   East  Coast  ov  Noutii  Amkuica,  Anonymoxts,  I'ortu- 

f/Kcse,  l.^'-'O, 171) 

XI.    Nkw  Fuanck,  hy  fiASTALDi,  JtoUnn,  l.WO,    .       .       .        .220 

XII.    TiKUUA  NlTKVA,  IJY  ItirSCKLLI,  Ilulidii,  IHfil,      .         .         .  233 

XIII.  Noutii  Amkuica,  by  Michael  Lok,  Knulish,  1582,    .       .  290 

XIV.  Amkuica,  hy  Aonksk,  Italian,  l.").T), 292 

XV.   Noutii  Amkuica  (Fouu  Skktciiks),  1.'-..'?0-1544,    ...  296 

XVI.   East  Coa.st  ov  Noktii  Amkuica,  «y  Kihkuo,  Spanish, 

1529 299 

XVII.   East  Coast  (Skvkn  Sketches) 315 

XVIIIa.  Tjik  Gulk  of  St.  Lawuenck,  etc.,  ijy  Vieoas,  1534,  .  .'348 
XVIII.   Canada  and  East  Coast  of  Unitkd  States,  Anony- 
mous, French,  1543 331 

XIX.   East  Coast  of  Noutii  Ameuica,  nv  Vallaud,  French, 

1543, 354 

XX.   East  Coast  of  Noutii  Ameuica,  by  Sebastian   Ca- 
bot (?),  Spanish,  1544, 358 

XXI.   NouTii-EAST   OF  NoKTH   Ameuica,  BY  IIoMEM,  Portu- 
guese, 1558, *  .       .  377 

XXII.   East  Coast  op  Noktii  Ameuica,  by  Meucatok,  Ger- 
man, 1569, 384 


m 


u 


f\ 


'*! 


J'aRn  87. 

lino  12 

"    an, 

H 

"     48, 

"  9.1U 

"     41). 

"       U 

"     4i». 

"       1 

"     52, 

"       I 

"     55, 

"      5 

"     M, 

"     11 

'•  215, 

implnR, 

"  2'.'8, 

lllll!  IS 

"  2;«, 

.,     17 

"  wr,, 

"     20 

"  2!»3, 

"   2.3 

"   .S5!), 

"     12 

"   375, 

"      1» 

ERRATA. 

from  hot ,  for  'casti'm'  road  '  wostorn.' 

"  "     for  '  iiufrnliitcil '  rciiil  "  Indcntod.' 

"  "      IiiHprt  'MoutliiTH  '  bcCorc  '  ciitraiico.' 

"  Lot.,  for  '  WW*'  read  '  l{<M.rs.' 

"  "       "     Inlands '  rf.d  'Inlctx.' 

"  "      "  '  riKcata(|ulH '  road 'I'lscataqua.' 

"  top,  for  'they'  read  'and.' 

for '116 'read  "J15.' 

IVoni  top,  for  '.If-an'  read  '.lacqnns.' 

"  bot.   "  'TiTra' ri'ad 'Ticrra.' 

"  "      "  'Chan'  read  '  Khan.' 

"  "      "  '  coniccturcs  ■  read  '  conjectures.' 

"  "      "   'dcflro'  rend  '  ilc  flro,' 

"  bot.    "  'Hicrc  hant' read 'merchant.' 


' 


INTRODUCTION. 


TiiK  Tlistoriciil  Society  of  tlio  Stiito  of  Miiino  honored  mo,  in  tlio 
month  of  Miinli  of  this  year,  with  iin  hivitiitioii  to  wtito  for  thcin  a 
vnhitno  on  Hit'  liistory  of  fhti  discovery  of  tlio  const,  of  Mainr,  widch 
WiiH  to  he  |)nl)liislifd  in  tltu  "  Colluctiinis  "  of  lliat  Society,  (huini;  thu 
prcHcnt  year. 

The  vohim«  was  to  hcj?in  with  the  history  of  tho  ourliest  discovorlen 
machi  hy  Kuropemis  on  tlie  east  const  of  N'oilii  America,  in  tlie  elcv- 
ontii  eentnry,  and  intueed  witli  tlio  liistory  of  tlio  Hni)se(iucnt  diseov- 
urioH  down  to  tliu  end  of  tlio  sixteenth  century,  or  to  some  period 
hoyond  the  middle  of  tliat  century,  that  might  appear  to  ho  a  i)ropcr 
point  of  division,  if  it  should  hu  found  conveiuent  to  contino  thu  vol- 
ume wiMiin  narrower  limits. 

This  history,  while  it  should  include  the  discovery  of  tho  whole 
leufrth  of  tho  eastern  coast  from  I/ibrador  to  Florida,  Wius  to  present  a 
more  particular  account  of  all  tho  voyaj^es  known  to  have  been  made 
durin}^  that  period  t(»,  (u-  .alonif  tho  coast  of  Maine,  and  show,  as  far 
as  possible,  by  extracts  from  the  orif^inals,  when  it  had  been  simply 
passed  by,  and  observed  from  a  distance,  and  when  it  had  been  seen 
more  nearly,  and  more  fully  described. 

The  work  was  to  bo  accompanied  by  fae-similo  copies  of  such  maps 
and  ch.arts,  manuscript  or  printed,  as  would  illustrate  these  (lisc(werio8. 
And  it  was  desired  that  these  maps  and  charts  should  be  accompanied 
by  such  notices  of  their  history,  and  such  explanations  of  their  con- 
tents, as  would  render  them  both  interesting  and  instructive  to  tho 
general  student. 

This  was  a  dilHcult  task ;  and  tho  more  dilHcult,  because  it  was  to  be 
performed  in  a  short  time.  But  feeling  a  deep  interest  in  tho  subject, 
and  being  to  a  certain  degree  prepared  for  tho  work  by  my  previous 
studies,  and  the  collections  I  had  formerly  made,  I  ventured  to  accept 
the  honorable  proposal  made  to  me  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society ; 
and  have  tried  to  meet,  iu  the  following  volume,  the  views  and  wishes 
2 


18 


INTRODUCTION. 


I 


thoy  expressed  respecting  it,  so  far  as  my  liniitod  means  and  powers 
would  permit. 

Postponinij  to  Cir.vpTKii  I.  what  I  wish  to  say  rcffarding  tho  physical 
features  of  the  whole  country  embraced  in  our  survey,  I  propose  in  this 
Intrvjduction  to  lay  before  the  reader  my  manner  of  proceeding  in  the 
work  I  have  undertaken;  and,  in  this  view,  will  now  make  some  ex- 
planations ;  ,flrdt,  with  regard  to  tho  history  I  am  to  give  of  the  dis- 
covery of  North  America,  and  the  limits  within  which  it  is  to  be  con- 
lined  ;  and,  necondli/,  with  regard  to  the  maps  by  wliich  this  history 
is  to  be  illustrated,  the  principles  on  which  they  have  been  selected 
and  arranged,  and  the  mauuor  in  which  they  are  treated. 


I.  On  tue  History. 

1.  ILt  stnrtinfi  point. 

There  may  have  been  European  navigators  on  the  east  coast  of  North 
America  before  .^li^  time  of  the  Northmen ;  but  of  this  we  have  only 
vague  traditions  and  uncertain  runioi's.  The  first  well-ascertained  ex- 
peditions from  Europe  to  these  regions  were  made  by  the  Northmen, 
or  Scandinavians,  near  the  end  of  the  tenth  and  biginning  of  the  elev- 
entli  centuries.  The  documents  relating  to  these  voyages  are  for  the 
most  part  preserved  in  the  well-written  annals  of  Iceland.  As  the 
north-east  coast  of  America  was  first  seen  and  described  by  these 
Scandinavian  adventurers  in  the  eleventh  century,  our  history  ought 
therefore  to  begin  with  them. 


u\ 


;       t 


2.  Its  concluding  point. 

After  the  discov  Ties  of  the  Northmen,  but  more  particularly  after 
those  of  Columbus  and  the  Cabots  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
there  followed  a  sue  wssion  of  expeditions  to  the  east  coast  of  North 
America,  undertaken  by  English,  Portuguese,  French,  and  Spanish  nav- 
igators, which  may  be  generally  characterized  as  diverse  in  their  ob- 
jects, disconnected  in  their  plans,  often  separated  from  each  other  by 
long  intervals  o^  time,  and  unproductive  of  any  great  or  permanent 
results.  The  period,  during  which  this  long  succession  of  voyages  took 
place,  from  that  of  Biarne  in  990,  in  which  the  coast  of  North  America 
was  first  seen  by  Europeans,  to  that  of  Sir  John  Ilav/kins  in  1565,  in 
which  he  sailed  along  the  whole  extent  of  our  east  coast, — a  period  of 
nearly  six  centuries, — may  be  justly  I'egarded  as  the  early  period  in 
the  history  of  the  discovery  of  North  \merica,  during  which  indeed 
the  coast  became  gradually  better  known ;  but  in  which  nothing  was 
accomplished  for  the  settlement  of  the  country. 

But  at  last,  toward  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a  new  era 


INTRODUCTION. 


19 


dawned.  Thoso  two  groat  and  sagacious  so-eroigns,  Queen  Elizabeth 
of  England  and  Henry  IV.  of  Erancc,  began  to  pay  more  attention  to 
ilie  new  world,  and  particularly  to  that  part  ^f  it  which  lay  opposite 
to  their  western  coasts.  Then  commenced  an  uninterrupted  succes- 
sion of  expeditions  to  these  transatlantic  coasts,  led  on  by  Cfilbert  and 
Italeigh,  by  De  Monta  and  Champlain,  who  were  supported  by  the  com- 
missions of  their  own  sovereigns,  and  zealous  to  defend  their  rival 
pretensions.  The  east  coast  was  now  explored  more  minutely,  and 
illustrated  by  bettor  reports  and  better  charts;  particularly  the  coast 
of  Maine,  on  which  the  rival  claims  of  England  and  Franco  came  more 
immediately  into  conflict;  and,  what  is  more  important,  permanent 
colonies  were  now  for  '  le  first  time  established. 

It  thus  ai)pears  that,  between  the  second  voyage  of  Hawkins  in  1505, 
and  the  first  voyage  of  Grilbert  and  Raleigh  under  the  letters-patent 
of  1578,  there  is  a  natural  division  in  the  history  of  American  discov- 
ery, into  an  early  and  a  later  period-.  The  termination  of  the  early 
period  will  naturally  form  the  concluding  point  of  the  historical  nar- 
rative contained  in  this  volume. 


3.  Its  contents,  their  arrangement,  and  distribution  into  chapters. 

As  discoverers  and  colonizers  of  North  Amerioa,  the  Northmen  stand 
forth  in  the  middle  ages  foremost  and  alone,  without  allies  or  rivals. 
Hence  I  have  brought  together  all  that  is  known  of  their  successive 
expeditions,  and  have  treated  of  them  in  Ciiapteb  II,  adding  to  them 
only  the  little  I  have  to  say  regarding  the  brothers  Vadino,  Genoese, 
and  the  brothers  Zeni,  Venetians,  who  appear  to  have  sailed  at  nearly 
the  same  time,  and  in  nearly  the  same  direction,  with  the  Northmen . 

The  old  Scandinavian  spirit  at  last  diec^  away.  The  expeditions  of 
the  Northmen  to  America  gradually  ceased,  and  their  colonies  in 
America  were  destroyed.  Nevertheless,  their  knowledgn  of  the  west 
was  never  quite  forgotten  by  them,  being  perpetuated  by  their  tradi- 
tions. The  connection  of  their  colonies  in  Iceland  with  Europe,  and 
particularly  with  England,  was  never  entirely  broken  off.  The  Eng- 
lish and  Hanse  towns,  in  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  cen- 
turies, maintained  a  lively  commercial  intei'course  with  Iceland  on  the 
old  north-western  route  from  Europe  to  America.  This  probably  was 
not  without  an  influence  on  the  subsequent  undertakings  of  Columbus 
and  the  Cabots.  Columbus  visited  Iceland  in  the  year  1477,  and  in 
1497  the  Cabots  sailed  from  Bristol,  the  port  which  was  the  chief  em- 
porium of  the  intercourse  between  England  and  Iceland,  for  the  dis- 
covery of  North  America.  These  trading  expeditions  from  England 
to  Iceland  in  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  following  next  in 


20 


INTROD[TCTrO>r. 


I 


order  after  the  expeditions  of  the  Xorthmnu,and  formin;?  n  connecting 
link  between  tliemand  later  enterprises,  arc  treated  of  in  Cii.vi'tku  III. 

Inspired  by  the  example  of  Colnmbus,  wliose  discoveries  are  not 
lierc  related,  but  assumed  to  bo  known,  the  Venetians,  John  and  Se- 
bastian Cal)ot,  made  their  famous  voya<Tes  of  14i)7  and  14!)8,  in  which 
N'orth  America,  if  not  first  discovered,  was  first  re-discovered  since  the 
time  of  the  Northmen,  and  in  wliich  almost  its  entire  oast  oast  was 
first  surveyed.  To  these  important  voya<^es  of  the  Cabots,  Oiiai'TKU 
IV.  of  our  volume  is  devoted. 

In  imitation  of  the  example  of  Columbus  and  of  the  Cabots,  the 
adventurous  Portu<;fueso  sent  out,  at  the  bcninning  of  tlie  sixteenth 
ccntuiy,  several  explorinjj  expeditions  to  the  north-west  under  the 
command  of  the  brothers  Cortereal.  These  expeditions,  thou<;li  they 
do  not  api)ear  to  have  touched  the  coast  of  Maine,  are  still  particularly 
interesting  to  us,  as  having  thrown  much  light  on  the  neighboring  re- 
gions in  the  north  of  Maine.  They,  moreover,  conducted  Portuguese 
fishermen  to  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland;  and  these  fishermen  be- 
came, at  the  same  time,  active  explorers  of  the  north-east  of  America, 
and  furnished  the  materials  for  several  highly  interesting  charts  of 
those  regions.    The  expeditions  of  the  Cortereals  form  the  subject  of 

our  ClIAPTEIt  V. 

Tempted  by  the  advantages  offered  in  the  regions  recently  discov- 
ered, the  Bretons,  Normans,  and  Basques  of  the  west  coast  of  France, 
and  also  several  English  and  Portuguese  adventurers,  follcr^ed  thither 
the  steps  of  the  Cabots  and  the  Cortereals.  The  French,  with  the  Por- 
tuguese, for  nearly  the  entire  sixteenth  century,  took  the  lead  in  the 
fisheries  on  the  Grand  Banks,  and  in  the  exploration  and  delineation 
of  the  adjacent  coasts.  The  interest  thus  created  in  these  regions 
gave  occasion,  in  France,  for  several  exploring  expeditions  to  the 
north-east  of  America;  and  also,  in  other  countries,  to  diverse  schemes 
and  projects  for  such  expeditions  as  were  never  performed.  In  Ciiap- 
■VKH  VI.  I  have  treated  of  all  these  expeditions,  wh'ch  followed  after 
the  Cortereals,  whether  simply  designed  or  actually  accomplished. 

The  explorations  of  our  east  coast,  nndertaken  by  tlie  English,  Por- 
tuguese, and  French,  which  have  been  already  described,  began  at 
Newfoundland  in  the  north,  and  proceeded  thence  to  the  south.  The 
Spanish  explorations,  on  the  contrary,  usually  began  in  the  West  In- 
dies, and  proceeded  thence  along  the  coast  of  Florida  toward  the 
north,  and  reached  sometimes  the  coasts  of  New  England.  Chapter 
VII.  treats  of  these  Spanish  operations,  from  the  time  of  Columbus  to 
about  the  time  of  Ayllon  and  Cortes,  1524. 

In  the  years  1524  and  1525,  two  expeditions  were  sent  out  with  the 


■II 


if 

I     ! 


INTRODUCTION. 


21 


particular  object  of  cxi)loriiig  the  cast  coast  of  tlio  present  TTnited 
States:  the  first  from  France,  commanded  by  Vcrrazano,  an  Italian, 
and  the  second  from  Spain,  commanded  by  Gomez,  a  Spaniard.  These 
expeditions,  thoiif^h  proceeding  from  difVerenl  countries,  were  similar 
in  their  plans  and  objects.  They  were  both  made  at  nearly  the  same 
time.  The  one  was  probably  a  consequence  of  the  other.  Both  touched 
the  coast  of  New  England,  and  i)articularly  of  ^[aine.  Through  the 
entire  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  there  were  no  other  expedi- 
tions which  contributed  so  much  to  the  knowledge  of  these  coasts. 
The  expedition  of  Vcrrazano  produced  our  best  description,  and  that 
of  Gomez  our  best  chart,  of  the  coast  of  New  England.  Each  of  them 
was  also  quite  isolated.  Neither  Gomez  in  Spain,  nor  Vcrrazano  in 
France,  had  an  immediate  successor.  One  English  expedition,  how- 
ever, that  of  the  year  l')2l,  was  somewhat  connected  with  them,  as 
to  its  date,  its  purposes,  and  its  results.  In  view  of  these  considera- 
tions, I  have  separated  these  two  eminently  important  expeditions 
from  the  rest,  and  treated  them  together  in  CiiArrioii  VIII,  to  which, 
however,  I  have  added  the  contemporary  English  voyage  of  l.")27. 

After  Vcrrazano,  the  French  paused  for  about  ten  years,  and  then 
renewed  their  efforts  for  the  exploration  of  some  section  of  the  east 
coast  neglected  by  him.  From  1.5;J4  to  1.54.3,  at  the  suggestion  of  Car- 
tier,  one  of  their  most  eminent  navigators,  and  under  the  commission 
of  Francis  I,  they  undertook  a  series  of  expeditions  to  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence,  by  which,  at  last,  the  entire  geography  of  this  region  was 
disclosed.  These  expeditions  gave  rise  to  some  admirable  reports  and 
maps,  which  are  especially  interesting  to  us  from  the  intimate  i-elations 
existing  between  the  regions  described  and  the  State  of  Maine.  The 
history  of  this  series  of  expeditions  is  given  in  Ciiaptkii  IX.  I  have 
added  to  it,  however,  a  short  report  of  an  unsuccesful  English  expedi- 
tion, made  to  the  same  regions  at  the  same  time.  Nearly  all  the  Eng- 
lish expeditions  of  the  sixteenth  century  are  so  disconnected  that  they 
cannot  be  easily  grouped  together.  Sometimes  there  are  feeble  imita- 
tions of  the  enterprises  of  other  nations,  or  at  the  best,  results  of 
them;  and  I  have  therefore  thought  it  proper  to  dispose  of  them,  as  in 
this  case,  under  the  head  of  some  greater  undertaking  of  some  other 
nation,  to  which  they  seem  to  be  most  nearly  related  with  respect  to 
time,  and  perhaps  also  to  plan. 

In  Chapter  X.  I  have  given  an  account  of  the  continuation  of  the 
Spanish  expeditions,  including  that  of  Ayllon  to  Chicora,  in  1526 ;  that 
of  De  Soto  to  the  Mississippi,  and  that  of  Maldonado  and  Arias  along 
the  east  coast  of  North  America,  in  the  years  1538-1548. 

After  the  extensive  explorations  of  Verrazano  and   Cartier,  the 


00 


INTUODUCTION. 


i  "     '^ 

t 

\H 

i 

French  gave  the  name  of  Now  France  to  a  large  section  of  North 
America,  and  sometimes  even  to  the  whole  American  continent;  and 
they  continued  to  navigate  thitlicr,  cppecially  to  the  Banks  of  Now- 
ibundland  and  tlio  neigliboving  coasts.  Until  near  the  close  of  the 
century  they  took  the  lead  of  other  nations  in  the  affairs  of  Nortii 
America.  At  the  time  of  their  religious  wars,  soon  after  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  the  Huguenots,  who  had  friends  in  some  of  the 
western  ports,  desired  to  find  upon  the  east  coast  of  North  America  a 
suitable  place,  where  they  might  establish  a  new  home  for  the  adherents 
of  their  religion,  condemned  and  persecuted  as  heretical  in  France. 
They  commenced,  therefore,  in  the  year  15()2,  a  series  of  exploring  and 
planting  expeditions,  under  the  command  of  their  captains  liibault 
and  Laudonnicre,  to  the  coasts  of  "  French  Florida,"  the  name  given  by 
them  to  the  region  included  in  our  present  States  of  Georgia  and  South 
(/'arolina.  On  these  expeditions  some  new  and  shorter  oceanic  routes 
were  discovered,  which  afterwards  became  common,  and  were  used  in 
sailing  to  the  coasts  of  New  England.  13y  these  French  expeditions  to 
Florida,  the  Spaniards  were  also  attracted  to  the  same  regions,  and 
under  their  great  navigator,  Don  Pedro  Menendez,  explored  a  great 
part  of  the  east  coast.  The  English  also  followed  the  French,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  John  Hawkins,  and,  conducted  by  French  pilots, 
sailed  from  thence  along  the  entire  east  coast  of  North  America.  Still 
another  expedition,  connected  in  a  similar  manner  with  these  expe- 
ditions of  the  French  Huguenots,  and  accompanied  and  described 
by  the  celebrated  French  cosmographer,  Andre  Thevet,  sailed  along  the 
east  coast,  and  came  to  anchor  in  Penobscot  Bay.  On  the  breaking  up 
of  this  Huguenot  colony,  under  the  assaults  of  the  Spaniards  and  the 
neglect  of  their  ovvn  government,  some  of  the  colonists  took  refuge  in 
England,  where  their  reports  and  maps  on  the  beautiful  country  of 
"  French  Florida "  were  the  means  of  arousing  the  English  nation  to 
those  enterprises,  which  ended  at  last  in  the  establishment  of  the  col- 
ony of  "  Virginia."  In  Chapter  XI.  I  have  treated  on  all  the  English, 
French,  and  Spanish  expeditions  here  alluded  to.  The  voyages  of 
liibault  and  Hawkins,  described  in  this  chapter,  being  the  immediate 
precursors  of  the  voyages  of  Gilbert  and  Raleigh,  with  which  the  later 
period  commences,  form  the  appropriate  conclusion  of  our  historical 
report. 

In  a  concluding  chaptei-,  Chapter  XII,  I  have  summed  up  the  whole 
contents  of  the  volume;  but  discarding  the  chronological  arrangement 
before  adopted,  have  distributed  this  recapitulation  under  the  heads  of 
the  different  nations  participating  in  the  enterprises  and  discoveries 
herein  described. 


||i 


INTRODUCTION. 


23 


4.  General  remarks. 

1.)  In  the  history  of  tho  discovory  of  the  east  coast  of  North  America, 
which  I  liavo  givoii  in  tiieso  chapters,  I  have  always  hail  special  refei- 
ence  to  the  discovery  of  Maine,  as  tlio  particular  objec  of  this  volume. 
I  have  acc()rdin<fly  described  tho  discovery  of  tho  other,  and  especially 
the  more  remote  sections  of  the  coast,  less  fully,  and  in  more  (general 
terms;  and  at  the  end  of  tho  chapters,  in  which  tlicsc  other  sections 
have  been  treated,  have  stated  the  influence  which  their  discovery  may 
have  had  on  tho  discovery  of  Maine;  while  I  have  at  the  same  time 
given  prominence  to  all  those  voyages  and  explorations  which  were 
intended  directly  for  tho  coast  of  Maine,  or  in  which  it  was  incidentally 
observed  and  surveyed,  taking  care  to  give  in  full  the  original  passages, 
in  which  this  coast  and  the  coasts  adjacent  to  it  are  described.  This 
particular  coast,  and  also  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  United  States,  are, 
as  the  reader  will  observe,  often  spoken  of  by  mo  throughout  tho  work, 
as  our  coasts.  In  using  this  expression,  adopted  Sometimes  for  the 
sake  of  brevity,  and  sometimes  for  the  sake  of  variety,  I  have  not 
intended  to  convey  the  impression  of  my  being  a  citizen  of  the  State 
of  Maine,  or  of  any  other  State  of  tho  Union,  but  have  rather  allowed 
myself,  almost  unconsciously,  to  identify  myself  with  my  subject. 

2.)  The  further  we  advance  into  our  subject,  and  the  more  active  the 
nations  as  well  as  individuals  appear  on  the  stage,  tho  greater  becomes 
the  difficulty  of  grouping  the  whole  mass  of  partially  connected  and  dis- 
connected enterprises  in  a  strictly  chronological  order.  Sometimes  a 
series  of  voyages  having  tho  same  object,  and  following  tho  same  route, 
and  gi'owing  out  one  from  tho  other,  was  prosecuted  in  one  and  tho 
same  country  for  a  long  course  of  years ;  while  during  the  same  period 
of  time,  expeditions  and  explorations  were  undertaken  from  other 
countries.  In  observing,  therefore,  a  strict  chronological  order,  and 
relating  these  enterprises  year  by  year,  as  several  Spanish  authors,  for 
instance  Herrera  and  Barcia  have  done,  I  should  have  been  forced 
to  transport  myself  and  the  reader  continually  from  one  country  to 
another,  and  there  would  have  been  no  end  of  the  breaking  and  the 
mending  of  the  thread  of  tho  story.  It  appeared,  therefore,  to  be  evi- 
dently better,  that,  putting  aside  chronology,  we  should  follow  out  tho 
enterprises  of  one  nation  to  a  proper  stopping-place,  and  then  go  back 
and  resume  the  consideration  of  the  contemporaneous  enterprises  of 
another  nation. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  the  division  of  the  subject  according  to  na- 
tions, which  has  been  adopted  by  Forster,  and  other  historians,  has  also 
its  great  inconveniences,  if  strictly  and  exclusively  followed.  The  mari- 
time enterprises  of  any  particular  nation,  the  English  for  example, 


n  m 


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: 

24 


IXTRODUCTION. 


wore,  as  a  goneval  tliinp,  tindortakon  not  so  mnoli  from  causes  ori^i- 
iiatinj;  at  homo,  as  operating  from  abroad,  and  could  not  bo  justly 
doscribod,  without  koopinfj  in  view  the  parallel  enterprises  of  friendly 
or  hostile  nations,  of  the  allied  or  rival  jjowors. 

From  these  considerations  I  have  followed  in  my  work  a  middle 
course,  arranj,'in<T  its  materials,  partly  accjording  to  the  order  of  time, 
]>artly  accordin<f  to  that  of  nationality.  If  I  have  met  a  group  of 
connectod  enterprises,  undertaken  in  one  country,  or  under  the  influ- 
onoo  of  a  single  individual,  I  have  traced  it  from  beginning  to  end; 
and  tlien  arranged  it  chronologically  with  other  groups,  formed  in  a 
similar  manner. 

;J.)  With  respect  to  the  sources  from  which  I  have  taken  the  data  for 
my  historical  report,  I  have  to  make  the  following  remarks.  It  has 
been  my  endeavor  to  obtain  the  best  and  earliest  editions  of  the  works 
on  which  I  have  relied  as  my  authorities.  But  it  has  not  always  been 
possible  for  me  to  obtain  the  "  best  editions ; "  nor  always,  indeed, 
any  editions  of  some  works  which  I  have  wished  to  consult.  In  these 
cases,  I  have  contented  myself  with  secondary  sovu-ccs.  I  may  say, 
however,  that  I  have  seen  and  consulted  most  of  the  great  authorities 
in  this  department  of  learning,  preserved  in  the  libraries  of  Germany, 
Paris,  the  Uritish  Museum,  Oxford,  Now  York,  Boston,  and  Cambridge ; 
all  of  which,  in  the  course  of  my  travels,  I  have  formerly  visited  for  the 
purpose  of  collecting  materials  for  a  general  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America. 

It  was  my  first  intention  to  give  an  account  of  the  standard  works 
on  the  topics  discussed  at  the  beginning  of  each  chapter;  but  this 
might  have  rendered  the  volume  too  bulky.  Instead  of  this  I  have 
taken  care  to  refer  the  reader,  in  foot-notes,  to  the  works  consulted, 
and  the  editions  used.  I  trust,  therefore,  he  will  be  satisfied  of  the 
solidity  of  my  literary  foundation. 

II.  On  the  Maps. 

Geographical  maps  and  charts  have  been  composed  from  time  imme- 
morial. The  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  after  them  the  Arabs, 
composed  maps.  Even  the  Northmen  of  the  middle  ages  did  the  same, 
80  far  as  they  were  able.  In  the  era  of  modern  discovery,  it  became 
customary  for  explorers  to  draw,  during  each  expedition,  a  chai't,  mark- 
ing the  configuration,  and  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the  new  coun- 
try seen  by  them.  These  original  charts  of  the  discoverers  tliemselves, 
made  from  actual  survey,  drawn  on  board  their  ships,  or  composed  soon 
after  they  had  reached  home,  with  the  assistance  of  their  journals  and 
notes,  would  be,  if  we  possessed  them,  invaluable  historical  documents. 


J 


INTRODUCTION. 


2o 


But  the  instances  are  rare  in  which  they  liave  been  proaorved,  Tlioy 
camo  at  (Irst  into  the  hands  of  liydro{Trai)liera  and  map-makcra,  who 
copied  and  rc(hiced  tlicni,  and  embodied  tlioir  contents  in  the  general 
maps  of  tlio  world,  or  so-called  "  Portolanos," — sailinp-cbarts, — which 
they  composed  for  the  instruction  of  the  public,  or  the  uses  of  naviga- 
tion. After  having  been  employed  in  this  manner,  they  were  consigned 
to  oblivion.  A  similar  fate  soon  overtook  the  coj)ies  and  compilations 
made  from  them.  For  a  time,  indeed,  those  great  and  sj)lendid  i)iotures 
of  the  now  world,  which  were  composed  from  the  original  charts  of  the 
great  discoverers,  had  great  celebrity,  and  were  held  in  high  estimation ; 
but  only  for  a  time.  We  hear  of  new  maps,  which  were  hung  uj)  by 
kings  in  tlicir  palaces;  and  of  others,  which  were  discussed  in  the 
academies,  and  sent  from  city  to  city  for  the  inspection  of  the  learned. 
They  were  studied,  copied,  engraved,  and  painted  over  and  over  again ; 
but  only  so  long  as  they  were  new.  When  another  new  map  appeared, 
whidi  occurred  often  and  after  short  intervals,  the  old  map  disap- 
peared from  the  palace  and  the  academy,  and  was  laid  aside  and  for- 
gotten. 

The  maps  which  thi'ough  age  had  become  erroneous,  were  consid- 
ered good  for  nothing,  and  even  held  in  contempt;  though  their  errors 
often  had  some  good  reason,  and  at  least  showed  the  ideas  of  their 
authors,  and  of  the  times  in  which  they  were  composed.  They  some- 
times contained  excellent  intimations  of  the  better  views  which  after- 
wards prevailed. 

For  these  and  other  reasons  it  may  be  justly  said,  that  there  is  no 
class  of  historical  documents  on  which  the  "  tooth  of  time  "  has  been 
more  busy,  more  cruel  and  destructive,  than  on  old  maps, — those  com- 
piled, as  well  as  those  made  from  actual  survey,  the  manuscript,  as 
well  as  the  engraved  and  printed.  We  could  point  out  some  maps 
engraved  and  printed  only  a  few  hundred  years  ago,  and  then  existing 
in  hundreds  or  thousands  of  copies,  of  which  now  scarcely  a  copy  is 
left,  which  is  valued  by  amateurs  at  its  weight  in  gold. 

Nevertheless  it  has  happened,  that  by  chance  and  good  fortune,  a 
considerable  number  of  old  maps  and  charts  has  been  preserved  to  our 
times,  either  in  the  public  archives,  or  in  the  old  State  libraries  of 
the  nations  of  Europe.  But  even  these  maps  and  charts,  which  had  been 
spared  by  all-destroying  time,  were  scarcely  noticed  by  the  historians 
and  geographers  of  the  last  century ;  sharing  the  neglect  with  which, 
during  that  period,  Gothic  buildings  and  other  mediaeval  monuments 
were  regarded.  Indeed,  during  this  interval,  the  old  maps  and  charts 
were  never  invested  with  the  dignity  of  historical  documents.    Even 


ij  ill 


•      i 


2G 


INTRODUCTION. 


those  most  learned  and  intelligent  French  peographers,  D'Anvillo  and 
Delillo,  who  were  still  liviiif^  in  Iho  time  of  our  grandfathcrH,  felt  no 
intcrcHt  in  old  maps,  and  did  notliinp  to  recover  or  preserve  thorn; 
thour^rli  they  would  have  found  in  them  some  information  not  to  bo 
obtained  elsewhere,  and  mi}{ht  have  used  them  to  illustrate  and  adorn 
their  fjcopraphical  works. 

Historians,  f^eo^^raphers,  explorers,  and  travelers  have  sometimes  laid 
down  on  their  maps  and  charts  certain  facts,  of  which  they  have  omit- 
ted to  speak  in  their  reports  and  books,  flndiuff  it  easier  to  speak  to 
the  eye  than  to  the  ear;  or  ratlierto  convey  the  information  they  wished 
to  impart,  by  using  the  brief  and  compact  delineations  of  the  map, 
instead  of  the  diffuse  and  cumbersome  phraseology  of  the  book. 

It  is  not  seldom  the  case,  that  an  old  map  will  contain  the  only  infor- 
mation wo  possess  concerning  some  expedition  or  discovery.  To  give 
a  single  instance :  our  bocjks  and  manuscripts  give  us  very  imperfect 
information  about  those  highly  interesting  expeditions  which  Cortes 
ordered  to  be  made  in  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  aloiig  the  western 
shores  of  the  Californian  peninsula.  A  chart  of  these  regions,  which 
was  made  by  a  contemporary  of  Cortes,  and  wliich,  near  the  end  of  the 
last  century,  was  discovered  and  published  in  Mexico,  furnishes  a  most 
satifactory  supplement  to  our  knowledge  on  this  subject. 

Moreover,  the  map-makers  of  former  times  were  not  content  with 
merely  giving  the  outline  and  name  of  a  particular  region,  but  they 
often  aflixcd  to  it  some  inscription,  legend,  or  notice,  in  which  they 
informed  the  reader  what  kind  of  people  lived  there,  what  animals 
and  plants  were  raised  there,  and,  occasionally,  by  whom  and  when 
it  was  discovered.  Now  and  then  remarks  like  these  are  seen  on 
those  old  maps :  "  In  the  year  1500  the  Spaniard  Bastidas  sailed  as  far 
as  this  point;"  or,  "  Here  Soils  was  killed;"  or,  "  In  the  present  year 
Garay  has  gone  out  to  this  country,  but  is  not  come  back  as  yet."  We 
often  see  jotted  down  on  the  old  maps,  all  kinds  of  observations,  con- 
jectures, and  hypotheses,  from  which  we  can  learn  the  ideas  and  no- 
tions which  were  current  at  the  time  when  they  were  composed. 
These  old  maps  were  often  highly  embellished  with  pictures  of  the 
mountains,  the  forests,  the  animals,  the  cities  of  the  newly-discovered 
countries,  of  their  aboriginal  inhabitants,  and  of  the  discoverer  and  hia 
companions  in  their  antique  armor  and  costume,  and  the  Hags  and 
crosses  erected  by  them ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  monsters  in  the  sur- 
rounding waters,  and  the  ships  sailing  among  them  to  and  fro;  in  great 
contrast  with  the  diy  and  purely  scientific  character  of  our  modern 
mAps. 


INTUOnUCTION. 


27 


This  will  sufllco  •  at  present,  to  sliow  the  groat  importance  of  the  old 
maps  and  charts  in  the  history  of  discovery.  In  nioro  modern  times 
this  importance  has  come  to  be  more  generally  acknowledged.  Near 
the  beginning  of  this  (iontury,  a  praiseworthy  antiipiarian  enthusiasm 
was  awakened  ;  and  under  this  impulse  historians  and  geographers 
began  to  search  after  old  maps  in  the  archives  and  libraries  of  the  dif- 
ferent States  of  Europe;  and  when  they  were  found,  to  have  them  care- 
fully copied,  collected,  and  published;  thus  repairing,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  mischief  vcsulting  from  the  carelessness  of  former  times,  and  restor- 
ing these  lost  documents  to  the  common  treasury  of  knowledge.  To 
recite  all  that  has  been  done  in  this  way  since  the  beginning  of  the 
nineteenth  century  by  learned  individuals  and  by  scientific  bodies, 
would  bo  aside  from  my  present  purpose.  Suftlco  it  to  say,  that  no 
work  on  the  history  of  American  discovery  would  now  be  regarded  as 
complete,  unless  illustrated  by  copies  of  the  old  maps  and  charts, 
appropriate  to  the  country  of  which  it  treats. 

In  accordance  with  these  views,  and  with  the  wishes  expressed  by 
the  Maine  Historical  Society,  I  have  in  this  work  paid' particular  atten- 
tion to  the  subject  of  maps.  From  jill  which  offered  themselves  for 
illustrating  the  discovery  of  the  east  coast  of  North  America,  and 
particularly  of  the  coast  of  Maine,  I  have  selected,  in  preference, 
those  which  come  nearest  to  the  lirst  charts ;  those,  too,  made  from 
actual  survey,  by  the  explorers  themselves;  and  next  to  these,  such  as 
were  made  by  distinguisbed  contemporary  cosmographors,  and  which 
are  specially  valuable,  as  exhibiting  the  leading  geographical  notions 
and  ideas  then  prevailing. 

The  arrangement  of  tlie  maps  is  attended  with  some  difficulties.  If 
there  were  a  separate  original  cliart  for  each  distinct  discovery,  there 
could  be  no  question,  but  that  it  should  be  placed  in  connection  with 
the  history  of  that  discovery.  But  generally,  even  the  earlier  maps  are 
only  later  compilations,  and  exhibit  the  results  of  several  explorations 
made  in  different  periods  and  distant  places.  However,  even  in  such 
instances,  there  is  commonly,  on  each  map,  some  one  discovery  which 
constitutes  its  most  pi-ominent  feature,  and  gives  it  a  special  interest. 
I  have,  therefore,  arranged  the  maps  according  to  their  prominent  and 
characteristic  features,  and  annexed  them  to  the  chapters  to  which  they 
are  related  by  their  principal  or  most  important  contents.  In  doing 
this,  I  have  not  omitted  to  notice  those  contents  of  the  maps  which  are 


*  I  take  the  liberty  to  refer  the  reader  to  a  lecture  on  the  subject  of  the  old  maps, 
delivered  by  me  in  the  Smithsonian  Institute  in  Washington,  and  published  in  the 
Annual  Report  of  the  Board  of  Regents  of  that  Institution  for  the  year  1856,  pp.  9^147, 
where  the  subject  is  treated  more  fUlly. 


1i 


28 


TNTUODITCTION, 


of  spcondary  and  Kultonlinato  intciTKt;  and  to  coniiopt  tlioin  uIho,  by 
rcfoienci'H,  with  the  chiiptciH  to  wliurli  tlicy  aro  ichitcd  by  tliuirHubJe<'tH, 
to  which  they  atlord  hoido  illustnition,  and  from  whiidi  tliuy  rocoivo 
in  turn  Honu;  explanation.  And  an  tiio  cliapterH  and  tlio  n)ap«  arc 
botli  iiiiinh(>r(Ml,  Iho  connec^tion  butwcen  tluMii  can  be  easily  indicated. 

I  nii^lit  liave  embodied  tlie  inapH  in  the  chapters  tliey  were  designed 
to  illiisti'iite;  but  I  liavo  tliouj^dit  it  preferable  to  place  them  in  an 
"  Api)enda;;o"  at  the  cn<r  of  these  chapters,  and  to  j^ivo  the  history  and 
explain  the  contents  of  ea(^h  map  in  a  sei»arato  secition  of  this  Appciui- 
Rf^o.  If,  on  this  nu>th(»d,  ropetiti(nis  (iouKl  not  be  wholly  avoided,  they 
are  certainly  reduced  to  the  smallest  possible  number.  In  our  exami- 
nation of  the  maps  it  will  often  appear,  that  they  not  oidy  conlirm  the 
facts  related  in  our  history,  but  often  furnish  additional  information. 

In  aecei)tinf(  the  proposals  made  to  me  by  the  Maine  Historical 
Society,  I  uiulerstood,  as  they  did,  that  fae-similes  of  the  orijjinal  maps 
wore  to  be  furnished,  IJut  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  a  fac-simile 
J!i,in  my  opinion, an  impossibility;  and  furthermore,  if  it  could  bo  had, 
it  would  avail  notiiiufjfor  our  purpose.  Whether  fac-similcs  should  be 
furnished,  must  always  be  a  question  of  dej^ree.  To  f^ivo  a  perfect  fac- 
simile, one  must  make  a  copy  of  the  old  maps  of  the  size,  with  the 
liandwritinj^,  with  the  gold  and  silver  embellishments,  with  the  yellow, 
red,  and  blue  coloring;  nay,  with  the  very  material,  the  rich  vellum,  of 
tho  originals, — a  proceeding  beyond  the  means  ordinarily  possessed 
either  by  individuals  or  societies. 

In  giving  fac-similes  of  the  old  maps,  it  cannot  certainly  be  under- 
stood, that  tho  enormous  size  of  some  of  them  should  be  retained.  I 
have,  therefore,  reduced  them  to  more  convenient  dimensions.  The 
reduced  copy  is  not,  however,  necessarily  a  less  exact  copy  of  the  origi- 
nal, than  an  enlarged  copy  would  be. 

Nor  would  a  fac-simile  necessarily  require,  that  tlie  rich  coloring  of 
the  old  maps  should  bo  followed  in  tlio  copy.  However  much  this 
might  add  to  the  beauty  of  the  map,  it  would  add  nothing  to  its  his- 
torical value.  From  all  these  various  and  costly  colors,  I  have  there- 
fore retained  oidy  two ;  blue  for  tlio  water,  and  bhick  for  the  outlines  of 
tho  firm  land,  and  for  tlie  names. 

Nor  have  I  undertaken  to  reproduce  exactly  the  quaint  and  often 
illegible  handwriting,  in  which  the  names  and  inscriptions  are  written 
on  the  old  maps ;  differing  in  fashion  in  different  periods,  different  na- 
tions, and  in  different  maps  of  the  same  period  and  nation.  To  have 
done  this,  would  have  boon  to  throw  a  great  deal  of  heavy  work  upon 
the  reader.  I  have,  therefore,  taken  this  labor  upon  myself,  and  have 
written  all  the  names  and  inscriptions  in  a  uniform  style,  and  in  our 


INTHODUCTION 


purront  lottors.  And  If  it  should  jippoivr  to  tlio  r<':\<l(M',  that  on  thin 
pliin  hu  finds,  in  tlio  c:iso  of  doiildful  n:iMi(H,  notliin;;  Ixit  niy  own  ]M'i- 
viitu  opinion;  it  nii;lit  l).t  a  i|U(istion,  wJuitlior  liu  wonlil  lUro  liultcr,  in 
Ix'in^  luf't  to  ddcipluM'  tlinin  for  liiniseir.  Dusidt's,  my  roinlcrin^  of  the 
old  nanioH,  in  nnmy  unsoH,  is  tlio  Hanio  as  had  houn  ){ivon  hol'oru  by 
luarniMl  ^uoj^raphurs,  and  is  coniinondud  to  thu  roadur  l>y  thuii*  hi^rli 
anthority. 

To  ^ruard  ajifainst  all  orror  in  this  niatlur,  I  havo  stated  in  my  ncconnt 
of  each  map  how  far,  and  in  what  Monse,  it  may  hu  coiisiduied  a  fac- 
simile copy  of  tho  orijjiiial. 

At  all  events,  the  reader  will  understand,  that  in  reduciufj  tho  size  (»f 
thu  old  maps,  aiul  in  nuxlurni/in^  their  handwridn;^,  I  have  not  made 
my  task  any  easier.  Tho  method  I  have  adopted, and  which  I  think  itt 
an  invontion  of  my  own,  is  no  labor-saving  contrivance.  It  would  havo 
boon  a  far  easier  task  for  me,  to  place  the  ori^jinal  in  the  hands  of  a 
competent  artist,  and  simply  to  liavo  re«pured  of  him  an  exact  and 
faithful  copy. 

I  will  add  nothinjj  to  those  introductory  remarks,  but  the  expression 
of  my  hearty  wisli,  that  tho  manner  in  whii^h  I  havo  performed  the  diili- 
ciilt  work  assi<fiied  to  me,  and  havo  solved  the  many  intricate  problems 
oonnoctod  with  it,  may  prove  to  bo  satisfactory  to  the  members  of  tho 
Historical  Society  of  Maine,  and  to  the  patriotic  citizens  of  tliat  State, 
and  that  they  will  bo  kindly  disposed  to  excuse  its  manifold  imperfec- 
tions. 

BiiEMEN  (Germany),  29  August,  1808. 


I 


[    ■ 

11 

I 

.    Ill 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  COAST  OE  MAINE. 


CHAPTER    I. 

rUYSICAL    FEATUIU'-S    OF    THE    GULF  AND  COAST 

OF    MAINE. 


1.    InTUODUCTOUY    K'liMAUKS. 

TiiK  fii'st  navifrators  and  ox|)l<)rers  of  our  coasts  and  waters 
rt'connoitored,  and  tlio  old  niaiJ-niaktTs  depicted  them,  only 
in  a  very  rou<;li  and  general  niannir.  In  introducing  a 
report  on  tlielr  history  hy  a  liydrograi)hic  descrij)ti(»n,  it  is  not 
my  intention  to  go  into  all  the  details  of  the  subject.  To 
describe  minutely  every  little  harbor  or  island  on  the  coast, 
to  enter  deeply  into  its  geology  and  geography,  in  our  case 
would  be  perfectly  superfluous ;  because  all  these  smaller 
objects,  during  the  period  of  time  which  wo  1  ave  to  examine, 
never  came  into  consideration.  They  were  not  observed  by 
the  first  explorers,  who  from  time  to  time,  often  after  long 
intervals,  appeared  on  our  shores,  sweeping  along  them  in 
good  or  bad  weather ;  and  were  never  represented  on  their 
charts,  or  mentioned  in  their  reports.  They  became  impor- 
tant only  at  a  later  date,  when  our  regions  were  often er 
visited,  and  when  the  nature  and  value  of  every  spot  and 
corner  for  commercial  purposes  or  settlement,  were  better 
estimated.  For  such  a  later  period,  a  more  detailed  examina- 
tion no  doubt  would  become  necessary. 


32 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIKTY. 


Here  it  will  bo  sufficient  and  proper,  to  give  only  a  general 
description  of  the  coast,  and  to  point  out  tliose  very  prom- 
inent [)hysical  features,  wliicli  from  the  b  ^ginning  of  the  dis- 
covery of  America  by  Europeans  came  into  notice,  by  which 
the  old  mariners  and  cosmographers  themselves  vere  struck, 
and  which  can  serve  us  for  the  better  understanding  of  their 
doings,  writings,  and  charts. 


II I 


w 


ll 


2.   Gexehal  Configubatiox  op  tiik  Continent  of  North 

America. 

The  continent  of  North  America,  of  which  the  territory  of 
the  present  State  of  Maine  is  but  a  very  small  part,  may  be 
said  to  form  an  irregular  quadrilateral  region  of  dry  land,  a 
kind  of  rhomboid  of  colossal  proportions  facing  on  all  sides, 
Avith  only  one  small  exception,  the  salt-water. 

This  great  quadrangle  is  broad  in  the  north,  and  somewhat 
con\racted  toward  the  south. 

The  southern  coast-line,  along  the  shores  of  the  American 
Mediterranean  Sea,  and  more  particularly  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  is,  therefore,  not  very  extended.  In  a  rough  meas- 
sure,  and  as  far  as  the  great  mass  of  the  continent  goes,  it  is 
about  1500  miles  long.  And  the  continent,  by  a  long  and 
gigantic  bridge  of  countries,  is  united  there  to  its  sister  conti- 
nent. South  America.  By  this  bridge,  or  isthmus,  the  coast- 
line is  broken,  the  surrounding  waters  interrupted,  and  the 
form  of  the  quadrangle  made  still  more  irregular. 

The  northern  or  arctic  coast-line  runs  from  Behring  Strait 
in  the  west,  to  Labrador  and  the  north  coast  of  Newfound- 
land in  the  east,  where  it  ends  at  Cape  Race.  It  has  an 
enormous  extent  of  more  than  four  thousand  miles,  and 
faces  the  arctic  watt  s,  which,  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
year  are  frozen  over  or  filled  with  icebergs  and  not  navigable. 
Though  upon  the  whole  it  runs  from  west-north-west  to  east 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


33 


south-  ,\'ist,  still  it  is  made  very  irregular  by  great  peninsulas, 
large  islands,  bays,  and  gulfs,  deviating  from  the  general 
trending  of  the  coast-line.  The  large;  and  most  important 
of  these  bays  of  the  arctic  coast  is  Hudson's  Bay.  And  by 
far  the  largest  island  in  its  neighborliood  is  Greenland,  from 
which  the  continent  is  separated  by  the  broad  and  giganttc 
channel  of  Davis'  Strait  and  Baffin's  Bay. 

The  west  'coast  extends  from  Behring  Strait  to  Mexico 
and  to  the  above-mentioned  Central  American  bridge,  or 
isthmus.  It  has,  likewise,  an  extended  length  of  about  four 
thousand  miles,  a  general  trending  from  north  north-west  to 
south  south-east,  facing  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  many 
peninsulas  and  gulfs,  which  project  beyond  the  general  coast- 
line. The  largest  of  them  are  the  peninsulas  of  California, 
the  gulf  of  the  same  name  in  the  south,  and  the  peninsula  of 
Alaska  and  Behrincp's  Sea  in  tlie  north. 

The  east  coast  of  North  America  extends  from  Cape 
Florida  in  the  south,  to  Cape  Race  in  the  north,  with  a 
general  length  of  about  two  thousand  miles.  It  is,  on  the 
whole,  pretty  straight-lined,  and  has  a  general  trending  from 
south-west  to  north-east,  facing  tiie  Atlantic  Ocean.  It, 
therefore,  more  exactly  should  be  called  tiie  south-east  coast 
of  North  America.  But  for  brevity,  v  e'may  be  allowed  to 
adopt  the  name  east  coast. 


3.  The  four  Great  Gulfs  of  the  East  Coast  of  North 

America. 

On  the  east  coast  of  North  America,  of  which  the  terri- 
tory of  the  State  of  Maine  forms  a  prominent  part,  are  five 
projecting  points,  or  peninsulas,  which  stand  out  more  to  the 
east  of  the  general  coast-line. 

1.  In  the  south,  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  of 
Florida. 


u 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


I)    ; 


2.  The    broad   peninsula  of  North    Carolina,  ending  in 
Cape  Hatteras. 

3.  The    peninsula  of  New    England,  running  out   with 
Cape  Cod. 

4.  The  great  hammer-like  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia, 
offering  a  long  coast  to  the  ocean. 

5.  The  south-western  peninsula  of  Newfoundland,  pro- 
jecting to  the  east  with  Cape  Race. 

These  peninsulas  and  capes  form  and  hold  between  them 
four  large  gulfs  or  bays,  namely,  the  following : 

1.  Between  Cape  Florida  and  Cape  Hatteras  is  a  broad 
:and  not  very  deep  gulf,  which  has  its  most  interior  part  on 
the  coast  of  the  State  of  Georgia,  and  which  we,  therefore^ 
might  call  the  Gulf  of  Georgia. 

2.  To  the  north  of  it,  between  Cape  Hatteras  and  the 
peninsula  of  New  England,  is  included  a  similar  not  very 
deep  gulf,  which,  from  the  principal  State  and  port  on  its 
shores,  might,  perhaps,  be  called  the  Gulf  of  New  York. 

3.  Between  Cape  Cod  and  Nova  Scotia  is  formed  a  some- 
what smaller,  but  more  marked  gulf,  on  which  we  shall 
have  to  treat  here  somewhat  more  particularly. 

4.  By  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland,  and  Canada  is  con- 
fined a  gulf,  which  has  only  two  narrow  outlets  to  the  south 
and  north  of  Newfoundland,  is  nearly  everywhere  sur- 
rounded by  land,  and  might,  therefore,  be  called  a  Mediter- 
ranean Basin.  It  has  a  somewhat  square  form,  and,  there- 
fore, in  ancient  times,  was  called  "  Golfo  quadrado "  (the 
square-shaped  gulf).  After  the  discovery  of  the  River  St. 
Lawrence  emptying  into  it,  it  obtained  the  name,  Gulf  of 
St,  Lawrence. 

The  discovery  and  history  of  all  these  gulfs  is  more  or  less 
connected  with  the  history  of  the  gulf  and  coast  of  Maine, 
which  stands  in  the  midst  of  them.     I  shall,  therefore,  have 


mil 

i 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


85 


to  allude  to  them  often,  and  it  was  necessary  to  point  them 
out  in  a  general  way,  and  to  state  under  what  names  I 
intended  to  mention  them. 

I  now  will  try  to  delineate  somewhat  more  particularly 
the  principal  features  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  as  far  as  they 
are  of  interest  to  us. 


4.   Name  op  the  Gulf  between  Cape  Cod  and 
Nova  Scotia. 

The  gulf  between  Cape  Cod  and  Nova  Scotia,  though  it 
forms  a  very  marked  and  peculiar  piece  of  water,  has,  up  to 
this  day,  no  generally  adopted  name.  Usually,  in  our  geo- 
graphical works  and  maps,  it  is  left  without  any  name  what- 
ever. 

The  first  Spanish  desci'ibers  of  this  coast  sometimes  used 
for  it,  as  will  appear  hereafter,  the  name,  "Arcipelago  de 
Tramontana"  (the  Northern  Archipelago),  or,  from  the  first 
Spanish  explorer,  "  Arcipelago  de  Gomez"  (the  A.rchipelago 
of  Gomez). 

The  old  French  fishermen,  who  visited  it  sometimes,  from 
the  great  banks,  probably  gave  to  it  the  name  "The  Gulf" 
or  "  Sea,  of  Norumbega,"  which  latter  was  their  name  for 
the  country  stretched  out  along  our  gulf. 

At  a  later  time,  when  the  English  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts was  established,  the  name  "Bay  of  Massachusetts" 
was  introduced,  and  sometimes  applied  to  the  entire  gulf, 
though  this  name  at  present  is  usually  given  to  only  a  small 
section  of  it. 

Because  the  gulf  is  formed  by  the  peninsula  of  New 
England,  and  because  the  principal  Staies  and  harbors  of 
New  England  stretch  along  its  coasts,  the  name  of  "  Gulf  of 
New  England"  would  be  a  very  proper  appellation. 

The   name,    "Gulf  of  Maine,"  was  proposed  and   used 


86 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


1J  ■'!■ 


in  the  year  1832  by  tlie  Edinburgli  Encyclopedia,*  and  in 
more  modern  times  by  officers  of  the  United  States  Coast 
Survey.  This  name  is  particularly  appropriate,  because  the 
State  of  Maine  stretches  along  the  inner  parts  of  the  gulf, 
and  occupies  by  far  the  greater  section  of  its  coasts,  and 
especially  those  which  are  most  characteristic  of  these  waters. 
Moreover,  Maine-built  vessels  and  Maine  sailors  are  the  most 
numerous  coasters  of  the  gulf.  And  last,  but  not  least,  the 
name  is  shorter  and  more  euphonious  than  all  the  others, 
and  probably,  therefore,  will  soon  come  into  general  use. 

For  these  reasons  I  am  inclined  to  adopt  in  my  work  the 
name  of  "Gulf  of  Maine,"  though,  for  the  sake  of  variety, 
I  v^Y  also,  in  some  cases,  use  the  name  of  "  Gulf  of  New 
England." 


5.    Size    and    General   Configuration  of   the    Gui.f    of 

Maine. 

The  Gulf  of  Maine  has  a  much  more  marked  form  and 
figure  than  the  two  other  great  gulfs  of  the  United  States 
mentioned  above.  Its  principal  body  begins  in  the  north  at 
Cape  Sable,  with  the  rectangular  or  square-shaped  southern 
end  of  Nova  Scotia.  From  Cape  Sable  the  coast-line  runs 
for  some  distance  to  the  north-west,  and  a  continuation  of 
this  line  strikes  the  coast  of  Maine  at  Quoddy  Head,  at  the 
distance  of  somewhat  more  than  one  hundred  miles  from 
Cape  Sable. 

From  Quoddy  Head,  the  general  line  of  the  coast  runs  for 
about  160  miles  as  far  as  Cape  Elizabeth,  to  the  west  south- 
west. But  there  it  begins  to  trend  more  decidedly  to  the 
south-west  and  south,  and,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  it  turns 
round  to  the  south-east  and  east  toward  Cape  Cod  and  the 

*  See  the  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia,  Philadelphia  edition,  1832,  by  Thos. 
Parker.    Vol.  XVm,  p.  263.    Article,  "  United  States." 


THE   COAST  OF  MAINE. 


87 


Nantucket  Shoals,  forming  in  this  manner  a  kind  of  semi- 
circular line  of  about  1,50  miles  in  length. 

Cape  Sable  and  the  peninsula  of  Cape  Cod  may  be  called 
the  outposts  or  entrance-capes  of  the  gulf.  They  are  about 
230  miles  distant  from  each  other.  And  this  may  be  con- 
sidered the  base-line,  or  the  breadth  of  the  gulf.  From  this 
base-line  to  the  inner  parts  of  the  gulf  at  the  coast  of  Maine 
is  about  a  distance  of  120  miles,  which  may  be  called  the 
depth  of  the  gulf. 

Summing  up  this,  the  Gulf  of  Maine  may  be  described 
as  a  square-shaped  or  somewhat  semicircular  basin,  of  a  depth, 
from  south-east  to  north-west,  of  120  miles  ;  and  of  a  width 
or  breadth,  from  north-east  to  south-west,  of  about  230  miles. 

Everywhere  in  old  reports  and  charts  of  the  east  coast  of 
America,  where  we  meet  in  our  latitudes  a  semicircular  bay 
of  about  the  said  size  and  figure,  we  may  presume  that  the 
Gulf  of  Maine  has  been  meant. 

From  this  regular  form  adopted  for  it,  the  Gulf  of  Maine 
shows,  however,  one  very  remarkable  deviation  or  exception. 
The  "square"  or  "semicircle"  is  not  closed  in  the  north- 
east corner.  There,  on  the  contrary,  the  basin  opens  and 
runs  out  between  the  north-eastern  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  south-eastern  coast  of  New  Brunswick,  into  a  broad  and 
long  appendage  or  bay,  which  again,  at  its  eastern  end,  sepa- 
rates into  two  narrow  branches,  running  out  toward  the 
north  and  east. 

This  somewhat  hidden  bay  appears  to  have  been  very 
little  known  to  the  early  Spanish  and  French  official 
explorers  of  our  coast.  It  is  not  clearly  indicated  in  the 
reports  of  Verrazano  (1524),  nor  in  those  of  Gomez  (1525). 
But  we  find  on  the  first  old  Spanish  maps,  in  the  latitude 
where  it  ought  to  be,  names  like  these:  "Riohondo"  or 
fondo  (a  deep  river),  or  "Bahia  honda"  or  fonda  (a  deep 


\l 


if 


i!li 


'■ 


88 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


bay);  or  "Golfo"  (a  gulf);  once,  also,  "La  Baliia  de  la 
Eiist'iiada "  (the  bay  of  the  deep  inlet).  I  presume  that 
these  were  Sj)aiu.sh  names  for  that  bay.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  earlv  Portuguese  and  French  fishermen  of  the  Great 
Bank  also  visited  and  knew  this  bay,  so  rich  in  fish.  We 
see  it  depicted  on  their  charts,  but  without  a  name.  After- 
ward, from  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
French  gave  to  it  the  nama  "  La  Bayo  Frantjoiso "  (the 
French  Bay).  But  this  name  has  disappeared,  probably 
because  it  was  not  acceptable  to  the  English  settlers.  The 
present  name  of  the  gulf  is  "Bay  of  Fundy,"  which,  how- 
ever, on  maps  of  the  seventeenth,  and  early  part  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  especially,  is  written  "  Bay  of  Funda."  I 
believe,  therefore,  that  this  modern  name  grew  out/rom,  and 
is  a  revival  of,  the  old  Spanish  name,  "  Bahia  fonda." 

If  we  unite  the  Bay  of  Fundy  with  its  two  interior 
branches,  and  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  taking  them  as  a  whole, 
we  may  say,  that  the  entire  piece  of  water  in  its  configura- 
tion is  very  much  like  the  figure  of  a  colossal  turnip  with  a 
broad  head,  a  small  body,  and  two  thin  roots. 

6.  Soundings. 

The  soundings  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  and  the  nature  of 
its  submarine  bottom,  have  not  for  us  a  very  urgent  interest. 
We  will  enter  into  their  examination  only  so  far  as  is 
necessary  to  prove,  that  there  existed  in  this  gulf  no  great 
obstacles  to  navigation  ;  that  it  was  rather  inviting  for  the  old 
mariners ;  and  that  they  easily,  and  without  great  danger, 
might  sail  from  one  end  of  the  gulf  to  the  other  in  all 
directions. 

The  entire  central  parts  of  the  gulf  between  the  penin- 
sulas of  Nova  Scotia  and  New  England  present  a  large 
sheet  of  navigable    water  of  a  mean    depth  of  about    one 


THR  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


39 


Imndred  fathoms.  This  depth  comes  very  near  to  the  shores 
of  the  continent.  Tlie  fifty-fathom  line  runs  nearly  every- 
where along  the  coast  at  a  distance  of  only  about  sixteen 
miles,  and  sometimes  comes  much  nearer.  In  this  respect, 
the  Gulf  of  Maine,  in  comparison  with  the  two  other  great 
gulfs  of  the  United  States,  is  quite  peculiar.  At  the  south 
of  Capo  Cod,  in  the  "Gulf  of  New  York,"  the  fifty-fathom 
line  remains  at  a  distance  of  more  than  sixty  miles  from  the 
coast. 

From  the  fifty-fathom  line  the  soundings  in  the  Gulf  of 
Maine  decrease  very  gradually  toward  the  rocky  coasts  to 
twenty  and  ten  fathoms.  This  latter  depth  enters  into  many 
bays  and  i  ilets,  and  runs  sometimes  deep  into  the  interior  of 
the  country,  We  may  say,  therefore,  that  the  cliffs,  islands, 
and  rocky  ?liores  of  Maine  are  everywhere  surrounded  by 
navigable  ana  convenient  soundings  of  a  middling  depth. 

7.  Thk  P^ishing  Banks  and  Shoals. 

From  the  bottom  of  the  ocean,  surrounding  the  coast  of 
Maine  and  the  neighboring  countries,  rise  several  large  and 
small  more  or  less  elevated  plateaus,  the  surface  of  which  lies 
not  very  deep  under  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  which  are  called 
banks. 

The  most  extended  of  these  pl'-teaus  or  banks  begins  oppo- 
site Newfoundland,  to  the  east  of  it.  It  stretches  out  in  its 
greatest  length  north  and  south  from  about  50°  to  42°  north 
latitude,  with  an  average  breadth  of  about  150  miles,  and  has 
been  called,  from  time  immemorial,  "  The  Great  Bank,"  or 
*'  The  Grand  Bank  of  Newfoundland." 

From  the  middle  parts  of  this  great  bank  a  long  chain  of 
smaller  banks  runs  out  to  the  west  and  south-west  a  long  way. 
This  chain  begins  on  the  south  of  Newfoundland  with  the 
St.  Peter's  Bank,  having  the  smaller  Whale  Bank  and  Green 


40 


MAINK   llISTOIiK^AL  SOCIKTV 


Bank  to  the  south  of  it.  To  tlio  south  of  Cape  Breton  Island, 
stands  tlie  Middle  Bank  and  the  Banquereau.  To  the  south 
of  Nova  Seotia  stands  Sable  Island  Bank,  with  the  remarka- 
ble island  of  tlie  same  name,  and  further  to  the  south-west, 
Iloseway  and  Le  Have  Bank,  formerly  also  called  Brown's 
Bank. 

The  western  end  of  tliis  chain  of  banks  approaches  the 

Gulf  of  Maine  in  the  George's  Bank,  and  still  nearer  in  the 

Nantucket  Shoals  at  the  east  of  the  j)eninsula  of  Cape  Cod  ; 

.{ind  enters  this  Gulf  in  Jeffrey's  liank  and  Jeffrey's  Ledge 

along  the  coasts  of  New  Hampsliire  and  Maine. 

All  these  banks,  having  pretty  deep  water  above  them,  are 
generally  no  obstacle  to  navigation.  Only  a  few  very  shoal 
places  on  the  Great  Bank  are  an  exception  ;  and  also  that 
sandy  low  Sable  Island,  famous  for  its  dangers  and  ship- 
wrecks. St.  George's  Bank  has  also  some  bad  shoals,  and 
the  Nantucket  Shoals  form  a  whole  nest  of  rips  dangerous  to 
navio-ation.  Also  on  "  Cashe's  Ledge,"  in  the  midst  of  tlie 
Gulf  of  Maine,  a  few  dangerous  soundings  have  been  dis- 
covered. 

All  the  said  banks,  more  particularly  the  "  Great  Bank," 
are  the  breeding-places  of  innumerable  little  animals,  which 
serve  as  food  for  several  sorts  of  fish.  Herring,  salmon, 
haddock,  and  other  valuable  fish  resort  to  them  in  great 
numbers.  But  above  all,  the  most  important  of  them,  the 
cod.  called  by  the  French  "  La  Morue,"  by  the  Italians 
"  Merluzzo,"  by  the  Germans  "  Kabeljau,"  by  the  Spaniards 
and  Portuguese  "  Bacallaos." 

This  most  historical  of  all  the  fishes  of  the  sea  has  its  prin- 
cipal habitat  through  the  whole  northern  half  of  the  Atlantic 
Ocean,  from  the  coasts  of  Europe  between  50°  and  60°  north 
latitude  to  the  coasts  of  America  from  58°  down  to  42°  north 
latitude.     On  the  coasts  of  Europe  in  Norway,  Germany, 


TIIK  COAST  or  MAINK. 


41 


Fmnco,  Groat  Britain,  tlio  Slietlandx,  etc.,  it  was  liuuti'd 
alitor  by  tho  Hshortnoii  of  tlioso  coiintrios  from  time  imme- 
morial ;  and  also  for  a  very  lon;^  time  in  the  vicinity  of  lee- 
land,  where,  principally  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth 
centuries,  and  also  before  and  after,  it  was  the  standard 
article  of  commerce.  At  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century  the 
western  end  of  the  cod-fish  reijion  on  the  above-mentioned 
banks  of  North  America  was  discovered,  which,  in  richness 
of  fish,  surpassed  all  the  rest,  and  which  soon  attracted  there 
the  French,  the  Bascpies,  the  Portuguese,  and  also  the  Eng- 
lish fishermen,  merchants,  and  navigators  in  great  numbers  ; 
so  that  the  cod-fish  gave  occasion  for  the  better  exploration 
and  settlement  of  these  regions. 

The  chain  of  cod-fishing  banks,  which,  as  I  have  said, 
ended  in  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  led  the  European  repeatedly  to 
the  coasts  of  Maine,  to  Cape  Cod,  and  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy ; 
which  latter  bay,  in  this  direction,  was  about  the  last  refuge 
and  hiding-place  of  the  every-where  hunted  cod-fish. 


8.  Currents.  , 

On  the  details  of  the  currents  in  the  Gulf  of  Maine  we 
have  as  yet  very  little  exact  knowledge.  The  general  move- 
ment and  tendency  of  the  waters  in  this  basin,  I  believe,  may 
be  described  thus : 

The  cold  arctic  current  comes  down  in  a  south-western 
direction  along  the  south-east  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  as  far  as 
Cape  Sable.  From  this  cape  it  continues  its  initial  direction, 
setting  across  the  broad  entrance  line  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine, 
and  drawing  with  it  the  waters  of  the  south-west  coast  of 
Nova  Scotia  from  Bryer's  Island  to  Cape  Sable,  which  there, 
consequently,  will  run  in  a  south-eastern  direction,  uniting 
themselves  with  the  arctic  current. 

This  arctic  current  pursues  its  south-westftrn  course  toward 


1 

i  mm 

1 

1 

S ' 

H 


'  \ 


42 


MAINR  HISTOHIOAL  80CIKTY. 


Capo  Cod  and  the  great  submarine  plateaus  or  hanks  to  tluj 
east  of  tliis  capo.  Hy  tliese  banks  and  cai)es  the  current  in 
probably  divided,  and  partly  turned  ott'.  Tlie  principal  body 
moves  onward  with  its  initial  direction  along  the  south  coast 
of  New  Enirland.  Hut  one  branch  of  it  turns  to  the  north- 
west  and  north  along  the  coasts  of  Massachusetts  and  Maine  ; 
80  that  in  this  manner  a  somewhat  circular  movenusnt  of  the 
waters  takes  place  in  the  basin  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  I  will 
only  add  the  renuirk,  tliat  the  soundings,  being  deepest  in  the 
midst  of  the  gulf,  appear  to  support  and  prove  this  view. 

The  north-westerly  and  northerly  current  along  the  coasts 
of  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Maine,  has  been 
proved  by  actual  ex])erimont  of  the  ofHcers  of  the  United 
States  Coast  Survey,  who  have  made  reganling  it  the  fol- 
lowing observati  >n :  "  Our  experiments  have  revealed  the 
existence  of  a  coast-current  sweeping  along  the  westerly  part 
of  Cape  Cod  Bay,  and  there  taking  a  course  northward.  At 
first  it  is  feeble,  but  it  gathers  considerable  strength  further 
to  the  north."* 

The  existence  of  such  a  current  may  liave  influenced  the 
reports  and  charts  of  early  navigators  not  acquainted  with  it, 
and  not  bringing  it  into  account.  Sailing  from  the  north 
along  our  coast,  and  being  retarded  by  the  current,  such  a 
navigator  would  be  inclined  to  think  his  latitude  to  be  more 
southerly  than  it  really  was,  and  consequently  would  put  on 
his  map  Cape  Cod,  for  instance,  under  a  more  southern  lati- 
tude than  it  has. 

The  Gulf-stream  from  Florida  runs  at  some  distance  alonor 
the  coast  of  the  United  States  from  ^outh-west  to  north-east. 
Many  navigators  sailed  along  with  it  without  knowing  it. 
Arriving  with  the  Gulf-stream  in  sight  of  Cape  Cod  and 


*  See  this  in  the  Coast  Survey  Report  of  the  year  1860,  p.  43. 


TIIK  COAST  OP  MAINE. 


43 


the  Niuitucket  Sliouls,  they  would  also  ho  inrHiitMl  to  give 
to  this  capo  a  more  soutlu'rly  latitude  than  it  has.  We, 
therefore,  in  exuniinin*;  tiie  old  charts,  should  always  have  in 
mind  the  direction  of  these  coast-currents  and  their  prohahie 
influence  on  the  operations  and  on  tho  charts  of  the  old 
navigators. 

9.   TiDKS. 

The  rise  and  fall  of  tho  tides  in  the  Gulf  of  l\rainc  and 
alonff  its  shores  are  known  to  be  very  great.  They  are  the 
hiirhest  on  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  United  States,  and 
those  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  i)erhaps  the  highest  on  the  globe. 

The  spring  tides  on  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine  some- 
times have  a  rise  and  fall  of  more  than  twenty  feet,  and  in 
the  interior  parts  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  even,  it  is  said,  of 
more  than  fifty  feet.  Throughout  the  whole  Gulf  of  Maine 
they  may  be  said  to  have  a  mean  rise  and  fall  of  ten  feet. 

These  high  tides  begin  at  once  north  of  Cape  Cod  penin- 
sula, and  end  at  once  at  the  south  of  it ;  so  that,  for  instance, 
the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  at  the  north  of  Cape  Cod,  has  a 
mean  rise  and  fall  of  more  than  ten  feet,  whilst  the  harbor  of 
Hyannis  at  the  south  of  it,  and  only  a  few  miles  distant  from 
Plymouth,  has  but  a  mean  rise  and  fall  of  about  three  feet ; 
and  from  there,  these  low  tides  are  found  along  the  entire 
coast  develoj)ment  of  the  United  States,  as  far  down  as 
Cape  Florida,  generally  decreasing  in  this  direction,  and 
only  exceptionally  at  some  places  (for  instance.  Now  York) 
increasing  again,  though  they  nowhere  arrive  to  the  height  of 
the  tides  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  So  that  this  gulf,  also,  in 
this  respect  is  marked  among  all  the  waters  of  the  United 
States,  and  makes  quite  an  exceptional  and  peculiar  feature. 


*  See  upon  this  the  Tide-table  in  Coast  Survey  Report  of  the  year  1863, 
p.  80. 


44 


MAINK   IlIHTOUK^AIi  HOCIKTY. 


Thorn  ]\\fr]\  tidos  inako  i\u>  inlt'ts  aii<l  rivors  of  Maine 
iiavipil)Io  for  lar^n  vessels  as  lii^^li  as  their  lowest  falls,  where 
they  are  arresti'd.  'i'hcy  carried  the  vessels  of  early  navi- 
j^ators  as  hi^li  up  into  the  interior  as  these  falls.  'I'hey  also, 
ill  iiio(h'ni  times,  prohahly,  have  facilitated  the  business  of 
Hhi|)-I)uilding,  onu  of  tlio  principal  trades  of  the  population 
of  Maine. 


10.    Climate,  Tkmi'kkatuuk,  "Winds,  Fo(jm. 

The  Gulf  of  Maine  may  bo  said  to  lie  between  the  lati- 
tudes of  42°  and  4i)°  north.  The  territory  of  the  State  of 
Maine  extends  about  two  degrees  further  north.  It  is  the 
most  northern  amoni;  the  States  of  the  east  coast  of  the 
Union.  The  nature  of  its  climate  inclines  more  to  the 
countries  north  of  it  (Nova  Scotia,  New  Brunswick,  etc.) 
than  to  the  States  south  of  (^ape  Cod.  This  cape,  also,  in 
that  resj)ect  marks  a  very  strikin<i;  division.  The  neighboring 
countries  to  the  sor  of  it  (Rhode  Island,  etc.)  have  a  much 
milder  climate  tlui  se  to  the  north.     Even  the  waters  at 

the  north  of  Cape  Cou,  throughout  the  entire  Gulf  of  Maine, 
are,  particularly  in  summer-time,  remarkably  colder  than 
those  in  the  south,  though  in  latitude  they  differ  only  by  a 
few  minutes.  The  arctic  current  branches  off  into  the  Gulf 
of  Maine  and  circulates  in  it,  whilst  the  warm  Gulf-stream  is 
directed  to  the  more  southerly  coast  of  New  England,  and 
warms  its  Avaters. 

All  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  and  particularly 
those  of  the  State  of  Maine,  like  Canada,  have  a  climate  of 
extremes.  The  temperature  is  said  to  range  between  100° 
above  and  30°  below  zero  of  Fahrenheit,  and  even  more.  The 
frosts  of  winter  are  nearly  uninterrupted,  and  the  lakes  and 
rivers  may  be  passed  on  ice  from  the  beginning  of  December 
to  the  beginning  of  April.     The   harbors  on  the   coast  of 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


45 


Maine,  ospocially  that  of  I'ortliuid,  art-  usually  <>lH'n  tlirou^li- 
out  till'  yt-ar.  Tlu*  C'anafliau  lino  of  Hritisli  SteanirrH  make 
Portland  tlu-ir  winti^'  j)«»rt.  Tlu*  I'ntiro  lino  of  sra-coast, 
howi'vur,  has  a  sonu'wliat  more  niotlcrato  cliniato  and  tem- 
perature, l)ein<;  eooler  in  sunmier  and  warmer  in  winter  than 
the  interior  parts. 

The  country,  therefore,  was  little  soujiht  afti'r  for  settle- 
ment by  the  nations  of  southern  Europe.  The  Spaniards 
always  considered  it  to  be  a  too  northern  and  little  inhabi- 
table country,  even  when  they  had  settlements  on  the  coast 
of  Florida,  Cie<)r<>;ia,  ami  South  Carolina.  And  the  French 
and  Kurdish  at  first,  likewise,  turned  their  eyes  to  the  more 
promising  South.  The  French  very  early  tried  settlements 
in   Florida,  and  the  Ent^lish  in  North  ('arolina  and  Vir}j;inia. 

With  respect  to  her  northern  sister  countries  (Nova  S(!otia, 
Canada,  Labrador,  etc.),  Maine  is  a  more  southern  country. 
The  Fren(di,  after  havin<;  in  vain  tried  some  j)lantations  in 
Canada  in  the  be<rinning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  resorted 
to  Maine  as  being  milder,  and,  for  some  time,  tlumght  to  give 
it  the  preference  to  Canada.  And,  in  times  of  old,  the 
Northmen  came  down  from  Iceland  and  Greenland  to  New 
England,  to  make  it  their  favorite  country,  calling  it  "  the 
good  country." 

South-westerly  winds,  coming  from  the  Atlantic  and  from 
the  Gulf-stream,  >varm  the  waters  and  shores  of  the  Gulf  of 
Maine,  whilst  north-westerly  winds,  coming  from  Canada  and 
the  coldest  region  of  North  America,  lower  the  temperature. 
North-westerly  gales  come  down  sometimes  with  great  fury 
from  the  mountains  and  woods  in  the  interior,  being  the  most 
dreaded  winds  in  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  We  hear  of  the 
influence  of  north-western  gales  even 'in  the  time  of  the 
Northmen. 

The  Gulf  and  coast  of  Maine,  like  other  countries  to  the 


46 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETy. 


f-m  1 


HI 


I: 


! 

I;  I 
'I  i 

'I! 

.1  : 
P  i 


I 


north-enst,  liave  always  been  famous  for  their  fogs.  They  are 
often  so  thick  and  dense,  tliat  sometimes  the  coast  and  its 
inlets  are  hidden  by  them  for  several  weeks.  Particularly 
the  opening  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy  from  time  to  time  is  closed 
by  a  bank  of  fog  lying  before  it  Mke  a  wall. 

The   cause  of  these  fogs,  j)robably,  is  to  be  found  in  the 
warm  and  cold  currents  of  water  and  air  mixing  and  meeting 
each  other  in  these  regions.     The  fogs  take  j)lace  with  south- 
erly winds,  coming  from  the  warm  Gulf-stream,  oftener  than 
with  any  other  wii  d.     They  being   warm  and  moist,  and 
falling    ipon  the  cold  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  are  con- 
densed and  show  their  watery  contents.     Northerly  winds, 
coming  from  the  dry  country,  and  being  more  of  the  same 
temperature  with  the  cold  water  of  the  gulf,  will  clear  away 
these  fogs.     But  they  do  this  Duly  as  far  as  the  cool  water  of 
the  Gulf  of  Maine  and  of  the   arctic  current  extends.     As 
soon  as  they  enter  th*    warmer  column  of  air  above  the  Gulf- 
stream  water,  they,  of  course,  produce  these  fogs  by  cooling 
and  condensing  the  air. 

In  examining  the  history  of  the  c^  ;ly  navigators  we  must, 
also,  have  in  mina  the  accidents  and  en'ors  occasioned  by 
the  fogs.  It  is  possible  that  such  a  large  and  broad  water  as 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  for  a  long  lime  was  not  depicted  on  the 
official  maps  of  the  European  kings,  because  their  official 
explorer,  at  the  time  of  his  arrival,  could  not  recognize  it 
from  such  a  bank  of  fog  bemg  stretched  out  like  a  range  of 
mountains  before  its  entrance.  In  the  same  manner  in  mod- 
ern times  Sir  James  Ross,  in  Lancaster  Sound,  believed  he 
saw  mountains,  where  there  were  but  fogs,  and  depicted  this 
sound  as  land-locked,  whilst  it  had  the  widest  open  w  iter  in 
the  world.  ♦ 


';; 


m\  I 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE, 


47 


11.  Deviation  op  the  Magnetic  Needle. 
The  deviation  of  t)'e  matjnetic  needle  in  our  days  amounts, 
in  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  to  a  variation  of  from  thirteen  to 
fourteen  degrees  we?,t.  The  variation,  of  course,  has  been 
different  at  different  times,  and  tlirough  the  course  of  centu- 
ries. As  the  old  navigators  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centurie?  were  little  acquainted  with  this  deviation,  and  could 
not  bring  it  into  account,  tJieir  tracks  and  courses,  and  also 
their  coast-lines,  were  not  truly  laid  down  on  their  charts. 
In  examining  their  old  charts  we  should  have  this  always  in 
mind,  though  perhaps  it  would,  from  other  reasons,  not  be 
worth  our  while  to  try  to  fix'the  amount  of  magnetic  varia- 
tion for  every  period  of  time,  and  to  make  out  how  it  may 
have  influenced  and  injured  the  observation  of  every  old 
explorer  and  the  correctness  of  his  chart. 


12.    Capes,  Headlands,  Peninsulas,  Indentations. 

The  continental  region  bordering  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of 
Maine  presents,  throughout,  an  elevated  hilly  and  rocky 
country,  built  up  by  volcanic  action,  and  presenting  granite, 
syenite,  and  several  other  eruptive  or  metamorphic  rocks, 
alternating  with  silurian  strata,  fossiliferous  limestone,  and 
argillaceous  schists. 

The  rivers  coming  out  from  the  interior,  the  waves  and 
tides  of  the  ocean,  ice  and  snow,  and  other  eroding  agencies, 
have  worked  upon  the  sofler  substances,  and  have  scooped 
out  along  the  coast  an  innumerable  quantity  of  friths,  head- 
lands, narrow  peninsulas,  high,  sharp-projecting  points,  necks, 
islands,  reaches,  bays,  and  coves,  with  which  the  coast  is 
lined  and  serrated. 

These  numberless  indentations  are  quite  a  peculiar  and 
characteristic  feature  of  the  coast  of  Maine.     No  other  sec- 


48 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


Hi     ' 


tion  of  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  United  States  has  a  similar 
cliaracter  and  configuration.  Only  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
Union,  along  the  shores  of  the  more  northern  British  pos- 
sessions, do  we  find  coast-lines  which  offer  the  same  singular 
aspect ;  and  it  is  remarkable  enough,  that  they  are  nearly 
all  in  the  same  position  with  respect  to  the  ocean  as  that 
portion  of  the  coast  which  we  have  in  view. 

The  south-eastem  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia,  Cape  Breton 
Island,  and  Newfoundland  are  all  serrated,  indentated,  torn 
to  pieces,  and  ragged  like  the  coast  of  Maine  -,  and  they  all, 
like  this,  face  the  broad  ocean  and  are  open  to  its  action: 
whilst  the  northern  and  western  sliores  of  these  same  coun- 
tries, which  are  turned  to  the  interior  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
and  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  are  much  more  rounded  or 
straightened,  without  a  great  number  of  deep  friths  and  head- 
lands. It  would  appear  from  this,  that  the  waves  and  tides 
of  the  ocean  have  been  among  the  principal  agencies  by 
which  those  indentations  were  scooped  out. 

We  find,  however,  very  similarly  indentated  coasts  through- 
out all  the  cold  regions  of  the  north,  as  well  on  the  eastern 
as  on  the  western  side  of  America  ;  and  again  in  Greenland, 
Iceland,  and  also  in  northern  Europe,  in  Scotland,  Scandi- 
navia, etc.  Then,  again,  we  find  them  in  the  cold  regions  of 
the  South,  in  the  Strait  of  Magellan,  in  Patagonia,  Terra  del 
Fuego,  the  Falkland  Islands,  etc.  It  is,  therefore,  very 
probable,  that  ice  and  snow  and  the  action  of  the  glaciers 
had  something  to  do  with  their  formation. 

It  is  impossible,  and  also  unnecessary,  to  mention  and 
describe  here  all  the  innumerable  capes,  spits,  and  necks  of 
our  coast.  I  will  enumerate  only  those  which,  during  the 
period  of  its  early  history,  appear  to  have*  come  into  considera- 
tion and  to  have  got  a  noted  name. 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


49 


1.  Cape  Cod.  Tlie  peninsula  of  New  England,  at  tlie 
south  of  our  gulf,  witli  a  pointed  angle,  runs  far  out  to  the 
east,  and  projects  much  beyond  the  general  line  of  the  east 
coast.  It  ends  with  a  narrow,  low,  sandy,  more  or  less  hilly 
piece  of  country,  called  Barnstable,  or  Cape  Cod,  peninsula. 
This  peninsula  turns  with  a  still  narrow^er  spit  of  land  like  a 
hook  to  the  north,  and  ends  with  q,  crooked  headland,  at 
present  called  Cape  Cod. 

The  whole  may  be  considered  as  forming  the  entrance- 
cape  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  By  several  islands  to  the  south 
of  it,  particularly  by  Nantucket  Island,  and  then  by  several 
dangerous  banks  and  shoals,  called  the  Nantucket  Shoals, 
stretchino;  out  still  further  toward  the  east  and  into  the 
ocean,  the  whole  locality  is  made  more  prominent;  and  from 
the  beginning  of  navigation  it  must  have  been  a  very 
striking  and  remarkable  object  for  all  the  mariners  sailing 
along  the  coast.  On  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  United 
States  only  one  cape  (Cape  Ilatteras)  exists,  which  may  be 
compared  to  Cape  Cod  with  respect  to  conspicuousness  and 
importance  in  the  history  of  navigation. 

Cape  Cod  could  scarcely  escape  observation  by  any  navi- 
gator coming  along  our  shores  from  the  north.  Those 
coming  from  the  south  sometimes  may  have  been  turned  off' 
from  the  coast  by  the  Gulf-stream  without  getting  in  sight  of 
the  cape.  Cape  Cod,  therefore,  usually  has  been  descried 
from  the  north.  The  Northmen,  the  Spar.iard  Gomez,  the 
French  under  De  Monts,  the  English  under  Gosnold,  were 
all,  sailing  from  north  to  south,  arrested  .>y  this  cape. 

The  Northmen  compared  the  crooked  figure  of  the  cape  to 
the  prow  of  a  vessel,  and  called  it  "  Cape  Shipsnose '' 
(Kialarnes).  The  Spaniards  were  frightened  by  the  dan- 
gerous slioals  at  the  south-east  of  it,  and  named  it  "  Cabo  de 
Arecifes"  (Cape  of  the    Riffs).     The   French  and   Dutch 


1 


60 


MAINE  HI8T0EICAL  SOCIETY. 


1 

'^H 

l|| 

i 

M 

M 

'ii 


y'  I- 


were  struck  by  tlie  appearance  of  its  sandy  white  bluffs, 
wliicli  shine  far  out  into  the  sea,  and  named  it  sometimes 
the  White  Cape,  or  the  White  Hook  (Cape  Blanc,  Witte 
Hoeck).  An  English  captain  at  last,  from  the  fish  which 
he  caught  there,  gave  to  it  its  present  name,  "  Cape  Cod." 

In  the  course  of  our  investigations,  we  shall  have  occasion 
often  to  refer  to  this  cape,  which  occupies  so  prominent  a 
fin;ure  in  the  naviccation  of  the  coast,  and  which,  when  we 
meet  with  it  on  the  old  charts,  gives  us  useful  hints  concern- 
ing them,  and  enables  us,  sometimes,  to  trace  the  routes  of 
the  navigators. 

2.  Cape  Ann.  From  Cape  Cod  along  the  shores  of  our 
gulf  to  the  north,  we  find  no  other  more  prominent  point  than 
Cape  Ann,  the  extreme  point  of  the  rocky  peninsula  of  Essex 
county.  It  is  high  and  conspicuous,  and  was  probably  often 
seen  by  early  navigators.  I  believe  that  I  have  found  some 
traces  of  it  in  the  reports  of  the  old  Northmen  on  our 
coast,  and  I  suppose  that  it  was  the  same  cape,  which,  at  a 
later  date,  the  Spaniards  called  "  Cabo  de  Sta  Maria" 
(St.  Mary's  Cape). 

3.  Cape  Elizabeth.  Cape  Elizabeth,  in  its  configuration, 
elevation,  and  appearance  somewhat  similar  to  Cape  Ann,  is, 
in  several  respects,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  points  on  our 
coast. 

First,  it  stands  out  several  miles  beyond  the  general  line 
of  the  coast  to  the  sea,  and  is  very  conspicuous.  Then  it 
makes  a  change  in  the  direction  of  the  coast-line,  which, 
as  far  as  this  cape,  runs  more  northerly,  and  then,  with 
an  obtuse  angle,  it  turns  more  to  the  east.  At  the  same 
time,  it  marks  a  change  in  the  condition  and  nature  of  the 
coast.     To  the  south  of  Cape  Elizabeth,  among  the  rocky 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


61 


necks  and  spits,  arc  sometimes  to  be  found  low  sandy  beaches. 
But  bey(md  Cape  Elizabeth,  to  the  north-east,  these  sandy 
beaches  totally  disappear,  and  everything  is  converted  into 
innumerable  cliffs,  necks,  tongues,  and  islands.  From  this  it 
appears  possible,  that  it  was  this  cape  which  the  Spaniards 
called  "Cabode  muchas  islas"  (cape  of  the  many  islands), 
and  which  they  so  often  depicted  on  their  charts  somewhat  to 
the  west  of  Penobscot  Bay.*  It  is,  however,  also  possible, 
that  tho  neighboring  cape,  "  Bald-head,"  surrounded  on 
both  sides  by  numerous  islands,  was  meant  by  that  old 
Spanish  name. 

The  rest  of  the  many  capes  and  spits  on  the  coast  of 
Maine  are  so  much  alike,  that  none  of  them  can  bo  called 
strikingly  prominent.  None  of  them  have  been  so  often  men- 
tioned and  so  clearly  designated  by  the  old  navigators,  as  to 
enable  us  to  recognize  and  identify  them.  I  omit,  therefore, 
a  particular  description  of  them. 

4.  Cape  Sable.  The  southern  part  of  Nova  Scotia  forms 
a  broad  square-shaped  peninsula.  It  runs  out  under  a  more 
or  less  right  angle,  the  extreme  point  of  which  is  called,  from 
very  old  times,  "  Cape  Sable."  It  forms  the  north-eastern 
entrance-cape  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  being  distant  from  its 
south-eastern  entrance-cape  (Cape  Cod)  about  230  miles. 
The  cape  must  have  been  noticed  at  a  very  early  time  by 
navigators  sailing  along  the  coast.  On  very  old  maps,  made 
in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  we  find  sometimes 
depicted  in  these  latitudes  of  our  coast  a  square-shaped  piece 
of  country  corresponding  with  that  soutl^-eastern  end  of 
Nova  Scotia,  and  we  therefore  conclude  that  Cape  Sable  was, 
in  such  cases,  meant.     Soon  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 


*  The  numerous  islands  in  Casco  Bay,  lying  north-east  of  Cape  Eliza- 
beth, give  peculiar  app'  opriateness  to  the  Spanish  name.— Ed. 


^ 


52 


MAINE  HISTOUICAL  SOCIETY. 


century  we  have  a  Portuguese  map,  on  which  Cape  Sahle 
is  unmistakably  indicated  uiuler  its  present  name,  wliich 
j)robal)ly  was  given  to  it  by  tlie  old  Portuguese  or  French 
fishermen  from  the  Great  lianks. 

13.  Islands. 

The  islands  alonn;  the  coast  of  Maine  are  innumerable. 
All  the  bays  and  inlets  are  full  of  them.  In  one  bay  (that 
of  Casco)  have  been  counted  as  many  as  there  are  days 
in  the  year.  The  islands  are  of  all  sizes,  some  quite  large, 
others  small  and  diminutive.  Many  being  elevated,  rocky, 
covered  with  trees  and  meadows,  serve  mucli  to  diversify  and 
embellish  the  aspect  of  the  coast.  They  run  in  a  nearly 
uninterrupted  chain  plong  the  entire  coast  from  Cape  Eliza- 
beth in  the  west,  to  Quoddy  Head  in  the  east.  Some 
of  them,  having  pretty  high  mountains,  serve  as  landmarks 
to  navigators.  For  instance,  the  hills  of  Mount  Desert, 
which  are  elevated  Jo  more  than  fifteen  hundred  feet,  can  be 
seen  at  sea  from  a  great  distance.  Some  of  the  small  islands 
stand  somewhat  out  from  the  coast,  lonely  and  lost  in  the 
midst  of  the  ocean.  The  water  between  them  is  generally 
deep  and  favorable  for  navigation.  There  are  not  many 
hidden  rocks  and  treacherous  heads  half  covered  by  water. 

These  rocky  islands  and  islets  form  a  most  characteristic 
feature  of  the  coast  of  Maine.  And  every  early  visitor 
appears  to  have  been  struck  by  them.  They  are  mentioned 
in  the  first  description  of  the  coast  by  the  French  captain 
Verrazano,  in  the  year  1524.  They  are  also  depicted  in  the 
first  descriptive  chart  of  Maine  Avhich  we  possess,  that  of  the 
Spaniard  Ribero,  made  after  the  journals  of  the  navigator 
Gomez. 

No  other  section  of  the  entire  coast  of  the  United  States 
is  found,  which,  in  respect  to  islands,  headlands,  indenta- 


THE  COAST  OF  MAINE, 


58 


tlons,  and  particularly  to  the  nuinbLT  of  rocky  islets,  can 
be  compared  to  the  coast  of  Maine.  On  the  south  of  Capo 
Cod,  all  the  coasts  of  the  United  States,  as  far  down  as 
Florida,  are  low,  sandy,  uniform,  and  have,  instead  of  islands, 
sandy  lonrr-stretched  benches,  which,  thoun;h  tliey  may  bo 
separated  by  water,  are  not  easily  rec()<;nized  aw  islands. 

If,  therefore,  we  see  on  an  old  chart  of  the  United  States 
a  chain  of  coast-islets  depicted  in  about  our  latitude,  we  have 
a  right  to  presiune  that  the  coast  of  Maine  was  intended. 
Without  those  islands,  the  historian  would  often  have  great 
difficulty  in  determining  the  locality. 


14.    IIauhors.  Bays,  axo  Inlkts. 

The  coast  of  Maine  all  along  is  full  of  excellent  harbors, 
safe  ports  of  refuge,  and  beautiful  bays.  The  harbor  of 
Portland,  in  the  south-western  part  of  tho  State,  is  one  of 
the  best  of  the  entire  Atlantic  coast.  From  thence  toward 
the  north-east  there  exists,  in  fact,  every  mile  or  two,  a 
roadstead  or  open  inlet  for  a  ship  to  run  into  ;  whilst  at  the 
south  of  Cape  Cod,  along  the  greater  part  of  the  east  coast  of 
the  United  States,  continuous  sandy  shores,  like  a  rarely 
broken  bulwark,  stand  against  the  shelter-seeking  vessel ; 
deep  harbors  being  an  exception.  Probably,  therefore,  the 
old  Northmen  from  Iceland  and  Greenland,  when  they  came 
down  to  the  south  to  cut  wood  and  barter  furs  for  their 
northern  countries,  did  not  dislike  these  coasts.  And  like- 
wise the  fishermen  of  the  Great  Banks,  long  before  the 
settlement  of  the  country,  may  have  often  resorted  to  them 
for  shelter  and  refuge. 

The  most  striking  and  widest  open  bays  on  the  coast  are 
Penobscot  and  Passamaquoddy  ;  and  they,  in  early  times, 
may  have  been  explored,  entered,  and  used  before  the  -rest. 
We  find  them  indicated  on  some  very  early  maps,  when  no 


ii 


B>    Ii 


t 


54 


MAINE  IirSTORICAIi  SOCIETY. 


otlier  l)!iy  wliatever  is  indiciitod  on  thorn.  That  very  re- 
niiirkahle  Ciisco  Bay,  with  tho  harljor  of  Portland,  may  also 
soniuti:n'.a  bu  rcco^iiiized  on  old  charts. 

15.   RiVEKS. 

Tho  territory  of  tho  State  of  Maine  forms  a  rouo;h  and 
liilly  plane  inclined  toward  the  ocean  from  north  to  south. 
Its  principal  rivers,  therefore, — the  St.  Croix,  the  Penobscot, 
tho  Kennebec,  the  Saco, — follow  more  or  loss  this  direction. 
None  of  them  are  very  long,  and  beiii*^  obstructed  by  many 
ra])ids  and  falls,  oven  down  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  sea, 
are  also  not  very  far  navigable.  They,  consequently,  have 
not  occasioned  or  flicilitated  discoveries  into  tho  interior,  as 
the  St.  Lawrence,  the  Hudson,  tho  Mississippi,  etc.,  have 
done. 

The  greatest  exce})tion  to  this  is  the  Penobscot,  by  far  the 
most  important  river  of  the  State.  It  drains  the  entire 
central  part  of  Maine.  All  its  heads  and  tributaries  are 
included  in  the  territory  of  the  State,  and  this  territory  may 
be  considered  as  having  attached  itself  from  all  sides  to  this 
river  system.  Tho  State  of  Maine  might  be  called  the 
Penobscot  country,  this  river  being  its  main  artery. 

Tho  Penobscot,  at  its  mouth,  forms  the  largest  and  most 
beautiful  of  all  the  numerous  bays  or  inlets  of  the  coast,  a'ld 
is  very  deep  and  navigable  for  the  largest  vessels  about  sixty 
miles  from  the  ocean  upward  to  the  city  of  Bangor,  where 
tides  and  vessels  are  stopped  by  rocks  and  falls. 

The  widely  open  mouth  attracted  the  attention  of  all  the 
exploring  navigators  sailing  along  the  coast,  and  it  was  visited 
by  the  Spaniards  on  their  first  exploring  expedition  to  our 
regions.  We  see  it  depicted  on  the  Spanish  maps  as  the 
longest  river  of  the  whole  region,  and  they  gave  to  it  names 
like   the  following :    "  Rio  Grande "    (the  great  river),  or 


TIIK  COAST  OF  MAINE. 


55 


"Rio  licrmoso"  (the  boautiful  river).  And  tlic  principal  of 
tlio  ourly  S[)iini.sli  ex;<*  ror  of  these  repjions,  (ionu'/,,  loft  his 
name  to  this  river,  whioh,  ])erhaps,  he  considered  to  be  one  of 
his  most  important  discoveries.  It  was  sometimes  called 
"Ilio  de  Gomez"  (the  river  of  (iomez).  It  was  afterwards 
often  visited  by  French  navigators  and  fishermen  from  the 
Oreat  Bank,  and  tiiey  appear  to  have  built  tiiere,  before  the 
year  1555,  a  fort  or  settlement,  which  must  liave  been  the 
first  European  settlement  ever  made  on  the  coast  of  Maine.* 
The  Iidians  of  Maine,  also,  thought  highly  of  this  river. 
Their  principal  chief,  according  to  the  well-known  Captain 
John  Smith,  an  early  English  describer  of  the  coast  of 
Maine,  resided  on  its  shores  ;  and  even  now,  when  every- 
where else  in  Maine  the  Indians  have  disappeared,  the  few 
remnants  of  them,  the  little  Penobscot  tribe,  cling  to  the 
borders  of  this  their  old  beloved  principal  canoe-trail. 

Tiio  Kennebec,  in  size  and  importance,  is  the  second  river 
of  Maine.  Its  chief  artery  runs  down  from  north  to  south 
like  that  of  the  Penobscot,  and  has  a  very  similar  develop- 
ment and  course.  It  is  navigable  for  sca-eoing  vessels  about 
fifly  miles  upward.  But  its  mouth  is  hidden  among  many 
inlets  and  necks  of  land  very  similar  to  each  other,  and  not 
as  easily  recognized  as  the  widely  open  mouth  of  the  Penob- 
scot. The  Kennebec,  in  its  lower  section  (called  "Saga- 
dahoc"), was  not  found,  therefore,  till  a  later  time,  and 
came  not  much  into  notice  during  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Saco,  and  the  Piscataquis, 
a  wide  and  deep  river,  which  at  present  forms  the  boundary 
between  the  States  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire. 

The  St.  Croix  River,  in  the  greater  part  of  its  course, 
separates  the    State  of  Maine   from   the   province  of  New 


*  See  upon  this  chapter  XI,  paragraph  1,  of  this  volume. 


i 


I 


,% 


MAINIC  HISTORICAL  SOUIKTV. 


Finuiswick.  It  ends  with  a  v  idt'ly  ()}»"ii  luoiith,  tlu?  Pussii- 
iiiiKluoddy  Hiiy,  idivady  iiioiitioiicd. 

Ah  nciirly  idl  tliu.so  rivers,  jKirticuIui'ly  tlic  l\'n<)l)sc()t  uiul 
tlu!  St.  (Jroix  at  tlieii*  hroad  inoutlis,  look  so  ^nuid  and  proiii- 
isinir,  tlicy  wcrvs  tliou^^lit,  Uy  early  discoverers,  to  have  heeii 
much  lar^'cr  than  they  really  are,  and  as  they  had  their  heads 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  they  sometimes 
were  taken  as  hranclies  or  outlets  of  this  river,  and  have 
heen  de|)icted  as  such  on  old  maps.  Nay,  some  old  discov- 
erers and  ^eo<i;ra pliers  had  the  idea  that  tlu'y  were  oceanic 
passa<ijes  or  cliannc^ls  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  western  sea, 
whi(di  they  suspi>(;ted  to  bo  very  lu^ar  to  the  west  of  Maine, 
as  we  shall  have  occasi(jn  to  show  more  particularly  here- 
after. 

This  short  review  of  the  j)hysical  features  of  the  coast  of 
Maine  contains,  ^  believe,  all  that  is  wanted  for  the  under- 
standing of  the  earliest  history  of  Its  discovery.  In  a  volume 
on  the  history  of  sul)se(pient  times,  the  subject  should  bo 
taken  up  again  more  in  detail. 


0' 
s  ^ 


! 

! 


CHAl'TKR    II. 

THE  DISUOVKIUKS  OF  TIIK  NOIITIIMKX  I\  NOIITII-EAHTERN 
AMEUICA  DUKINMi  THE  MIDDEE  A(JE* 


1.  Intiiodim  louv  Ukmauks. 

TiiK  pirc'ilt  contiiicnt.s  of  our  globe  run  out  toward  the 
South  Polo  in  two  pointed  [)eninsulas,  sepsirated  from  each 
other  by  broad  deserts  of  water  ;  whilst  on  toward  the  North 
I'dIc  the  dry  land  becomes  l)roader,  and  the  ocean  is  cut  up 
into  several  more  or  less  contracted  straits,  gulfs,  and  arms  of 
tlie  ocean. 

The  human  race,  spreading  itself  over  the  habitable  surface 
of  the  globe,  had,  therefore,  much  more  facility  in  discov- 
ering and  taking  [tossession  of  one  piece  of  country  after 
another  in  the  north,  than  in  the  south.  Between  the  north- 
east of  Asia  and  the  north-west  of  America  remains  but  a 
narrow  channel,  "  Behring  Strait;"  and  here  some  have  sup- 
posed the  first  discovery  of  the  American  continent  by  an 
Asiatic  race  must  have  taken  place,  and  that  America 
here  received,  by  an  immigration  from  the  East,  her  first 
inhabitants. 

Between  the  north-east  of  America  and  the  north-west  of 
Europe  the  waters  are    much  broader.     But  liere    several 


*  Nearly  all  of  what  I  state  and  relate  in  t'lis  chapter  is  Viken— sometimes 
liter.illy — from  the  excellent  work,  "  Autiquitates  Americanm,  Hafniie, 
(Copenhagen),  1837,"  written  and  collected  by  C.  C.  Rafn,  except  some 
general  remarks,  and  the  observations  on  the  old  history  of  the  coast  of 
Maine,  which  are  my  own. 


T 
I 


I 


I 


['•ill 


I'  'I 


\m " 


V 


I 


58 


MAINE  lUSTOUlCAL  HOCIKTY. 


jHMiinsulas  and  IsIiiikIh  luv  toiiiul,  tormiii^  a  chain  of  stations 
for  tliornninuinication  of  tlio  old  and  new  world. 

From  tli((  Wi'st  Indies,  tlio  lineortlif  Aniorican  east  coast 
runs  in  a  nortli-eastern  direction  ;  and  tVoni  tlu;  hi<;h  north, 
tho  coast  of  arctic  America  and  Lahrador  come  down  in  a 
south-eastern  course,  forming'  a  j^reat  peninsula,  of  wlilch 
Newfoundland  is  the  most  eastern  point,  stretching  fur  out 
toward  JCurope. 

Not  very  far  from  this  north-eastern  American  peninsula, 
the  southern  |»art  of  the  ^reat  island  t)f  (Jreenland  presents 
itself;  and,  fin'ther  on,  Iceland,  the  Fanie,  and  the  Shetland 
group,  all  separated  from  each  other  hy  sections  of  the  ocean, 
which,  under  favorahle  circumstances,  even  by  small  craft, 
may  easily  he  passed  in  a  few  days'  sailin*;. 

Scandinavia  and  Great  Hritain,  also,  stretch  from  the  body 
of  Euroj)e,  like  colossal  arms  |)rojecting  into  tho  ocean  toward 
the  north-west,  approaching  tho  above-mentioned  parts  of 
America  and  the  islands  between. 

The  territory  of  tho  State  of  Maine,  the  particular  object 
of  our  researches,  forms  a  part  of  tliat  large  north-eastern 
peninsula  of  America.  It  stands  exactly  w^here  the  Amer- 
ican east  coast  very  decidedly  takes  a  turn  toward  Europe ; 
and  it  may,  therefore,  have  been  affected,  in  a  high  degree, 
by  all  the  migrations,  voyages,  discoveries,  and  conquests 
which,  from  the  remotest  times  to  our  century  of  telegraphs 
and  cables,  have  been  the  connecting  links  of  commerce, 
navigation,  and  interconr^c  between  the  East  and  the  West. 

Perhaps  long  '  anv  annals  weie  written,  some  people 

may  have  EuroRH'  along  the  stations  of  this 

great  ^  ^-a,  and  from  America  to  Europe. 

The  Si  .ity  111  am  -.  and  rac"  existing  among  the  abo- 
rigines or"  the  north  of  Europe  '^the  Laplanders,  Samoyedes, 
etc.)  and  those  of  the  north  of  America  (the  Esquimaux)  is 


MAINK   niRTOTlK'AIi  ROCIETY. 


no 


not,  pcrlmps,  alono  u  consoqtionco  of  cliinnto  nnd  nntural 
(•inMiinstinKM'H  i'X|)('n<'nc('(l  l)y  both  races.  The  mounds  and 
fortificiitions  discovi'ivd  in  America,  and  the  ohl  instruments 
used  hy  the  nations,  which,  hef'ore  our  Indians  of  the  present 
day,  had  taken  p«issession  of  tiie  country,  are  so  similar  to 
the  ohjects  of  tiiis  kind  found  in  Nortiiern  Em-ope,  tliat  this 
simihirity  can  scarcely  ho  otherwise  exphiined  than  hy  a 
diri'ct  interc(ujrse  htitween  the  races. 

The  Roman  liistorians  reported,  at  least  in  one  case,  of 
some  stran<:;e  jH'ople  havin;<;  come  over  from  the  West  in  a 
boat,  and  liavino;  appeared  on  some  coast  of  Northern  Europe. 
From  what  nation  and  country  these  stran<;crs  came,  nohody 
knew  ;  perhaps  they  were  fishermen  driven  hy  storm  from 
the  Shetlands  or  Farile,  or  from  distant  "  Tinde,"  perhaps 
even  Es(|uimaux  from  Greetdand  or  Labrador.  Several 
cases  of  the  arrival  of  boats  with  straufje  people  from  the 
west,  in  Scotland  and  other  ])arts  of  Northern  Europe  have 
been  mentioned.*  Durinff  the  innumerable  centuries  of  the 
existence  of  the  human  race,  such  events  may  have  happened 
many  times.  In  the  same  manner,  vessels  from  Europe  may 
have  been  driven  by  storms  to  the  west  ;f  and  so  population 
may  have  become  dispersed  from  island  to  island,  and  from 
one  continent  to  the  other. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  western  and  northern  parts  of  the 
British  islands  appear  to  be  the  first  Europeans  who  have — 
at  least  by  tradition — sustained  a  claim  to  the  discovery  of 
American  countries  in  the  West.  It  is  said  that  Madoc,  a 
prince  of  Wales,  in  the  year  1170,  had  found  islands  in  the 


*  See  upon  this,  Humboldt,  Kritische  TJntersuohungen,  vol.  1,  pp.  470- 
476.    Berlin,  1852. 

t  An  example  of  a  European  (French)  fisher-boat,  said  to  have  been 
driven  in  early  times  (in  the  year  1501)  from  Europe  to  Canada,  is  quoted 
by  Humboldt,  1.  c.  p.  472. 


I    i 


I  I 


u 


ii^il 


! 


CO 


MAINK  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


far  -western  parts  of  the  ocean.*  And  then  we  liave  an  old 
tradition  cf  Irishmen  having  gone  to  tlie  west  and  fonnd 
there  a  beautiful  country  in  which  they  settled,  lived  for  a 
long  time,  and  left  their  progeny.  But  this  myth  is  put  into 
a  more  southern  reo;ion  of  America, — Florida  and  South 
Carolina ;  the  exami)»ation  of  its  probability  belongs  to  the 
mythological  history  of  those  States. f 

The  fiict,  also,  that  we  find  the  Irish  before  any  European 
nation  in  Iceland,  is  more  interesting  for  our  subject.  Irish 
Christians  aio  the  first  Europeans  which  well-ascertained 
history  shows  us,  were  inuni<>;rants  and  inhabitants  of  this 
large  island ;  and  if  wo  consider,  as  some  do,  Iceland  as 
being  American  ground,  Ave  ought  to  say  that  the  Irish  were 
the  first  well-proved  discoverers  of  some  part  of  America. 
At  what  time  the  Irish  arrived  in  Iceland  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained. When  the  Northmen  arrived  there  in  the  year  860, 
they  found  some  of  these  Irish  there,  designated  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian Chronicles  by  the  name  of  "  Papas." 

2.  Discovery  op  Iceland  and  Greexland. 

The  Northmen,  in  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  had 
commenced  a  strong  emigration  from  their  own  country  ; 
they  took  possession  of  the  Shetlands,  the  Faroe,  and  the 
islands  of  the  northern  part  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  had 
become  the  most  powerful  sea-faring  nation  on  the  ocean 
border  of  the  north-west  of  Europe.  They  made  conquests 
and  gathered  plunder  in  every  direction. 

But,  for  us,  the  most  interesting  branch  of  their  activity 
was  that  which  conducteu  them  to  the  no^th-eat^t  of  America. 


*See  upon  tliis,  William  Owen,  The  Cdmbdan  BiograpllJ^  p.  233. 
TiOiidon,  1803. 

'See  on  this,  Eafn,  Antiquitates  Americana),  p.  449.  Hafnipc  (Copen- 
hagen), 1837. 


MAINE  HISTGIIICAL  SOCIETY. 


Gl 


In  tills  direction  tlicy  fonnd  connti'ies  wliicli  were  cither 
iininlu.  )ited,  or  inliabited  by  barbarous  tribes.  The  North- 
men licre  could  not  destroy  so  much  as  in  civilized  Europe, 
which  they  ravaged  and  plundered.  But  they  created  new 
settlements,  and  introduced  European  spirit  and  enterprise. 

Naddod,  a  Scandinavian,  called  the  Sea-king,  in  the  year 
SGO,  and  Gardar,  a  Dane,  soon  after,  arc  said  to  have  been 
the  first  Northmen  who,  driven  by  storms,  came  in  sight  of 
Iceland,  and  rcconnoitered  it.  '^\\o  good  news  which  they 
brouirht  Jiome  from  it  induced  others  to  follow  their  track- 
and  the  Northman,  Ingolf,  in  the  year  874,  was  the  first  who 
.settled  there.  He  and  his  men  found  there  the  Christian 
Irishmen,  the  "Papas"  or  "  Papar,"  whom  they  dispos- 
sessed and  drove  out,  until  none  were  left  before  the  over- 
w^helming  invasion  of  these  new-comers. 

The  settlements  of  the  Scandinavians  in  Iceland,  and  their 
expeditions  to  that  country  in  the  following  years,  increased 
in  number ;  and,  in  the  year  877,  another  north-east  storm 
drove  one  of  those  Icelandic  settlers,  called  GunnbjiJrn,  still 
further  to  the  north-west,  to  Greenland,  another  unknown 
country,  which  he  appears  to  have  seen  only  at  a  distance. 
It  was  a  long  time  before  any  other  adventurer  followed  in 
his  track.  The  Northmen  had  enou2;h  to  do  with  their 
settlements  in  Iceland,  and  the  "country  of  Gunnbjorn" 
(Greenland),  existed  for  nearly  a  century  only  in  tradi- 
tion. A  rock  between  Iceland  and  Greenland  has  ever 
since  retained  his  name,  being  called  "  Gunnbjorn's  Skjar  " 
(Gunnbjorn's  rock). 

At  last,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  986,  Eric  the  Red 
sailed  from  Iceland  with  the  intention  of  seekinc  for  Gunn- 
bjorn's  country.  Having  found  it,  he  established  a  settle- 
ment, "  Brattalid,"  in  a  bay  which,  after  him,  was  called 
"Eric's    Fiord."     He   found   the   country   pleasant,  full  of 


62 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


meadows,  and  of  a  milder  climate  tlian  the  more  northern 
Iceland.  }lc  gave  to  it  the  name  "  Greenland,"  saying  that 
this  would  be  an  inviting  name,  which  might  attract  other 
people  from  Iceland  to  join  his  colony.  Another  adventurer, 
named  Heriulf,  soon  followed  him,  and  established  himself 
near  a  southern  promontory  of  Greenland,  which  after  him 
was  called  "  Heriulfsniis,"  situated  not  far  from  our  present 
"Cape  Farewell." 


!i 


th 


II 


ii! 


ji  ! 


3.  FiuHT  Discovery  op  New  England. 

The  above-mentioned  Heriulf  had  a  son,  Biarne,  wdio,  at 
the  time  his  father  went  over  from  Iceland  to  Greenland,  had 
been  absent  on  a  trading  voyage  in  Norway.  Returning  to 
Iceland  in  990,  and  finding  that  his  father,  with  Eric  the 
Red,  liad  gone  to  the  west,  he  resolved  to  follow  Lim  and  to 
spend  the  next  winter  with  him  in  Greenland. 

They  boldly  set  sail  to  the  south-west,  but  having  encoun- 
tered northerly  storms,  after  many  days'  sail  they  lost  their 
course,  and  when  the  weather  cleared,  they  descried  land, 
not,  however,  like  that  described  to  them  as  "  Greenland." 
They  saw  that  it  was  a  much  more  southern  land,  and  cov- 
ered with  forests.  It  not  being  the  intention  of  Biarne  to 
explore  new  countries,  but  only  to  find  the  residence  of  his 
father  in  Greenland,  he  improved  a  south-west  wind,  and 
turned  to  the  north-east,  and  put  himself  on  the  track  for 
Greenland.  After  several  days'  sailing,  during  which  he  dis- 
covered and  sailed  by  other  Avell-wooded  lands  lying  on  his 
left,  some  high  and  mountainous,  and  bordered  by  icebergs, 
he  reached  Heriulfsniis,  the  residence  of  his  father,  in  Green- 
land. His  return  passage  occupied  nine  days,  and  he  speaks 
of  three  distinct  tracts  of  land,  along  which  he  coasted,  one 
of  which  he  supposed  to  have  been  a  large  island. 

That  Biarne,  on  this  voyage,  must  have  seen  some  part  of 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


63 


the  American  east  coast,  is  clear  from  his  haviiio;  hecn  driven 
tluit  way  trom  Iceland  by  nortiierly  gales.  We  cannot  deter- 
mine with  any  certainty  what  part  of  our  coast  he  sighted, 
and  what  was  the  southern  extent  of  his  cruise.  But,  taking 
into  consideration  all  circumstances  and  statements  of  the 
report,  it  appears  probable  that  it  was  part  of  the  coast  of 
New  England,  and  perhaps  Cape  Cod,  which  stiinds  far  out 
to  the  east.  One  day  and  night's  sailing  with  a  favorable 
Avind,  was,  in  Iceland  and  Norway,  I'eckoned  to  be  about  the 
distance  of  thirty  German  miles.  Two  days  and  "  nights," 
therefore,  would  be  sixty  German  miles,  and  this  is  about  the 
distance  from  Cape  Cod  in  New  England  to  Cape  Sable  in 
Nova  Scotia.* 

The  second  country  seen  by  Biarne  would,  then,  probably 
have  been  Nova  Scotia.  The  distance  from  Nova  Scotia  to 
Newfoundland  is  about  three  days'  sail  ;  and  from  New- 
foundland to  the  southern  part  of  Greenland,  a  Northman 
navigator,  with  fresh  breezes,  might  easily  sail  in  four  days, 
and  thus  Newfoundland  was  probably  the  third  country  dis- 
covered by  Biarne. 

The  results  of  the  expedition  of  Biarne  may  be  stated  to 
have  been  these :  He  was  the  first  European  who  saw, 
although  from  a  distance  and  very  cursorily,  some  parts  of 
the  coasts  of  New  England,  Nova  Scotia,  and  Newfound- 
land. He  also  probably  crossed  the  Gulf  of  jNIaine,  without 
stopping,  however,  to  explore  its  waters,  or  giving  them 
names. 


:'^ 


!: 


4.    Voyages  of  Leip,  Erik's  Son,  and  First  Settlement 

IN  New  England. 

Biarne,  of  course,  spoke  to  his  father  and  to  the  Green- 
land colonists  of  all  that  had  happened  to  him,  and  of  the 


*  The  German  mile  a  little  exceeds  four  Euylisb  miles.— Ed. 


TT 


w 


I* 


I 


i 


lip 
III 


t  !'■■ 


64 


MAINE  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


larire  tracts  of  country  he  by  chance  liad  seen.  Afterwards 
(probably  in  tlie  year  094)  wlicn  he  returned  to  Norway, 
and  s])oke  tliere  also  of  his  adventures,  he  was  blamed  by 
many  for  not  having  examined  the  new  found  countries  more 
accurately. 

In  (Ireonland,  too,  whither  he  soon  returned,  there  was 
also  much  talk  about  undertakinG;  a  voyage  of  discovery  to 
the  south-west.  Lcif,  the  son  of  Erik  the  lied,  the  first  set- 
tler in  Greenland,  having  bought  Biai'ne's  ship  in  the  year 
1000,  efjuippcd  her  with  a  crew  of  thirty-five  men,  among 
whom  was  Biarne  himself,  they  Avent  out  on  Biarnc's  track 
toward  the  south-west.  They  came  first  to  that  land  which 
Biarne  had  seen  last,  which,  as  I  have  said,  Avas  probably  our 
Newfoundland.  Hero  they  cast  anchor  and  went  on  shore, 
for  their  voyage  w^as  not  the  search  of  a  son  after  his  father, 
but  a  decided  exploring  expedition. 

They  found  the  country  as  Biarne  had  described  it,  full  of 
ice-mountains,  desolate,  and  its  shores  covered  with  large 
flat  stones.  Leif,  therefore,  called  it  "Ilelluland"  (the 
stony  land). 

After  a  brief  delay  they  pursued  their  voyage,  and  found 
Biarne's  second  land,  as  he  had  described  it,  covered  with 
woods,  with  a  low  coast  and  shores  of  white  sand.  Leif 
named  it  "Markland"  (the  woodland),  our  present  Nova 
Scotia. 

Continuing  their  course,  in  two  days  they  again  made 
land.  They  found  hero  a  promontory  projecting  in  a  north- 
easterly direction  from  the  main  ;  this  pretty  well  corre- 
sponds to  our  present  Cape  Cod.  It  Avas  the  second  time  that 
a  European  vessel  had  sailed  across  the  broad  entrance  of  the 
Gulf  of  Miine,  although  at  a  great  distance  from  the  coast. 

Leif,  rounding  this  cape  to  the  Avest,  sailed  some  distance 
Avestward,    entered  a  bay   or  harbor,  and  went   on   shore. 


ii 


FlUST  SETTLI5MENT  IN  NKVV  ENOLAND. 


65 


Findiiio;  the  country  very  plciisant,  tlicy,  concliicliiif;  to  spend 
the  winter  there,  constructed  some  houses,  and  formed  a 
settlement,  which  was  called  "Leitshudir"  (Leif's  block- 
house, or  dwelling).  It  is,  with  a  great  degree  of  probability, 
supposed  that  this  took  place  on  the  south  coast  of  the 
present  State  of  Rhode  Island,  somewhere  in  Narraganset 
Bay,  i)erhaps  not  far  from  our  present  Newport. 

Leif  and  his  men  from  this  point  made  several  exploring 
expeditions  to  the  interior,  to  gain  a  better  knowledge  of  the 
country.  On  one  of  those  occasions  a  discovery  was  made, 
which  Appeared  to  them  so  extraordinary,  that  the  name 
of  this  country  was  derived  from  it.  Leif  had  amongst 
his  followers  a  good-natured  German,  with  the  name  of 
Tyrker,  who  liad  long  resided  with  Leif's  father  in  Iceland 
and  Greenland,  and  of  whom  he  had  been  very  fond  from 
his  childhood.  This  German,  on  one  of  their  exploring  expe- 
dition.-, lost  his  way  and  was  missing.  Leif,  with  some  of  his 
men,  went  out  in  search  of  him.  But  they  had  not  gone  far, 
when  they  saw  him  stepping  out  from  a  wood,  holding  some- 
thing in  his  hands,  and  coming  toward  them.  Leif  received 
him  Avitli  great  joy,  but  observed  that  his  German  was  some- 
what irritated  and  vmsettled  in  mind.*  Upon  being  ques- 
tioned, Tyrker,  in  a  kind  of  enthusiastic  w^ay,  began  to  say 
something  in  the  German  language,  which  the  Northmen  did 
not  understand.!  At  last  he  said  to  them  in  true  Norse,  that 
he  had  not  been  a  long  way  off,  but  still  he  had  discovered 
something  quite  new.  .  "  I  found  vines  and  grapes  !  "  he 
cried  out ;  showing  them  what  he  held  in  his  hands.  "  But 
is  that  true,  my  friend?"  asked  Leif,  who,  probably,  as  an 
Icelander  and  Greenlander  never  had  seen  fresh  grapes. 
And  then  Tyrker  said,  that  he  well  might  know  that  they 


*"  Han  war  ikke  ret  veil  sin  samling."    Icelandic  Report. 
t "  Han  dreieda  ainene  til  forskellige  sides  og  vraengede  munden." 
5 


GO 


VOYAGES  OF  THORWALD  TO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


were  real  <i^ra])cs,  having  been  born  and  educated  in  a  coun- 
try in  whidi  there  were  plenty  of  vines.  The  Northmen 
collected  many  graj)es,  filling  with  them  their  long-boat. 
This  discovery  was  so  extraordinary,  that  Leif  gave  to  his 
new  southern  country  the  name  of  "  Vinland"  (the  country 
of  vines).  This  name  was  adopted  by  all  his  countrymen, 
and  they  afterward  extended  it  to  the  whole  coast  stretching 
out  to  the  north  as  far  as  Avhat  they  called  "  Marklund " 
(Nova  Scotia). 

Durinij  the  winter  l^eif  and  his  men  observed  that  the  cli- 
mate  of  their  Vinland  was  quite  mild.  They  made  also  the 
observation,  that  the  length  of  the  days  and  nights  in  Vinland 
was  much  more  equal  than  in  Greenland  throughout  the 
year.  On  the  shortest  day  in  Vinland  the  sun  was  above  the 
hori/ou  from  7^  a.  m.  to  4^  p.  m.  This  astronomical  obser- 
vation confirms  the  generally  adopted  view,  that  their  settle- 
ment was  made  in  the  latitude  of  the  southern  part  of  New 
England.  For  the  rest,  they  were  occupied  in  felling  trees 
and  filling  their  vessel  with  wood,  a  product  Avhich,  in  Green- 
land and  Icciland,  was  very  welcome ;  and  in  the  spring 
they  returned  to  Greenland. 

5.  Voyages  axd  Discoveries  of  Tiiouwald,  Erik's  Sox, 

IN  New  Exglaxd. 

Leif 's  "  Vinland  voyage  "  became,  among  the  colonists  of 
Greenland,  a  subject  of  as  much  conversation  and  excitement, 
as  in  later  times  the  discovery  of  Columbus  at  the  courts  of 
Spain  and  England. 

Leif's  brother,  Thorwald,  was  of  opinion,  that  the  new 
country  had  not  been  explored  sufficiently.  He,  therefore, 
borrowed  Leif's  ship,  and,  aided  by  his  brother's  advice  and 
direction,  and  by  some  of  his  men,  commenced  another 
voyage  to  this  country  in  the  year  1002. 


VOYAdES  OF  THOUWALD  TO  NEW  ENGLANP. 


r,7 


He  proluiUly  sailed  on  tlie  tnick  of  Biarnc  aiul  lA'if,  along 
Newfoundland  and  Nova  Scotia,  and  arrived  in  Vinland  at 
"  Leifsbudir"  (in  Narraganset  Bay),  where  lie  and  his  men 
spent  the  winter,  employing  themselves  in  hshihi;-  and  cut- 
ting wood.  In  the  si)ring  of  lOO:},  Thorwald  sent  a  party  in 
the  ship's  long-boat,  on  a  voyage  of  discovery,  the  results  of 
which  were  not  verv  ixieat,  and  have  for  us  not  much  inter- 
est,  because  the  expedition  went,  probably,  pretty  far  to  the 
south,  and  did  not  return  until  the  fall  of  the  year. 

Thorwald  himself,  however,  undertook,  in  the  following 
year,  1004,  another  voyage,  which  has  a  higher  interest  for 
us,  because  it  was  directed  to  the  north,  and  to  the  vicinity 
of  Maine.  • 

Thorwald,  according  to  his  report,  sailed  from  Leifsbudir 
(in  Narraganset  Bay),  in  his  large  ship,  at  first  eastward  and 
then  to  the  north,  "■  around  the  country.''  In  doing  this  the 
keel  of  his  ship  was  damaged  in  a  storm,  and  he  landed  on  a 
promontory,  where  he  remained  some  time  in  re})airing  his 
vessel.  After  this,  "  he  sailed  round  this  spit  of  land,  from 
the  east  to  the  west,  into  the  nearest  frith  of  the  coast." 
The  description  of  this  sail  agrees  very  well  with  the  configu- 
ration of  Cape  Cod  and  vicinity,  which  had  been  seen,  but 
not  named,  on  the  former  voyages  of  Biarne  and  Leif. 
Thorwald,  this  time,  noticed  the  headland  more  minutely, 
and  gave  to  it  the  name  "Kialarnes"  (Ship-nose).  The 
outlines  of  Cape  Cod  make  a  figure  which  is  much  like  the 
prow  of  a  vessel,  particularly  of  a  Northman  vessel.  They 
had  ships  with  a  very  high  and  pointed  nose,  like  the  head 
and  neck  of  a  dragon,  and  were  therefore  called  "dragons." 
This  circumstance  may  have  influenced  Thorwald  to  give 
this  name  to  the  cape,  though  it  is  said  that  the  first  occasion 
for  the  name  was  derived  from  his  repairing  his  vessel  there. 
At  all  events,  the  name  "  Kialarnes,"  so  often  mentioned  in 


1i 


G8 


VOYAGES  OF  TIIOUWALD  TO  NEW  ENGLAND. 


tlie  Scaiiiliiiiiviiin   roport.s,  kept  its  gromul,  bocauso   it  was 
founil  so  appropriate.     The  Scandinavian  reports  sonietinies 
mention    tin's    (ape    nnder  the  simple   name   '' Naeset,"  tlie 
noHi'y  i)rol)al)Iy  because  it  was   the   principal   and   most  pro- 
jectint;    headland  of    their    "Vinland."      This    rei.  urkable 
lieailland,  on   account  of  the  snowy  whiteness  of  its  sands, 
always  attracts  the  attention  of  the  passer-by.*     As  a  promi- 
nent and  important  landmark  it  shows  to  the  navigator  his 
way  on  the  dark  ocean ;  and  so,  in  our  researches  through 
the  dark  ways  of  history,  it  will  serve  us  as  a  guide  when  we 
find  its  uni(|ue  figure  put  down  on  a  chart  by  some  exjjlorer. 
Cape  Cod  may  bo  called  the  very  handle  by  which  to  grasp 
the  hydrographical  features  of  New  England. 

Thorwald  sailed  from  his  "Ship-nose"  toward  the  main 
land,  where  he  came  to  anchor  not  far  from  a  hilly  promon- 
tory overgrown  with  wood,  and  was  so  much  pleased  with 
the  phico  that  he  exclaimed,  "  Here  it  is  beautiful,  and  here 
I  should  like  to  fix  my  abode."  He  met  there  nine  men  of 
the  aborigines  ;  "  eight  of  them  they  killed,  but  the  ninth 
escaped  in  his  canoe."  Some  time  after,  there  arrived  a 
countless  number  of  "Skrellings" — as  the  Scandinavians 
called  the  aborigines,  as  well  of  Greenland  as  of  Vinland, — 
and  a  battle  ensued.  It  was  the  first  battle  and  blood- 
shed between  Europeans  and  the  indigenous  Americans,  of 
which  we  ,liave  any  account.  The  "  Skrellings  "  continued 
shooting  at  Thorwald  and  his  men  some  time,  and  then 
quickly  retired.  After  the  victory,  Thorvvald  asked  his  men, 
whether  one  of  them  had  been  wounded.  Upon  their  deny- 
ing this,  he  said,  "  I  am  !  I  have  an  arrow  under  my  arm, 
and  this  will  be  my  death-blow.  I  now  advise  you  to  pre- 
pare for  your  departure  as  soon  as  possible.  But  me  you 
must  take  to  that  promontory  where  I  thought  to  have  made 

*  See  upon  this,  Eafn,  Antiquitates  Aiuericanai,  pp.  420,  427. 


VOYAOKS  OF  THORWALD  TO  NKW  ENflLAND. 


60 


my  alxxle.  1  was  a  proplict.  For  I  now  shall  dwell  there 
forever.  There  you  shall  bury  uie,  and  plant  there  two 
crosses,  one  at  my  head  and  one  at  my  feet,  and  call  the 
place  'Krossanjes'  (the  j)romontory  of  the  crosses),  for  all 
time  ccmin;;."  Thorwald,  upon  this,  died,  and  his  men  did 
as  he  had  ordered  them. 

The  j)lace  where  they  huried  him  and  erected  the  crosses, 
must  have  been  one  of  the  headlands  not  ,^'ar  south  of  the 
coast  of  Maine.  It  is  su|)posed  that  it  was  noiir  the  harbor 
of  Boston,  and  that  this  first  battle  between  Europeans  and 
American  aboriy;ines  was  fou<i;ht  on  the  same  ^^round  where, 
in  modern  time,  were  foufjht  the  first  battles  of  the  American 
colonists  with  the  Hritish  troops.  The  ca])e,  "  Krossana^s," 
having  a  somewhat  hidilen  position,  is  not  often  mentioned 
in  the  Scandinavian  reports. 

Tliorwald's  men  returned  to  their  companions  at  the  settle- 
ment of  Leifsbudir  (Narraganset  Bay),  and  spent  with  them 
the  following  winter.  But  in  the  spring  of  100"),  having 
collected  a  cargo  of  wood,  furs,  and  gra[)es  (probably  in  a 
dried  state),  they  sailed  again  to  (irreenland,  having  im- 
portant and  sad  intelligence  to  communicate  to  Leif,  Erik's 
son. 

The  results  of  Tliorwald's  exploring  expedition,  for  our 
object,  may  be  summed  up  in  a  few  words.  Thorwald  and 
his  men  staid  on  the  coasts  of  New  England  nearly  two 
entire  years,  principally  occupied  with  cx})lorations.  They 
sailed  along  the  south  coast  of  New  England  toward,  and 
perhaps  beyond,  New  York.  They  recognized  and  described 
more  minutely  the  important  headlanci->»f  Cape  Cod,  and  gave 
to  it  the  appropriate  and  often  mentioned  name,  "Kialarnes" 
(Ship-nose).  They  intended  to  make  an  expedition  along 
the  coast  of  New  England  toward  the  north,  visitino-  the 


^ 


70 


TIIOUFINN'8  VOYACJK  TO  VINLAND, 


slirircs  of  M;iiiu',  hilt  did  lint  coiiii'  in  this  diivction  much 
further  fhiiii  the  hiirhor  of  lio.stoii,  wliorc  thi'ir  ('ominamh'r, 
Thorwiild,  was  killi'd. 


I    n 


.1 


6.  XlNsrcoKssKur-  ArTinn'T  ok   Tiiouhtkix,  Kkik's   Son,  to 

HKACII    "Vi.VIwVNd"    AllAIN. 

Thorstoin,  ICrik's  third  son,  now  resolved  to  proceed  to 
Vinliind  to  ohtaiii  his  hrother's  hody.  Hi'  fitted  out  the  same 
ship  in  which  Iiis  brother  hr.d  saih'd,  mid  seU'cted  twenty-five 
stroll;^  and  ahie  men  for  its  crew.  His  wife,  (inih'ida,  a 
woiuan  of  cneriiy  and  priidi'iice,  accompanied  him.  Hut 
thev  encountered  contrary  winds,  and  wer(!  tossed  about  on 
the  ocean  (bu'lnj;  the  whole  summer,  and  knew  not  whither 
they  wen!  driven.  At  the  close  of  the  first  week  of  winter, 
they  landed  at  one  of  the  western  settlements  of  Greenland, 
where  a  sickness  broke  out  amongst  them,  of  which  Thorstein 
and  many  others  died.  In  the  following  spring,  his  widow, 
(iiidrida,  returned  to  Ericksfiord,  on  the  southern  coast  of 
Greenland. 

7.  The  Voyagk  of  Tuoiifixx  Kaki.skfxk   to  "Vinlaxd," 

AND    A    Xkw    SkTTLK^IKXT    TIIEUK    EFFECTED    BY    HIM. 

In  the  following  summer  of  the  year  1000,  two  ships  arrived 
in  Greejdand  from  Iceland, — one  commanded  by  Thorfiini  and 
Snorre  Thorbrandsen,  tlie  other  by  Biarne,  Grimolf's  son, 
and  Tliorhall. 

Thorfinn  was  a  wealthy  and  powerful  man,  of  illustrious 
lineage.  He  had  the  sirname  Karlsefne  (i.e.  one  who  is 
destined  to  be  a  great  man).  He  fell  in  love  with  Gudrida, 
Tliorstein's  widow,  and  their  marriage  was  celebrated  durinff 

O  CD 

the  winter.  On  this,  as  on  former  occasions,  Vinland  f(n*med 
a  favorite  theme  of  conversation.  Gudrida  j)robably  spoke  to 
lier  new  husband  about  the  project  of  her  former  husband. 


TIIOUKINN'S  V()VA<}K  TO  VINLAND. 


71 


Thorsti'in,  of  a  voyaj^o  to  tlio  south.  Thortinn,  \ir«^tMl  by  liis 
wif't!  and  by  otliors,  resolved  to  iinilcrtakc  such  a  voyat^e. 

In  tlio  sinnmiT  of  1007,  Thorliiiii  i)n'|>aml  tlu-oc  sliips, — 
Olio  coinniiiiKlcd  hy  himself,  another  hy  Hiarne,  (Iriniolf's 
son,  and  Thorhall ;  the  third  hy  Thorwald,  who  had  married 
Kreydina,  a  natural  dau;,diter  of  Erik  the  lied.  They  had  in 
all  (.ne  hundred  and  sixty  nuMi,  and,  it  l)ein<j;  their  intention 
to  cstahlish  a  colony  there,  took  with  thorn  all  kinds  of  live- 
stock. 

Thyy  sailed  from  (ireenland  in  the  spriuf^  of  lOOS,  on  a 
souf  M'ly  coiu'sc  to  llelluland,  and  from  thence  two  days 
further  in  a  southerly  direction  to  Markland. 

From  *'  Markland"  (Nova  Scotia)  they  did  not  n;o  out  to 
the  open  sea  through  tlie  hroad  part  of  the  (}idf  of  Maine,  as 
had  hoen  done  on  the  former  expeditions  ;  hut  they  coasted 
along  a  great  way  "  to  the  south-west,  having  the  land  always 
on  their  starboard,"  until  they  at  length  came  to  Kialarnes 
(Capo  Cod).* 

Thorfiun  and  Gudrida,  in  following  this  track,  probably 
wished  to  find  the  place  where  Thorwald  had  been  buried, 
and  his  crosses  erected,  which  they  of  course  knew  were  to 
be  found  on  the  coast  toward  the  north  of  Cape  Cod.  They, 
no  dcmbt,  had  some  of  Thorwald's  former  companions  on 
board. 

It  appears  from  this,  that  we  have  here  the  first  coasting 
voyage  of  European  navigators  along  the  shores  of  Mr.ine. 
It  was  a  numerous  company  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men 
in  three  vessels,  who,  in  that  year,  had  their  eyes  upon  our 
coast  in  search  of  tlie  cross  of  Thorwald,  all  of  them  strong, 
stout,  and  heroic  fellows.  Unhappily,  their  reports  contain 
no  further  details  of  the  coast. 


*  Fra  Markland  seilede  de  laonge  silnderpaa  langs  med  Landet,  og  kom 
til  at  Naeset.    Landet  laae  paa  skibets  hoire  side. 


I 


;i   ! 


in; 


72 


TM(»I{KINN'S    VOVA(iK  TO    VINI.AND. 


They  cnino  at  lust  to  Ca|H'  Cod,  and  were  struck  at  tliis 
timr  \ty  "l()ii<,'  sandy  ln'aclu's  and  downs,"  and  iiaiiu'(l  tlio 
Btrand  '•  l'nrdii>trandr,"  which  n)ay  ho  transhitcd  "  hcachcs 
of  wondcH'ul  Icn^tli," — our  pri'seiit  "Nauset"  and  ''Chatham 
iicach." 

In  roinidini;  the  hcaclics  toward  the  west,  they  saw  several 
inh'ts,  islands,  and  ton«;ni'S  of  land,  and  met  at  several  places 
stron;;  cnrrents.  On  one  of  the  islands  an  iniinejise  nnnd)er 
of  eidcr-dncks  was  I'uinid,  so  that  it  was  scarcely  possible  to 
walk  there  withont  treadin<;  on  their  e<j;;;s.  They  called  this 
island  "  Stramney"  (the  island  of  currents),  and  to  a  frith 
they  <;ave  tlu!  nanio  of  "  Straundiordr"  (the  iVith  of  the  cur- 
rents). It  is  well  known  that  the  ( Jidf-streani  in  this  rejjjion 
comes  very  ni'ar  to  the  Nantucket  Shoals,  and  causes  ainon<j;st 
them  and  the  neiy-hhorinti;  islands  very  irrej>ular  currents. 

They  landed  in  the  "  frith  of  the  ciu'rents,"  supposed  to  ho 
our  Hu/.zard's  IJay,  and  made  pri'parations  for  a  wuiti'r  resi- 
dence. Hut  Thorhall  the  Hunter,  a  man  whom  ThorHnn 
liad  carried  out  with  him,  left  there  for  the  north  on  discovery, 
and  then  Thorlinn  himself,  with  the  great  hody  of  his  men, 
sailod  westward,  and  entered  the  same  lar^';e  ami  heauliful 
bay,  on  the  l)(jrdors  of  which  Leif  liad  huilt  his  ''Leifshudir." 
Not  far  from  this  spot,  on  the  other  side  of  the  water,  at  a 
placo  which  pleased  him  better,  1'horfinn  now  erected  his  own 
larger  estal)lishment,  named  "  Thorfinns  budir."  It  stood 
near  a  small  recess  or  bay,  by  the  Scandinavians  called  ''  Hop" 
(corner).  On  the  low  grounds  around  this  '' IIo[),*'  they 
found  fields  of  wheat  iirowiuii;  wild,  and  on  the  risin<>'  ijrounds 
plenty  of  vines. 

There,  in  a  beautiful  country,  they  spent  the  following 
winter.  No  snow^  fell,  and  the  cattle  found  their  food  in  the 
open  fields,  as  it  may  be  to-day,  in  the  exceptionally  mild 
climate  of  lihode  Island.      Sometimes  the  aborigines  (Skrel- 


TIIOKI'INNH   VOVAQE  TO   VINLAND. 


/8 


line's)  would  asst'iiihU'  around  tluMn  In  ;;ri«nt  miiulH'r.  TIku*- 
(iiiii  and  his  men  harti'ivd  with  tht-ni  for  their  s(|uirr»d-.skins 
and  other  tiirH.  The  Skridlin^is  Hiu'd  vi'rv  mmu-Ii  the  re<l  eh>tli 
oHereil  Uy  the  foreigners,  and  "-[ave  valyiil>le  furs  for  a  small 
picTO  (tf  red  eloth  not  hroader  than  a  finder's  hreadth,  l»indin<; 
it  round  tht'ir  lieads  like  a  erown.  ThorfMin,  also,  caused  his 
women  to  hrin^j;  out  milk-sonp,  the  taste  of  whit'li  the  Skrel- 
lin^^s  ;;reatly  relished.  They  j^^reedily  lairchased,  ate  it,  and 
in  this  manner  "  carrieil  away  their  liar;,'ains  in  tlu-ir  heilii'S," 
says  the  old  Icelandic  chronicK'r.  In  lliet,  this  whole  tralfic 
of  tho  Northmen-  with  their  '*  Skrellinn;s"  was  carried  on  in 
mucli  the  same  manner  in  which  the  later  Europeans  used  to 
barter  with  tiie  poor  Indians  \  with  this  diti'erence  only,  that 
in  modern  times  they  y;avo  them  hrandv  instead  of  milk. 

Thorfinn  |»n»liil)ited  his  men  from  sellinjx  their  swords  and 
speiirs  to  the  Skrellin«j;s,  ii  prohihition  which  was  afterwards 
often  rei)eated  hy  lCuro|)ean  conuiianders. 

One  day,  whilst  trattic!  was  f;oin<j;  on  in  the  like  manner,  a 
bull,  which  TiiorHnn  had  brouj^ht  with  him,  rushed  out  from 
the  woods  and  bellowed  loudly.  At  this  the  Skrellin<rs  wero 
extremely  teri'itied,  and  (piickly  disappeared  in  tho  same 
manner  in  which,  at  a  later  date,  the  Peruvian  Indians,  at 
the  court  of  Atabalipa,  were  frightened  by  the  neighing  of 
Spanish  horses. 

But  it  is  not  my  intention  to  specify  all  that  hapi)ened  to 
ThorKmi  and  his  men  in  their  southern  abode,  because  the 
details  of  these  events  appear  to  belong  to  the  anticpiities  of 
the  State  of  Rhode  Island.  I  have  only  made  an  exception 
■with  respect  to  the  matters  just  stated,  as  they  are  character- 
istic of  American  history  in  general,  and  as  they  serve  to 
confirm  the  truthfulness  of  our  Scandinavian  re^jorts,  and 
foreshadow,  as  it  were,  in  a  clear  mirror,  many  American 
customs  and  occurrences  afterwards  often  repeated. 


74 


THORFINN'S  VOYAGE  TO  VINLAND. 


I  will  (»nly  add  this,  that  Giidrida,  the  heroic  wifo  of  Thor- 
finii,  <^avt'  birth,  on  the  shores  of  Narraganset  Bay,  to  a  son, 
who  received  the  name  of  "  Snorro,"  :ind  who  may  be  con- 
sidered as  the  firr;t  American-born  child  of  European  parents. 

We  will  now  turn  our  attention  aj^ain  to  the  no  h,  and 
see  what  wa->  done  by  Thorfinn  for  the  exploration  of  the 
northern  parts  of  Vinland. 

Thorfinn  had  sent  to  the  north  from  Straunifiordr  (Buz- 
zard';- Bay)  his  man,  Thorliall  the  Hunter.  "  This  Thorhall 
was  a  strong  and  stout  person,  black,  very  taciturn,  and  was 
familiar  with  the  desert  places  of  Greenland  and  the  whole 
north.''  Being  fond  of  exploring  unknown  parts,  he,  with 
c'ght  men,  had  left  Thorfinn's  party  soon  after  their  arrival 
at  the  south  coast  of  New  Enijland,  because  he  wished  to 
explore  the  northern  parts  of  Vinland.  He  sailed  alon^ 
"  Furdustrandr  "  (Nauset)  and  "  Kialarnes  "  (Cape  Cod), 
and  turned  to  the  west  into  the  interior  parts  of  the  Gulf  of 
Maine.  But  there  he  was  cauHit  bv  a  strono-  west  wind, 
probably  one  of  the  wild  north-west  storms,  which,  coming 
down  from  the  mountains  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine, 
sometimes  hivppen  in  this  bay,  and  still  are  much  dreaded  by 
the  coasteis.  By  this  storm  Thorhall  was  driven  out  into 
the  brond  ocean,  and  by  other  westei'ly  gales  was  carried 
so  far  away,  that  at  last  he  knew  no  better  refuge  than 
Ireland,*  where  he  landed,  and  where,  according  to  the 
account  of  some  merchants,  he  and  his  men  were  made 
slaves.  • 

Thus  Thorhall's  attempt  to  explore  the  northern  parts  of 
Vinland  (coast  of  Maine)  in  1008,  was  as  perfect  a  failure 


*  I  may  add  the  remark,  that,  in  a  similar  manner,  at  the  end  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  tlio  \vell-l<nown  Frencli  discoverer.  La  Roche,  was  caught 
by  a  western  gale  on  the  shore  of  Nova  Scotia,  which  drove  him  off  Iho 
coast,  and  cliased  him  back  toward  France. 


THORFINN'S  VOYAGE  TO  YINLAND. 


T6 


as  tlie  voyage  of  Tliorwald  to  tlie  same  region  some  years 
before. 

Meanwhile  Tliorfinn's  ciroumstanees  had  ehanged.  His 
establislnnent  at  "  Hop "  (Narra<^anset  Bay)  had  been 
attacked  by  nnnil)erless  hostile  Skrellings.  Blood  had  been 
Pihed  a^ain,  and  the  fiohts  had  not  been  victories  for  the 
Scandinavians.  Thorfinn  thonght  that,  thongh  the  conntry 
offered  many  advantages,  still  the  life  they  wcmld  have  to 
lead  here  might  be  one  of  constant  alarm.  He  made  prepa- 
rations, therefore,  to  return  to  Greenland.  But  before 
doing  this,  he  wanted  to  see  his  man,  Thorhall  the  Hunter, 
who  had  not  returned  from  his  excursion  to  the  northern 
j)arts  of  Vinland.  He,  therefore,  in  one  of  his  ships,  left 
"  Hop  "  sailed  eastward,  leaving  the  greater  body  of  his 
companions  ./.  his  station  on  the  coasts  of  "  Straumfiordr 
(Buzzard's  Bay),  and  made  a  searching  expedition  to  the 
north  on  the  track  and  in  quest  of  Thorhall.  He  sailed  to 
the  north  along  "Kialarnes  "  (Cape  Cod),  and  then  to  the 
west,  "having  the  country  on  his  left  side."  "He  found 
there  endless  forests  so  far  as  he  could  see,  with  scarcely  any 
open  place."  He  discovered,  also,  a  river,  in  the  mouth  of 
which  he,  for  some  time,  rode  at  anchor. 

Here,  at  this  anchoring  place,  it  happened  that  they  one 
dav  saw  a  "  Onefoot,"*  who,  beino;  hidden  behind  some 
trees,  killed  with  an  arrow  one  of  Tliorfinn's  men,  and  then 
ran  off  to  the  north.  After  this  unhappy  event,  Thorfinn 
continued  his  voyage  to  the  north.  But  finding  no  trace  of 
his  friend  Thorhall,  and  thinking  that  they  now  nad  come  to 
the  country  of  the  "  Onefoots,"  f  he  did  not  like  to  expose 
his  men  to  further  dangers,  and  returned  to  the  south.  "  He 
and  his  men,  however,  agreed  on  this  point,  that  all  these 


*  "  En  Eenfoding  "  (Uiiipes  "). 

t "  Eenfodiugelaud  "  ("  terra  XJnipedum  "). 


fl 


76 


THORFINN'S  VOYAGE  TO  VINLAND. 


I      I. 


tracts  to  tlie  iiortli  were  continuous  witli  tliosc  in  the  south 
at  Hop,  and  that  it  was  all  one  and  the  same  country." 

The  "■endless  forests"  which  Thorfinn  saw  in  the  north, 
the  river-inouth  where  he  anchored,  and  where  he  saw  the 
"Oneibot,"  inio;]it  have  been  somewhere  in  the  inner  parts  of 
the  Gulf  of  Maine,  on  the  coasts  of  the  present  States  of 
Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  or  Maine.  How  far,  on 
this  excursion,  he  went  to  the  north,  we  cannot  say.  But, 
as  lie  believed  that  he  had  now  come  to  the  dangerous 
"country  of  tho:,Onefoots,"  Ave  may  put  down  this  as  one  of 
the  namL's  under  which  our  coasts  of  New  Hampshire  and 
Maine  may  have  been  designated  by  the  Northmen. 

The  reports  of  the  Northmen  of  their  voyages  are  not  near 
so  full  of  fabulous  and  mythological  phantasms  and  errors, 
marvellous  and  superhuman  events  and  b<Mngs,  as  those  of 
the  Spaniards  and  other  more  southern  iiidions.  They  are, 
on  the  contrary,  remarkable  for  their  straight-forward,  unos- 
tentatious ,simi)licity  and  matter  of  fact  clearness.  But  there 
are  a  few  exceptions.  Sometimes  they  report,  that  the 
*' Skrellino-s,"  in  tlu;  midst  of  a  battle  or  on  their  flight,  sud- 
denly  disappeared,  "  being  swallowed  by  the  earth,"  and 
similar  incredible  things.  The  "country  of  the  Onefoots" 
may  also  be  called  one  of  these  exceptions.  The  Northmen 
believed  in  the  existence  of  such  a  nation  and  country,  as 
the  S})aniards  believed  in  the  existence  of  the  Amazons. 
They  believed  they  had  discovered  the  country  of  the  One- 
foots  at  several  times,*  and  so  Thorfinn  thought  he  had 
found  it  here  in  the  north  of  Vinland  (New  Hampshire 
and  Maine). 

Thorfinn,  not  having  found  his  man  Thorhall,  returned  to 
his  v;ompanions  whom  he  had  left  on  the  coast  of  Straumfiordr 
(Buzzard's  Bay).     He  there  staid  with  them  till  the  next 


I  ! 


♦  See  Rafn,  1.  c.  p.  158. 


TIIORFINX'S  VOYAGE  TO  VINLAND. 


77 


Avinter.  It  was  his  third  winter  in  VinUmcl  but  not  a  favor- 
able one  to  the  continuation  of  the  enterprise.  Discontent 
and  dissension  broke  out  among  the  settlers,  the  causes  of 
which  I  may  leave  here  undiscussed.  ThorHnn,  therefore, 
in  the  following  spring,  1011,  with  his  wife,  Gudrida,  and 
his  American  son,  Snorre,  then  three  years  of  age,  left  the 
country  together,  and  with  a  good  southerly  wind  returned 
to  Greenland.  It  is  not  quite  clear,  but  it  appears  to  me 
probable,  that  a  party  of  his  men  remained  behind  and  con- 
tinued the  settlement  in  Vinland.  The  reports  are  some- 
what contradictory  on  this  point.  Thorfinn,  also,  carried 
with  him  two  boys,  aborigines  of  Markland,  to  whom  the 
Northmen  afterward  taufjlit  the  Norse  lansuafjce,  and  who 
then  gave  them  some  particulars  about  the  interior  of  their 
country,  and  about  the  manners  and  kind  of  living  of  their 
countrymen.  The  old  Northmen,  in  this  respect,  followed 
the  practice,  which,  in  later  times,  was  adopted  by  many 
discoverers. 

ThorHnn  never  returned  again  to  Vinland.  He  had 
brought  from  thence  many  valuable  things  collected  in  the 
countrv,  and  durino;  his  traffic  with  the  aborioincs, — furs  and 
skins  of  different  animals,  specimens  of  rare  wood  of  seve- 
ral sorts,  and  probably  other  products  not  specified  in  the 
reports. 

When  he  arrived  with  this  cargo  in  Greenland  (at  the  end 
of  the  year  1011),  two  brothers  of  the  name  of  Helge  and 
Finnboge  had  come  out  from  Norway.  •  They  were  probably 
attracted  by  the  rich  plunder  of  Thoriinn,  and,  persuaded 
by  some  of  his  companions,  resolved  to  make  a  voyao-e  to 
Vinland,  which  now  began  to  be  named  "Vinland  the  good" 
(Vinland  det  goda).  They  associated  for  this  purpose  with 
that  enterprising  -vroman,  Freydisa,  who  had  bcjn  out  with 
Thorfinn,  and  who  kncAV   and  liked  "the    o-ood  Vinland." 


Irf 


78 


THORFINN'S  VOYAOE  TO  VINLAND. 


They  luade  with  her  a  bargain,  that  they  wouhl  sliare  with 
her  eciiially  in  all  the  profits  this  voyao;o  might  yield.  They 
sailed  in  the  year  1012  to  Viidand.  The  particulars  of 
their  v()ya<fe  have  no  great  interest  for  us,  be(;ause  it 
does  not  appear  that  they  touched,  in  any  way,  the  north- 
ern parts  of  Vinland.  Freydisa  and  her  companions  got 
into  trouble  and  disagreement,  })robably  about  the  "profits 
of  the  undertaking."  They  came  to  arms,  and  the  two 
brothers,  Ilelgo  and  Finnboge,  were  slain  in  a  fight.  Frey- 
disa  and  her  companions  soon  after  returned  to  Greenland, 
very  pnjbably  with  a  good  booty  of  furs,  etc.  They  arrived 
in  Greenland  in  the  spring  of  1013,  where  Thorfinn  then  lay, 
ready  to  sail  with  his  cargo  for  Norway.  (All  connnercial 
operations  appear  to  have  been  very  slow  in  old  Greenland.) 
It  is  very  probable,  though  it  is  not  exactlj/-  stated,  that  Frey- 
disa  sold  a  part  of  her  stock  to  Thorfinn,  to  take  to  the  Euro- 
pean market.  At  all  events,  "  Thorfinn's  ship  was  so  richly 
laden,  that  it  was  generally  admitted  a  more  valuable  cargo 
never  before  left  Greenland." 

Thorfinn  sailed  to  Xorway,  staid  there  the  next  winter, 
and  sold  his  American  products.*  He  appears  to  have 
made  by  them  a  good  profit.  Amongst  others,  a  "  Southern 
man,"  a  German  merchant  of  the  city  of  Bremen,  in  Saxo- 
nia,  who  happened  to  be  present  in  Norway,  ofi'ered  to 
Thorfinn,  for  a  piece  of  American  wood,  half  a  mark  of 
gold.  Thorfinn  was  astonished  at  this  liigh  price  being 
offered  to  him  by  that  "  Southerner,"  but  gave  his  wood 
for  it.  "  He  did  not  know  that  it  was  '  MOsur '  he  had 
brought  out  from  Vinland."!  This  "  Mosur,"  or  "  Mausur  " 
was  a  kind  of  wood  tlien  considered  fo  be  so  precious,  that 


*  Itafn,  1.  c.  p.  73. 
t  llafn,  1.  c.  p.  74. 


'    I 


VINLAND  KNOWN  TO  EUKOPEANS. 


70 


kings  sometimes  had  goblets  made  of  it,  trimmed  with  silver 
and  gold.* 

ThorHnn,  probably  with  a  full  purse,  sailed  as  before, 
accompanied  by  his  wife  Gudrida  and  his  son  Snorre,  in 
the  spring  of  1014,  from  Norway  to  Iceland,  where  he 
bought  an  estate,  and  where  he  now  settled  and  resided  for 
the  remainder  of  his  life,  with  Snorre,  his  son.  After  the 
death  of  Thorfinn,  and  after  Snorre  had  been  married, 
Gudrida,  the  widow-mother,  made  a  pious  pilgrimage  to 
Rome,  where,  ])robably,  as  au  extraordinary  })erson,  she  was 
received  with  distinction,  and  where,  of  course,  she  spoke  to 
the  pope  or  his  bishoi)s  about  the  beautiful  new  country  in 
the  far  West,  "  Viidand  the  good,"  and  about  the  Christian 
settlements  made  there  by  the  Scandinavians.  She  after- 
wards returned  to  her  son's  estate  in  Iceland,  where  Snorre 
had  built  a  church,  and  where,  after  all  her  adventures,  she 
lived  long  as  a  religious  recluse. 

From  Thorfinn  and  his  son,  Snorre,  a  numerous  and  illus- 
trious race  descended,  among  whom  may  be  mentioned  the 
learned  bishop  Thorlak  Runolfson,  born  in  the  year  1085,  of 
whom  it  has  been  made  probable,  that  he  was  the  person  who 
originally  compiled  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  of  his  great 
grandfather. 


The  results  which  these  early  exploring,  searching,  and 
trading  voyages  of  Thorfinn  and  Gudrida  have  for  our  sub- 
ject, may,  in  short,  be  summed  up  thus : 

The  coast  of  Maine,  in  the  year  1008,  was,  for  the  first 
time,  coasted  along  by  European  ships  from  north  to  south. 

Thorhall  the  Hunter,  in  the  year  1008,  ixade  his  exploring 


*Tlie  American  "Moaur"  is  said  to  liave  come  from  a  kind  of  maple 
tree,  called  in  New  England  the  "birdseye,  or  curled  maple."    See  upon, 
this,  Rafu,  1.  c.  p.  442  seq. 


80 


VINLAND  KNOWN  TO  EUROrEANS, 


expedition  from  Straumfionlr  (liuzzanl's  Biiy)  to  tlie  north- 
ern parts  of  Vinland  (coast  of  Maine),  but  was  beaten  back 
by  a  lieavy  north-western  ^ale. 

Thorfinn,  in  tlie  year  1000,  made  a  searchin<!;  expedition  in 
quest  of  liis  man  Tliorhall,  to  tlie  nortliern  parts  of  Vinhuul, 
but  apj)ears  not  to  liave  gone  far  nortli,  for  fear  of  the  Skrel- 
hni<;s,  whom  he  thou<>;lit  to  be  monstrous  "  Onefoots."  He 
gave  their  name  to  tlie  country,  which  probably  included 
New  IIam])shire  and  part  of  Maine,  and  which  he  believed 
to  be  continuous  with  the  south  of  Vinland. 

Thorfinn,  during  his  stay  of  more  than  three  years  in  Vin- 
land, had  collected  furs,  skins,  precious  woods,  and  other 
American  ])roducts.  He  brought  them  over  to  Europe 
(Norway),  and  sold  them  at  a  good  i)rice.  Thus  were  New 
England  and  its  products  made  known  in  Europe. 

These  discoveries  were  also  undoubtedly  made  known  by 
mariners  from  Germany,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  and  by  other 
adventurers,  on  their  return  to  their  native  countries.  The 
Northmen  themselves  would  not  be  slow  in  spreading  the 
fame  of  their  bold  expeditions  and  the  wonderful  discov- 
eries they  had  made. 

That  in  Denmark  and  the  northern  part  of  Germany, 
very  soon  after  the  expeditions  of  Thorfinn,  the  "  Vinland" 
of  the  Northmen  became  known,  is  proved  by  the  testimony 
of  a  famous  contemporary  historian  of  the  North.  The 
bisho))ric  of  Bremen,  founded  by  Charles  the  Great,  com- 
prised within  its  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  and  diocese,  for  a 
long  time,  the  whole  nortli  of  Europe, — Denmark,  Scandi- 
navia, Iceland,  and  Greenland.  The  town  where  this  bishop 
resided  (Bremen),  therefore,  was  sometimes  called  the  Rome 
of  the  North ;  and  the  earliest  historian  of  this  bishopric, 
Adam  of  Bremen,  in  his  celebrated  and  important  work, 
"  Ecclesiastical  history  of  the  north  of  Europe,"  paid  great 


VINLAND  KNOWN  TO  EUROPEANS 


81 


attention  to  the  political,  military,  and  comniorcial  events  of 
the  Northmen,  lie  wrote  tliis  work  about  Hf'ty  years  after 
ThorHnn's  return  from  Vinland,  and,  having  himself  traveled 
a  good  deal  in  Denmark,  he  added  t(.  it  "  a  description  of 
Denmark  and  of  the  regions  beyond  Denmark,"  and  in 
chapter  thirty-nine  of  this  descrii)ti()n,  he  says  that  Sueno, 
the  King  of  Denmark,  to  whom  he  paid  a  visit,  and  with 
whom  he  had  a  conversation  on  the  northern  countries,  men- 
tioned to  him,  among  many  other  islands  which  had  been 
discovered  in  the  north-west,  "one  which  they  had  called 
Vinland,  because  the  vine  would  grow  there  without  cultiva- 
tion, and  because  it  produced  the  best  sort  of  wine.  That 
besides,  plenty  of  fruits  grow  in  this  country  without  planting, 
is  not  mere  oi)inion,  but  I  have  this  news  from  very  autlien- 
tic  and  trustworthy  relations  of  the  Danes.  Beyond  this 
island,  however,  no  habitable  country  is  found  ;  on  the  con- 
trary, everything  to  the  north  is  covered  with  ice  and  eternal 
night." 

Adam  of  Bremen's  work  was  written  soon  after  the  middle 
of  the  eleventh  century,  issued  in  the  year  1073,  dispersed  in 
several  copies,  and  probably  read  by  many  learned  persons. 
So  we  may  say,  that,  even  at  this  time,  a  discovery  of 
America  was  ])roclaimed,  and  a  short  descri})tion  of  New 
England  given  to  the  reading  public  of  Europe. 

Besides  this  Adam  of  Bremen,  there  was  another  contem- 
porary historian,  Ordericus  Vitalis,  born  in  England,  and 
afterwards  bishop  of  Rouen  in  Normandy,  who  appears  to 
have  known  something  of  Vinland,  and  to  have  mentioned  it 
in  his  ecclesiastical  history,  which  was  written  about  one 
hundred  years  after  Thorfinn's  exploring  expeditions.* 


*  See  about  this,  Kafa,  Antiquitates  Americana},  p,  337. 
6 


82         EXPEDITIONS  TO   VINIiAND  AFTER  TIIOKFINN, 


8.  ExPEriTiONS  FROM  Okeknland  and  Tcklani)  to  Vinland 

BUnHli<iL'K\T    TO    TIIOSK    (»K    TlloUFINX    KaULSICFNE. 

After  TliorHiin  Kiirlsofiie's  expeditions,  the  Nortlimen  from 
Iceland  and  Greenland  appear  to  have  gone  several  times  to 
the  shores  of  America.  Some  of  them  were  driven  hy  storms 
to  more  southern  j)arts  of  the  continent.  Others  made  e\- 
plorin<j;  expeditions  toward  the  arctic  ret;ions,  to  the  northern 
parts  of  Hafhn's  liny.  The  history  of  these  voya<i;es,  under- 
taken to  re<rions  very  distant  from  our  territory  of  JNlaine,  has 
no  immediate  interest  for  us. 

But  the  Vinland  expeditions  did  not  cease,  though  we 
have  only  scanty  information  and  a  few  scattered  reports  on 
all  that  happened  in  Viidand  after  Thortinn  Karlsefne.  The 
first  discovery  of  this  beautiful  country,  praised  so  much  for 
its  milil  climate  and  fertility,  and  usually  by  the  Icelandic  his- 
torians called  the  tjood  country,  must,  at  the  be;j;inning,  have 
struck  the  Northmen  with  great  surprise :  their  historians, 
consequently,  reported  amply  and  fully  on  this  memorable 
event.  The  three  sons  of  Erik  the  Red,  Thorfinn  and  his 
heroic  wife,  Gudrida,  being  distinguished  by  birth  and  social 
position,  and  some  of  them  the  heads  of  a  large  progeny, 
their  descendants  took  pride  and  })leasure  in  describing  and 
recording  the  exploits  and  adventures  of  their  ancestors. 

After  Thorwald  and  Thorfinn,  a  voyage  to  Vinland  may 
not  have  been  considered  as  very  remarkable.  The  way  to 
it  was  found,  and  became,  as  it  were,  a  beaten  track,  easy 
for  everybody.  The  "\  oyagep  to  this  country  were  no  extra- 
ordinary exploring  expeditions  to  a  new  region,  but  only 
commercial  undertakings,  probably  to  gather  furs,  wood,  and 
other  commodities  for  Greenland.  They  therefore,  were 
not  chronicled  and  amply  described.  But  sometimes  we  find 
them  occasionally  mentioned. 


EXI'KIHTIONS  TO   VINLAN'M   AFTI-Ml  TIIOIiKINN. 


83 


So  in  the  year  11*21,  tlio  voyage  to  Viiiland  of  a  bisliop  of 
Greenland,  Ity  tlie  name  of  Krik,  is  nientioiuMl  ii\  the  Ice- 
iandie  annals.  This  priest  is  said  to  have  saili'd  to  Vlidand 
for  missionary  pni'poses.  The  faet,  that  sueii  a  hijfli  eeelesi- 
astieal  fnnetionary  as  a  hishop  shonld  go  to  V'^inlantl,  nppears 
to  he  good  proof,  that,  sinee  ThorHnn's  tinu',  Northman  set- 
tlers had  remained  there,  or,  at  least,  that  Northman  tiaders, 
engaged  in  trartieking,  fishing,  and  wood-cntting  had  tarried 
there,  and  that  a  constant  intereonrse  with  the  eolonv  had 
been  maintained.  TIm^  Ix'anty  of  the  eonntry,  so  often 
praised  by  the  leelanders,  and  the  proHts  whieh  they  had 
derived  from  some  of  their  Viidand  exj)editions,  mnst  have 
been  a  great  inducement  to  the  colonists  and  traders  to  retain 
j)ossession  of  the  coimtry,  and  not  readily  abandon  it.  Of 
the  results  of  Bishop  JCril-J's  expedition  we,  nnhappily,  have 
no  j)articnlar  information. 

After  this  remarkable  voyage  of  the  bisho[)  we  liear 
nothing  of  Vinland  for  more  than  a  hundred  vears,  nor  <jf 
countries  to  the  south-west  of  Greenland.  Then  we  have 
again  a  brief  notice,  that,  in  the  year  1285,  two  Icelandic 
clergymen,  iVldabrand  and  Thorwald  Helgason,  who  are 
often  mentioned  in  Northern  history,  visited,  on  the  west  of 
Iceland,  "  a  new  land,"  and  that  some  years  afterwards,  the 
king  of  Denmark,  Erik  the  Priest-hater,  sent  out  a  ship  under 
the  command  of  a  certain  llolf,  to  pay  a  visit  to  this  "  New- 
land,"  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  our  Newfoundland. 

Again,  not  quite  a  hundred  years  after  this  event,  we  find, 
in  the  ancient  Icelandic  Annals,  the  following  very  remarka- 
ble, though  short  report :  "  In  the  year  leS47  a  vessel,  having 
a  crew  of  seventeen  men,  sailed  from  Iceland  to  Marklaiid." 
The  dry  and  brief  manner  in  which  this  is  reported,  seems 
to  prove  that  this  vessel  of  1347  was  not  driven  to  "  Mark- 
land"  (Nova  Scotia)  by  chance  or  by  storms,  but  that  the 


84 


EXl'iaUTIONH  TO   VINLAND  AFTKIl  TMOUFINN. 


t'Xpt'ditioii  was  iiitontional,  umlcrtakcu  probaidy  for  tlio  pur- 
poso  of  ^t'ttiii<i  tiiiil)t'r  and  other  supplies  from  that  conntry. 
The  wli(tlc'  atliiir  is  inerUioned  as  a  daily  occurreiico,  and 
"Marklaiid"  as  a  perfectly  well-known  (.'oiintry.  On  tlie 
voya;^(!  homeward  from  Markland,  the  vessel  was  (h'iven  out 
of  her  course  hy  storms,  and  arrived  with  loss  of  anchors  on 
the  west  of  Iceland.  From  sucli  an  account  it  would  appear, 
that  the  intercourse  between  Iceland,  Greeidand,  and  Vin- 
land  had  been  ke|)t  up  to  as  late  a  date  as  the  middle  of  the 
fourteenth  century. 

We  have  very  scanty  information  on  the  tradini;  and  fishin^j 
expeditions  of  the  I'^nolish,  l*ort>i<j;uese,  and  I'reneh  to  the 
coast  of  Ngwfoundland  durin<;  the  sixteenth  century,  and  they 
are  only  occasionally  alluded  to,  though  there  is  no  doubt 
that  they  yi'arhj  occurred.  We  ari?  much  better  informed  of 
the  expeditions  of  the  Cabots.  Cortereals,  and  Verrazano, 
which  preceded  those  fishing  voyages,  and  showed  them  the 
•  way.  A  comparison  of  the  case  of  these  fishermen  with  that 
of  the  Northmen  will  serve  to  make  the  views  and  sup})0si- 
tions  above  developed  still  more  probable. 

We  cannot  prove  that  in  all  this  time  the  coast  of  Maine 
was  seen  again  by  the  Northmen.  Hut  that  this  was  the  case, 
is  not  improbable  from  what  has  been  said.  The  name  of 
Markland  (the  country  of  the  woods),  in  the  northern  geog- 
raphy, may  have  sometimes  com])rised  the  coast  of  Maine  ; 
which,  at  a  later  time,  was  often  included  in  the  same  geo- 
graphical denomination  with  Nova  Scotia. 


From  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century  down  to  the 
modern  discovery  of  America,  beginning  with  Columbus  and 
Cabot,  we  hear  no  more  of  Scandinavian  undertakings  in  this 
direction.  The  heroic  age  of  the  Northmen,  and  their  power 
and  spirit  of  enterprise,  had  long  ago  passed  by.    Iceland,  the 


VINLAN'O  TFIOUOHT  A  PART  OF   EUUOrK. 


85 


fltartliifi-poiut  and  mother  rcpuldic  of  the  wostorn  roloiiiVs, 
liatl  lu'comc  a  siihonliiiato  and  iicifU'ctcd  (h'|>('M(K'ii('y  of  the 
killers  of  Norway  and  Demiiaik.  'I'hi'  (irei'idaud  scttlcmentH 
and  liishopi'ic  hy  (h'<ire('s  had  lu'iin  wcaki-ned,  and  at  last 
had  completely  disappeared,  in  conscMnience,  as  is  iielieved, 
of  epicK'mics,  and  of  attacks  from  the  IiS(|uiman\',  who  came 
ov(!r  in  i^reat  inunhers  from  lial)rador;  so  that  evt-n  tlu'ir 
neiirhhors  of  Iceland  lost  siirht  of  this  conntrv.  In  this 
mann(.'r  the  entire  connecting;  chain  hetween  Scandinavia, 
Iceland,  Greenland,  and  N'inland  was  hroken,  and  the  Amer- 
ican [lortion  remained  to  he  discovered  anew. 


9.    Nkw  Kn(ila.ni)  (;oNsn»i:iM:i>  iiv  tiik  Nouthmkn  to  i»k  a 

I'AUT    OF    KlMtOl'E. 

The  heroic  exploits  and  n;rc'at  undertakinj^s  of  the  North- 
men in  Iceland  and  Greenland,  calh'd  into  existence  among 
them  many  entlinsiastic  and  talented  literary  and  scientific 
men,  who  strove  to  praise  and  to  descrihe  their  exploits  in 
writing.  Iceland  had,  in  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  cen- 
turies, her  poets,  historians,  and  geographers.  With  them, 
who  liad  discovered  and  concjuered  a  great  j)art  of  the  globe, 
geography,  in  fsict,  must  have  been  a  favorite  occupation ;  as 
it  had  been,  for  similar  reasons,  with  the  Arabs. 

The  Icelandic  geographers  described  not  only  their  own 
liome,  but  gave  also  descriptions  of  the  entire  globe,  so  far  as 
their  knowledge  had  reached.  They  also  depicted  the  globe 
on  rough  maps,  and  had  their  own  systems  and  views  on  the 
arrangement  and  connection  of  the  different  great  parts  of  the 
world. 

The  feature  of  this  Icelandic  geography,  which  interests 
us  here  most,  is  their  idea  on  the  question,  what  position  on 
the  globe  should  be  ascribed  to  their  discoveries  in  Green- 
land, jVIarkland,  Helluland,  and  Vinland.     They  appear  not 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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80 


VINLAND  THOUGHT  A  TAUT  OF  EUROPE. 


to  have  liad  the  conviction,  tliat  tlicy  had  arrived  on  another 
continent,  in  a  "new  world"  ;  wliich,  after  tlie  h\ter  discovery 
of  America  by  Cohimbus  and  others,  became  soon  the  con- 
viction of  modern  geograpliers. 

The  Icelanders,  on  the  contrary,  thonght  tliat  all  these 
western  countries  made  a  part  of  Europe,  and  they  affirmed 
this  very  clearly  in  their  geographical  works.  And  this 
concepticm,  strange  as  it  may  appear  to  us  at  first  sight, 
was  quite  natural  from  the  stand-i)oint  of  the  Northman 
geograi)hers  in  Iceland.  Their  original  home,  Norway, 
stretched  far  out  to  the  north.  Bey(md  this,  toward  the 
north-east,  they  had  seen  other  European  countries, — the 
northern  j)arts  of  Russia  (Biarmia,  Novaja  Zendia).  Per- 
ha])s  on  their  excursions  they  had  even  come  in  sight  of  the 
mountains  of  Si)it/.bergen.  So  they  saw,  in  all  directions 
toward  the  north-east  and  the  north,  countries  which  they 
tliought  to  be  continental  with  each  other  as  well  as  with 
Europe.  To  the  north-west  they  found  Greenland,  which 
they  considered  to  be  a  continuation  of  this  chain  of  north- 
ern European  countries.  On  many  old  Scandinavian  maps, 
therefore,  we  see  Greenland  depicted  as  a  large  penin- 
sula running  out  from  some  part  of  Russia,  and  encircling, 
with  a  large  bend,  the  whole  northern  half  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  with  its  southern  end  (Cape  Farewell)  coming  down  to 
more  southern  latitudes.  It  is  well  known  that  Spitzbergen, 
at  a  later  date,  was  considered  to  be  a  part  of  Greenland,  and 
was  even  called  "  Greenland"  or  "  Eastern  Greenland."  So 
by  this  gigantic  "  Greenland,"  a  bridge  was  constructed 
from  Europe  to  the  other  countries  discovered  in  the  western 
world. 

The  conception,  that  these  southern  conntries,  Helluland, 
Markland,  Vinland,  with  Greenland,  Iceland,  Norwegia,  be- 
longed to  the  same  tract  or  circle  of  North-European  coun- 


VINLAND  THOUGHT  A  PART  OF  EUKOPE. 


8T 


tries,  was  so  much  more  natural,  because  all  these  countries, 
so  far  south  as  the  coast  of  ]\Iaino,  in  their  nature  and  con- 
figuration, liave  the  greatest  similarity.  Indented,  rocky 
coasts,  with  the  same  geological  features  (granite  rocks), 
long  inlets,  fiords,  numerous  coast  islands,  were  to  he  found 
everywhere,  as  in  Norway  and  Iceland.  The  products  of 
these  tracts,  also,  were  not  strikingly  different  from  those  in 
Northern  Euro})c, — firs,  oaks,  and  other  European  trees  in 
the  foi'ests ;  salmon  and  other  fish  in  the  rivers ;  and  on  the 
coast  different  sorts  of  cod-fish  and  whales,  as  on  the  coast 
of  Norway.  Nay,  had  not  the  German,  Tyrker,  discovered 
vines  and  grapes  like  those  in  Germany?  The  Scandina- 
vians might,  therefore,  well  think  that  they  had  found  noth- 
ing very  new,  but  only  the  extension  and  continuation  of 
their  own  Norwegian  home. 

Columbus  and  his  followers,  when,  at  a  later  date,  they 
arrived  in  the  West  Indies,  within  the;  tropics,  became  soon 
aware  that  they  had  something  new  before  them.  Having 
their  imagination  full  of  oriental  notions,  they  saw  in  Amer- 
ica even  more  new  things,  differences,  and  peculiarities,  than 
really  existed. 

It  would  be  easy  to  show  and  prove  by  many  quotations 
from  the  books  of  modern  travelers,  that  those  who  came 
from  Great  Britain,  or  other  parts  of  Northern  Europe,  were 
not  much  surprised  by  the  differing  features  of  the  north- 
eastern parts  of  the  new  world ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  were 
impressed  by  their  similarity  to  what  they  liad  left.  We 
might,  indeed,  speak  of  a  Scandinavian  America,  which 
would  extend  as  far  south  as  New  England,  and  more  par- 
ticularly the  State  of  Maine. 

From  all  this  we  may  easily  explain  the  alleged  fact,  that 
the  old  Icelandic  geographers  knew  nothing  of  a  fourth  part 
of  the  world ;    that,  like  the  Greek  Ptolemy,  they  recog- 


T 


i 


i 

fi'i 
ili 


88 


THE  NORTHMEN  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


nized  only  three  continents,  and  ascribed  all  their  discove- 
ries on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean  to  Europe. 

An  Icelandic  geographer,  in  giving  a  description  of  the 
globe,  thus  expresses  himself:  "  From  Biarmaland  (North- 
ern Russia),  the  land  goes  out  toward  the  north  to  unin- 
habited deserts  (Nova  Zembla,  Spitsbergen),  until  Greenland 
commences.  From  Greenland  toward  the  south  lie  Ilella- 
land  (Newfoundland),  JNIarkland  (Nova  Scotia,  Canada), 
and  not  far  from  this,  Vinland,  which,  as  some  think, 
stretches  out  toward  Africa.  England  and  Scotland  form 
one  and  the  same  island,  and  Ireland  is  a  very  large  island. 
Iceland  is  also  a  larcje  island  on  the  north  of  Ireland.  All 
these  countries  are  in  that  part  of  the  ivorld  ivhich  is  called 
Europey  *  The  same,  in  similar  words,  has  been  said  by 
other  northern  geographers. f 

It  is  well  known  that  modern  geographers,  for  a  long  time 
after  they  had  acknowledged  South  America  to  be  a  separate 
continent,  considered  the  north-eastern  regions  of  America  to 
be  a  part  of  Asia.  So  we  may  say  that  New  England  and 
the  neighboring  region  were  at  first  considered  as  a  Euro- 
pean country,  then  as  a  section  of  Asia,  till  at  last  they  came 
to  be  put  upon  their  own  American  feet. 

In  the  appendage  to  this  chapter  I  shall  give  a  few  Scan- 
dinavian maps,  which  will  illustrate  the  views  of  the  Ice- 
landic geographers  on  these  regions. 

10.  Reminisce xcES  of  the  Northmen  among  the  Indians 

OF  New  England. 

One  would  think  that  the  extraordinary  appearance  of 
wliite  men,  of  a  muc?'  superior  race,  in   immensely  large 

*  See  tliis  piece  of  Icelandic  geography  quoted  in  Ilafn,  Antiquitates 
Araerican.'B,  p.  289. 

t  See  them  quoted,  and  extracts  given  from  their  works,  in  Kafn,  I.  c 
p.  290  seq. 


THE  NORTHMEN  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


89 


?, 


sliips,  with  iron  tools  and  weapons,  would  have  made  a  great 
impression  on  the  barbarous  natives  of  Viiiland.  They  saw 
their  guests  come  and  go  very  often  during  the  course  of 
several"  centuries.  They  had  battles,  traffic,  and  converse 
with  them.  They  admired  their  large  tame  animals,  saw 
them  constructing  colossal  ships  and  houses.  Perhaps  they 
mixed  also  in  marriajie  with  those  of  them  who  made  a 
longer  stay,  and  produced  a  mixed  race  of  European  and 
American  blood.  All  this  must  have  been  remembered  a 
long  time  after  the  final  disappearance  of  the  strange  settlers. 

The  name  of  "Skrellings"  was  given  by  the  Scandina- 
vians, particularly  to  that  race  of  Americans  whom  we  now 
call  "  Esquimaux,"  at  present  the  inhabitants  of  the  arctic 
regions  ;  and  the  name  genei'ally  is  said  to  signify  "the  small 
people  "  (homunculi)  ;  which  signification  api)lies  very  well 
to  the  Escpiimaux,  who  are  of  a  small  contracted  figure,  but 
not  so  well  to  the  tall  Indians  of  the  Abenaki  or  Algonkin 
race,  which  modern  discoverers  found  on  the  east  coast  of 
North  America. 

Those  who  adopt  the  above  interpretation  of  the  name 
"  Skrellings"  have  thought,  that,  in  the  time  of  the  North- 
men, our  New  England  and  vicinity  had  been  inhabited  by 
Esquimaux,  and  that  after  the  time  of  the  Northmen  and 
before  the  time  of  Columbus  and  the  Cabots  they  had  been 
dispossessed,  conquered,  and  driven  to  the  north  by  the 
Algonkin  or  Abenaki  Indians,  coming  from  the  west  and 
south.  If  this  had  been  the  case,  the  historical  traditions  of 
the  aborigines  seen  by  the  Northmen,  and  the  impressions 
and  impulses  which  they  received  from  them,  would  have 
also  disappeared. 

In  contradiction  to  this  theory,  Rafn  shows,  in  his  often 
quoted  work,*  that  the  word  "Skrelling"  does  not  exclu- 

*  Eafn,  1.  c.  p.  45,  note  a. 


T 


90 


THE  NORTHMEN  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


sively  nicin  "people  small  of  body"  (liomuncnli),  as  is 
usuully  Hiij)])Oso{l,  but  that  it  should  bo  differently  interjjre- 
ted.  Some  Scandinavian  authors  have  said,  that  the  name 
was  given  to  the  aboricrines  from  their  mean;re  and  poorly  fed 
bodies,  some  from  their  little  strength  and  mean  armature. 
Others  have  said  that  the  name  should  be  derived  from  the 
Norse  "  Skraekja"  (to  cry),  and  that  it  meant  "  noisy  criers." 
Others,  again,  have  believed  that  it  meant  "  vagabonds"  or 
"  vagrants."  All  these  interpretations  agree  in  this,  that 
*'  Skrelling"  was  a  name  of  contempt.  And  such  a  name, 
by  the  proud  iron-clad  Northmen,  may  have  been  given  to  our 
tall,  but  poorly  living  Indians,  as  well  as  to  the  small-bodied 
Esquimaux.  The  name,  therefore,  may  have  been  a  general 
denomination  for  all  tho  barbarous  tribes  of  America  with- 
out reference  to  race.  If  this  is  the  case,  we  may  suppose 
that  the  Algonkin  Indians,  Micmacs,  Tarratines,  Pequots, 
and  others,  occupied  the  country  at  the  time  of  the  visits 
of  the  Northmen.  And,  indeed,  this  appears  to  me  to  be 
probable. 

The  Indians  of  New  England,  though  in  very  ancient 
times  they  may  have  come  from  the  west,  had,  so  far  as  I 
know,  uo  tradition  whatever  of  their  being  new-comers  in  the 
countries  where  our  modern  discoverers  found  them,  or  of 
having  recently  conquered  these  countries.  The  idea  that 
the  East  was  their  old  home  is,  on  the  contrary,  very 
deeply  rooted.  A  conquest  and  a  complete  destruction  of 
another  old  indigenous  race  (the  Esquimaux)  would  not  have 
been  an  easy  affair  for  the  Indians.  The  very  first  aborigines 
of  our  east  coast,  carried  off  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  and 
at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centuries  by  the  Cortereals 
and  others,  are  described  as  a  tall,  well-built  people.  So  that 
the  Indians  must  have  swept  away  the  "  Esquimaux  "  of  New 
England,  Nova  Scotia,  Canada,  and  Newfoundland,  in  that 


LI. 


THE  NOllTHMEN  AMONG  THE   INDIANS. 


91 


not  very  lonn-  space  between  the  times  of  the  Novtlimen  and 
of  the  Cahots  and  Cortereals.  These  same  Indians  are  not 
even  now  rooted  out  by  tlie  niucli  more  powerful  conquest  of 
the  French  and  Eno;lisli  since  Cabot,  a  period  of  about  four 
hundred  velars.  We  have  in  Maine  to-dav  a  remnant  of 
Indians  in  the  midst  of  our  civiHzation,  wliicli  that  has  not 
swept  away.  I  therefore  beheve,  that  tlie  so-calk'd  Skrel- 
lings,  whicli  tlie  •Northmen  found  in  New  Enj^land,  were  not 
Escpiimaux,  but  Indians  of  the  Abenaki  or  Algonkin  race, 
the  same  as  found  there  in  modern  times. 

This  view  is  supported  by  the  observations  made  by 
Rafn  on  some  <;eographical  names,  which  we  have  found  in 
use  among  the  Indians  of  the  southern  part  of  New  England 
(Massachusetts,  Rliode  Island),  and  appear  to  be  of  Scandi- 
navian origin.  He  quotes  the  Indian  name  for  a  locality  in 
Narraganset  Bay,  which  they  call  "  Haup,"  and  suggests 
that  it  might  be  the  Scandinavian  place  "  Ho]),"  so  often 
mentioned  in  the  history  of  the  Vinland  expeditions  of  the 
Northman,  Thorfinn  Karlsefne.  He  quotes,  also,  the  Indian 
name  "Nauset"  for  the  peninsula  of  Cape  Cod,  and  thinks 
that  it  might  be  the  somewhat  changed  Scandinavian  name, 
"Naeset"  (the  nose, — the  principal  cape  of  the  country), 
given  by  the  Northmen,  by  Avay  of  distinction,  to  Cape  Cod.* 
Such  names  would  scarcely  have  been  preserved  in  the 
country,  if  the  inhabitants,  in  the  time  of  the  Northmen,  had 
been  Esquimaux,    and  our  Indians  recent  immigrants. 

Also,  among  the  Wawenoc  Indians  of  Maine,  near  Pema- 
quid,  certain  numerals  have  been  handed  down  by  tradition, 
bearing  a  resemblance  to  the  Icelandic,  which  may  have  been 
derived  by  them  in  their  barter  with  the  northern  strangers. 

*Kafn,l.  c.  pp.456,457. 


00 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  ZENI. 


11.  TiiK  Voyages  op  the  Vkvetians,  Zent,  in  the  Nonxn- 
Kux  Parts  op  the  Atlantic  Oceax  at  the  end  op 

THE    FotUTEENTir    CeNTURV. 

It  is  an  exlniordiniuy  and  nearly  an  inoxpllcable  fact,  that 
the  Northnu'n,  after  having  once  found  the  countries  inchidcd 
in  tlic  pi'esent  United  States  so  well  fitted  for  colonization, 
did  not  c(»ntinue  tlieir  iindertakincr.  They  were  planters, 
enii<^rants  from  their  ow.n  country,  and  were  seeking  a  new 
lionie.  They  populated  under  <;reat  difficulties  the  barren 
tracts  of  Iceland  and  Greenland,  and  founded  there,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  North  Pole,  flourishing  colonies  and 
states.  They  observed  the  attractive  countries  of  New 
England,  full  of  harbors  and  beautiful  rivers,  with  a  mild  cli- 
mate, where  the  vine  and  corn  grew  spontaneously,  and  where 
planting  would  have  been  easy.  They  recognized,  enjoyed, 
and  praised  in  their  writings  all  these  advantages.  Whilst 
the  Spaniards,  at  a  later  time,  on  their  ma])S  of  the  United 
States,  as  I  shall  show  hereafter,  wrote  the  inscription, 
"Here  nothing  good  is  to  be  found;"  the  Northmen,  on 
the  contrary,  called  those  same  tracts  "  Vinland  the  Good.'''' 

Nay,  more ;  whilst  those  navigators,  Avho  came  afler  the 
Northmen,  the  Spaniards,  Portuguese,  French,  and  English, 
made  a  discovery  of  America  quite  against  tlieir  intentiou 
and  wish,  seeking  only  China  and  the  East  Indies,  to  which 
America  was  a  barrier  and  obstacle ;  the  Northmen,  on  the 
contrary,  explored  America  for  its  oivn  sake.  It  was  itself 
the  object  of  their  Vinland  expeditions.  They  did  not  think 
it  to  be  a  new  world.  They  considered  it  as  a  continuation 
of  Europe,  as  a  part  of  their  own  Scandinavian  home.  Yet 
notwithstanding  all  this,  they  abandoned  that  country,  and 
relinquished  the  advantages  of  their  discovery,  to  retire  to 
their  icy  northern  home.  Their  attempt  had  no  lasting  and 
important  consequences  for  civilization. 


VOYAOKS   OF  THE   ZENI. 


911 


Nevcrtlit'loss,  tliis  attempt  was  not  perfectly  isolated.  It 
lias  had  some  influence  on  the  proixress  of  discovery  and  the 
liistoiy  of  goorrraphy.  Th()U«!;h  their  undcrtakinj^  did  not 
become  imivermlly  known,  still  the  memory  of  it  was  kept 
up  by  some,  who,  from  different  sources,  received  a  knowl- 
edtj;e  of  it,  and  who  followed  in  their  track. 

The  first  of  these  were  certain  navijjjators  and  travelers 
from  Venice.  The  Venetians  and  the  Genoese,  though 
planted  within  their  harbors  in  hidden  corners  of  the  Medi- 
terranean during  a  great  i)art  of  the  middle  .ages,  were  the 
most  active  navigators  and  merchants  of  the  time  ;  and  their 
vessels,  at  an  early  date,  went  far  out  into  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  Already  in  the  thirteenth  century  some  Genoese, 
the  brothers  Vadino  and  Guido  do  Vivaldi  in  the  year 
1281,  and,  again,  Theodosio  Doria  and  Ugolino  Vivaldi  in 
the  year  1292,  are  said  to  have  saihid  far  to  the  west  and 
south,  and,  as  some  believe,  "  with  the  intention  to  explore 
the  Atlantic  and  to  find  like  Columbus  a  way  to  the  ori- 
ental regions,"  though  the  reports  on  the  intentions  and 
results  of  these  Italian  expeditions  are  very  uncertain.* 

Great  Britain  was  reached  by  the  Venetians  at  a  very  early 
time.  They  had  their  entrepots  in  London  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  Nay,  some  authors  pretend  that  the  intercourse  of 
the  Venetians  with  the  north  of  Europe  is  lost  in  the  dark- 
ness of  the  most  ancient  times. f 

By  northern  historians  the  Italians  are  stated  to  have 
traded  with  their  ships  in  the  fifteenth  century,  before  the 
time  of  Columbus  and  Cabot,  in  the  southern  parts  of  Ice- 


I 


*  See  about  this,  Humboldt,  Kritisclie  Uutersuchungen,  vol.  1,  pp.  4G,  393. 
Berlin,  1852. 

t  See  upon  this,  L.  Estancelin,  Recherches  sur  les  voyages  et  d^- 
couvertes  des  Normands,  pp.  114,  IIG.    Paris,  1832. 


I 


■I 


04 


VOYAOKS  OP  TF{E  ZENI. 


liiiul,  where  (n;nii!iii  vessels  from  tlio   Ilanseiitlc;  towns,  unci 
En<flisli  vessels  frotn  Mristol,  then  a[)peiire(l.* 

W  ItiiMiins  are  proaed  to  have  conio  to  IcolanJ  in  tlie 
fifteenth  century,  they  rnaij  have  been  tlierc  also  in  former 
times. 

Iceland,  in  the  thirteenth  and  fonrteentli  centnries,  was  a 
powerful  and  aristocratic  republic,  and  Greenland  a  fionrishing 
colony.  In  both  countries  were  several  Roman  Catholic 
bishops,  who,  being  installed  there  by  the  i)opi',  were  in 
,  continuous  intercourse  with  Italy.  In  (Treenland,  as  late  as 
the  end  of  the  fourteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  so-called  Peter-pence  was  collected,  and  sent 
from  thence  to  Home.  The  pope  and  his  priests  may  be 
said,  diu'ing  all  this  time,  to  have  had  their  eyes  upon  these 
quarters,  so  near  to  our  region.  ]\Iight  there  not  also  have 
come  a  ])ope's  envoy  in  an  Italian  vessel  to  Greenland? 

At  all  events,  we  need  not  be  astonished  to  hear,  at  the  end 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  of  Italian  navigators  (Venetians) 
sailinj;  to  these  northern  conntries,  which  had  such  a  manifold 
interest  for  Italy,  exploring  them,  describing  them,  and  trying 
even  to  put  down  their  outlines  on  a  chart. 

Nicolo  Zeno,  the  descendant  of  an  old  well-known  noble 
Venetian  family,  a  wealthy  and  enterprising  man,  fitted  out, 
at  his  own  cost,  a  ship,  soon  after  the  famous  battle  of 
Chioggia,  and  navigated  with  her  in  the  year  1880  toAvard 
England.  He  was  driven  by  a  storm  further  to  the  north, 
and  arrived  at  a  group  of  islands  by  him  named  "  Friesland," 
which  have  been  proved  to  be  our  present  "  Fariie."  These 
islands  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Northmen,  and 
peopled  by  them  since  the  year  861.      Plerc  the  Venetian 

*  See  upon  this  point,  Eggert  Olafsen,  Reise  (lurch  Island,  vol.2,  p.  231 ; 
and  Finn  Magnusen,  Nordisk  Tldsskrift  for  Oldkyndighed,  vol.  2.  Kopen- 
hagen  und  Leipzig,  1774. 


VOVACIEH  OK  Till-:   /KNI. 


or> 


tmvclcr,  Zt'iio,  was  kindly  receivod  l»y  tlu>  Nonniin  o;ovorn()r, 
or  lord,  "  Ziflmuii,"   wlio  ruled  in  tliis  arcliipcliioo,  Imving 
revolted  Jifiiiinst  his  chief,  the  kiiiy;  of  Norway.     The  Veno- 
tiaii,  with  his  vessel  and  able  crow,  assisted  his  friiMid  in  his 
war  a<:;ainst  the  kin^;,  and  was  anijdy  rewarded  for  it.     He 
became  Zichnini's    [)rinie    minister   and  child'  admiral,  and, 
resolv'Mii  to  remain    loniior   in   this    hosiiitahli!  countrv,   he 
sent  to  his  brother,  Antonio  Zeno,  in  Venice,  an    invitation 
to  join  him   in    "  Friesland."    Antonio  arrived  in  the  year 
l'39l,  and  had  likewise  a  kind  reception  by  the   Lord  of  the 
Isles.     The  two  brothers,  haviny;  made  this   Zichnnii  inde- 
pendent  and  powerful,  then  th()Uo;ht  of  making  exi)editions, 
conquests,  and  ex[)lorations  toward    more   distant  countries. 
Duriuf^  their  long  stay  of  many  years  in  "  Friesland,"  they 
iiained  an  extensive  knowlediic  of  all  the  islands  and  coun- 
tries  in  the  northc/n  Atlantic,  which  they  visiti'd  themselves, 
or  of  which  they  heard  reports  from  their  Northman  friends. 
Thus  they  gained  knowledge  of  the  Shetland  Islands,  of  the 
shores  of  Iceland  and  of  Greenland,  and  heard  also  of  some 
countries  to  the  south  of  Greenland,  named  "  Estotiland  " 
and    "  Drocreo,"  to  Avliich  the  men  of    Friesland  had  once 
made  an  expedition,  and  of  which  tlicy  had  gathered  exten- 
sive information. 

Nicolo  Zeno  died  in  the  course  of  these  occupations  and 
undertakings,  hi  the  year  1395 ;  and  his  brother,  Antonio, 
who  lived  longer,  described  his  own  and  his  brother's  ad- 
ventures and  discoveries  in  a  book,  in  which  he  depicted 
on  a  chart,  all  the  surrounding  countries  and  islands,  of 
which  he  and  his  brother  had  gained  some  knowledge.  This 
he  sent  to  his  third  brother,  Carlo  Zeno,  who  had  remained 
in  Venice.  After  this,  he  also  died  in  the  north,  in  the 
year  1404. 

Carlo  Zeno  appears  to  have  kept  these  writings  as  a  memo- 


1:1 


IS 

':■  ■  t. 


i 


T 


r 


96 


VOVAOK8  OP  THE  ZENI. 


rial  of  Ills  hroMicrs,  jind  jmt  tlu'in  into  the  iiroliivcs  of  his 
nohlu  fiimily,  whcro  the  inamisfript  hcnimo  dama^cMl  and 
partly  di'cayc'il.  At'tisr  the  invoiition  of  printing,  and  after 
the  modern  discovery  of  America,  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  a 
descenihmt  and  inend)er  of  tlie  Zeno  family,  "  Nicoh)  Zeno 
the  yonnjier,"  who,  in  the  year  l^oH,  pnhlishod  all  that 
remaini'd  of  the  wonderfid  reports  on  the  voyajjes  and  adven- 
tures of  his  ancestors ;  and  the  hook,  now  for  the  first  time 
became  known  to  the  learned,  and  created  a  great  sensation 
in  the  world. 

Some  belii'\ed  that  it  was  altogether  a  fiction,  invented  by 
the  Venetians  to  damafje  the  fame  of  their  Genoese  rivals 
and  the  Spaniards,  and  to  prove  that  America  h"'l  been 
discovered  and  described  by  one  of  their  own  poopi,.  long 
before  (Jolumbus.  Others,  *on  the  contrary,  acce])ted  the 
book  as  a  true  iind  faithful  report  of  voyages  and  discoveries 
really  made  by  the  authors,  and  considered  their  chart  as  the 
best  and  most  authentic  source  of  information  on  the  North 
Atlantic  rejiions. 

The  discussions  on  this  point  were  carried  on  through 
several  centuries,  until,  in  modern  times,  after  a  critical  and 
careful  examination  of  the  contents  of  the  work  of  the  said 
Venetians,  the  greater  part  of  the  learned  have  acknowledged 
the  reality  of  their  voyages  and  the  faithfulness  of  their 
reports,  although  it  is  admitted  that  they  contained  many 
misconceptions,  and  were  embellished  with  fanciful  fables.* 

The    most   important   part  of  the   work  of  the   Zeni  is, 

*  See  upon  tlii.s,  Iliumisio,  Navigationi  1  Viaggi,  toni.  2,  fol.  330;  G.  Tira- 
bosclii,  Storia  dcilla  Littoratura  Italiana,  torn.  5,  parte  1,  p.  128  seq.  Fi- 
renzo,  1807;  Foscarini,  Dulla  Litteratura  V^eiioziana,  p.  431.  Veiiezia,  1814; 
C.  C.  Zahotinaim,  Om  Zoniernes  Reiser  in  Nordisk  Tidsskrift  for  Oldkyn- 
di^jhed,  vol.  2,  p.  !).  Ivjobenliavn,  1833;  Humboldt,  Kritische  Uutorsuch- 
ungfcn,  vol.  1,  i)p.  47,  82,  301,  370,  372  ft'.,  388;  and,  above  all,  T.  Lelewel, 
GC'Ographie  du  Moyen  Ago,  torn.  3,  p.  79  seq. 


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SEA-CHART  OF  THE  ZENI. 


97 


1. 


decidedly,  tlie  chart  annexe;!  to  it  ;  because,  witlioiit  it,  it  is 
impossible  to  understand  clearly  the  contents  of  their  report. 
I  will  annex  a  copy  of  the  map  ;  and,  in  examining  it,  will 
also  treat  of  the  contents  of  the  report,  so  far  as  they  may 
touch  the  subject  of  our  research. 


is 


o 


o 


o 


The  Ska-cuaut  of  Nicolo  and   Axtoxio  Zkno,  made 

AHOUT    TUK   YkAR   1400. 

The  sea-chart  of  the  brothers  Zeni,  drawn  at  the  end  of 
the  fourteenth  century,  and  published  in  the  year  I008  is, 
in  many  respects,  a  most  extraordinary  and  important  pro- 
duction. One  great  country,  Greenlaiul,  was  drawn  on  it 
with  more  accuracy  than  had  been  done  on  any  known  map 
before  the  year  1400,  or  even  before  1558.  The  chart  was 
copied  by  many  distinguished  geographers,  adopted  by  them 
as  true,  aid  introduced  into  their  general  works.  Its  errors 
or  misrepresentations  were  also  continued;  and  several  coun- 
tries which  existed  only  on  the  Zeni's  cha)  t,  were  introduced 
into  geography,  and  sought  after  by  explorers,  until  at  last, 
after  two  hundred  years,  the  errors  were  exposed.  Several 
navigators  and  discoverers,  amongst  others  Frobisher,  liad 
the  map  of  the  Zeni  as  a  guide  on  board  their  vessels,  and 
sailed  by  it.*  Upon  the  whole,  we  can  point  out  scarcely  any 
map  which  has  given  so  nuicii  light,  and  has,  at  the  same 
time,  caused  so  much  confusion. 

The  copy  which  we  give  is  made  after  the  first  edition  of  it 
published  in  the  year  1558,  by  Nicolo  Zeno.  I  have  copied 
the  outlines  and  configurations  of  the  countries  exactly  as 
they  were  given  there,  and  also  the  degrees  of  latitude  and 
longitude  contained  on  it.  For  thjuj>h  this  fjraduation  was 
not  on  the   original  manuscript,  but   added   by  the  editor, 

*  See  ui)ou  this,  G.  M.  Asher,  Heury  Hudson,  p.  107.    Loudon,  180G. 

7 


ii 


VI' 


98 


SEA-CHART  OF  THE  ZENI. 


"  Nicolo  Zono  the  younger,"  and  tliougli  it  occasioned  much 
misunderstanding  and  contusion,  still  it  was  adopted  as  true 
by  subsequent  geographers,  was  copied  by  them,  and  gained,  in 
this  manner,  an  historical  importance.  Without  this  gradua- 
tion, although  not  originally  placed  there,  we  could  not  under- 
stand the  ideas  and  works  of  subsequent  map-makers,  who 
believed  in  its  truth. 

The  orirjinal  is  covered  with  numerous  names  ;  som3  cf 
them  cvidentlv  correct,  existing  Scandinavian  names,  which 
can  easily  be  identified,  or  which  contain,  at  least,  a  Scandi- 
navian element ;  for  instance,  all  those  ending  with  "fiord." 
These  names,  which  I  have  put  down  on  my  copy,  have  great 
interest  for  us  ;  for  they  prove  that  they  were  derived  from 
the  true  source,  and  that  the  authors  of  the  map,  who  could 
not  find  them  on  other  maps  existing  in  Europe  at  that  time, 
must  have  taken  them  on  the  spot. 

There  are,  however,  many  other  names  on  the  original, 
which  appear  strange  and  fanciful,  and  cannot  be  identified 
with  modern  names  ;  they  evidently  never  existed  in  north- 
ern countries  in  the  form  in  which  they  are  here  set  down. 
Originally  they  may  have  been  real  and  true  geographical 
names,  but  wntten  on  the  first  draught  by  Antonio  Zeno 
in  an  unintelligible  manner.  The  Italian  copyists,  pub- 
lishers, and  printers  of  1558,  may  have  read  them  according 
to  their  own  style  and-  view.  As  the  original  manuscript  of 
the  map  had  been  much  damaged,  the  publishers  may  have 
restored  some  defaced  names  according  to  their  fiincy.  These 
fanciful  and  strange  names,  therefore,  are  no  proof  whatever 
against  the  authenticity  of  the  original  map.  But  I  have 
omitted  them,  because  I  cannot  decipher  and  explain  them, 
and  because  they  would  only  embarrass  the  reader.  For  our 
purpose  it  is  quite  sufficient  to  have  the  intelligible  names,  or 
only  some  of  them,  to  assure  us,   that  the  map  is  perfectly 


SEA-CHART  OF  THE  ZENI. 


99 


wortliy  of  our  attention.  The  chart  and  all  its  contents 
have  been  examined  and  explained  so  thoroughly  by  several 
authors,  particularly  by  Lelevvel,  that  I  have  here  but  little 
to  do  but  to  make,  from  his  results,  a  choice  of  those  points 
which  appear  to  me  important  for  my  subject.* 

Tiie  chart  gives  in  the  south-east,  at  first,  the  northern 
point  of  "Scocia"  (Scotland),  and  then  the  peninsula  of 
Jutland,  which,  for  the  time,  1400,  is  remarkably  well  drawn. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  the  waters  and  gulfs  between 
Jutland  and  the  south  coast  of  "Suecia"  (Sweden),  and 
"Norvegia"  (Norway),  the  so-called  "  Skager  Rak,"  and 
"  Cattegat." 

Along  the  coast  of  Norway  we  meet  several  well-known 
points  and  places:  "pergen"  (the  town  of  Bergen); 
"stat"  (the  famous  Cape  Statlant)  ;  "tronde"  (the  town 
of  Drontheim)  ;  and  far  in  the  north-east,  "  Gvvardus  en- 
sula"  (Vardoehuus).  The  long  Archipelago  of  the  numer- 
ous Loffoden  Islands  is  depicted,  though  not  named. 

The  configuration  given  to  the  middle  and  northern  parts 
of  the  coast  of  Norway  is  not  correct.  But  it  is  better  drawn 
than  on  any  other  map  before  the  year  1400,  on  which  no 
other  country  of  Europe  was  so  much  disfigured  as  Scan- 
dinavia. Nay,  on  many  maps  of  the  first  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  Scandinavia  is  made  to  look  like  a  terra 
inc3(,n'ta. 

The  northern  parts  of  Russia  are  not  indicated  ;  and  the 
author  of  the  map,  in  putting  here  dotted  or  uncertain  lines, 
with  the  inscription,  "mare  et  terre  incognito"  (seas  and 
countries  unknown),  gives  us  to  understand,  that  he  will  not 
decide  the  question,  whether  the  navigable  sea  ends  here,  and 


l!i 


'1 


r?! 


*  See  Lelewel's  Essay  on  the  "Tavola  di  Zeni"  in  bis  "Geographie  du 
Moyen  Age,"  torn.  3,  p.  79  seq. 


* 


100 


SEA-CHART  OF  THE  ZENI, 


wlietlier  the  northern  parts  of  Europe  are  connected  by  terra 
firnm  with  a' otic  countries  round  the  pole,  or  not. 

Goin;^  from  "Norvoiria"  to  the  west,  the  next  group  of 
islands  is  called  "Esthind"  (our  present  Shetland),  which, 
as  on  our  map,  is  situated  between  the  north  of  Scotland 
and  the  middle  coast  of  Norway.  The  ancient  Scandina- 
vian name  for  those  islands  was  "  Hialtland,"  and  more 
conniionly,  "  Ilitland."  Our  map  has  this  name  (spelled 
"itland"').  Several  names,  ending  with  the  Scandinavian 
"fort,"  "incafort,"  "  onlefort,"  "  olofort,"  prove  at  least 
that  we  have  before  us  Northman  names,  which,  in  ancient 
times,  may  have  existed,  or  which  vere  somewhat  changed, 
under  the  orthography  of  the  Italians. 

To  the  west  of  the  Shetlands  occurs  the  great  island 
"  Frisland,"  surrounded  by  several  smaller  ones.  The  name, 
"  Frisland,"  co.iducts  us  to  the  group,  which,  at  present,  is 
named  the  "  Faeroer  "  (Faroe),  and  which,  in  ancient  times, 
were  called  "  Faereyjar"  or  "  Farcysland,"  or  "  Ferrisland," 
shortened  to  "  Freesland,"  or  "  Frisland."  Some  of  the 
names  given  by  our  author  to  "Frisland"  correspond  to 
names  still  found  among  the  Faeroer  (Faroe).  So  the  fol- 
lowing in  the  south:  "monaco"  (the  monk),  the  most 
southern  point  of  the  Faroe  group,  a  rock,  is  still  called  the 
Monk  (Munk)  ;*  and  so  "sorand,"  the  southern  section  of 
"  Frisland,"  is  very  probably  "  Suderoe,"  the  most  southern 
island  of  the  Faroe  group. 

"  Sudero  colfo  "  (Gulf  of  Sudero)  is  our  present  "  Sudero 
sund,"  a  channel  separating  the  said  southern  island  from 
the  rest  of  the  group,  "  colfo  nordero"  (tlie  Gulf  of  Nordero). 
Nordero  or  Norderoe  (the  northern  island)  is  still  the  name 
of  one  of  the  northern  Faroe  ;  "  streme  " — "  stromoc,"  is  the 

*  See  Baggeaen,  Den  Danske  Stat,  p.  451.    Kjobenhavn,  1840. 


I!i 


SEA-CHART  OF  THK  ZENI. 


101 


present  name  of  the  largest  of  the  FariJe ;  and  "  andoford," 
"Aiidofiord"  (the  bay  of  the  ducks),  a  gulf  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  ishmd  of  "  Oesteroe,"  still  bears  that  name. 

These  names  alone  will  be  sufficient  to  prove,  that  the 
"  Frisland"  of  the  Zeni  is  our  present  Fariie  group.*  They 
put  this  group  nearly  in  its  right  position  and  relation  to 
Scotland,  north-west  of  it,  and  at  the  true  distance  from  Ice- 
land. That  they  made  the  Faroe  so  extremely  large  may 
be  explained  from  the  fact,  that  they  resided  upon  them  for 
more  than  twenty  years,  and  that  it  W{;s  their  central 
or  starting  point  for  all  their  expeditions.  Lelewel,  with 
good  reason,  thinks  that  on  the  original  manuscript  map  of 
the  Zeni  of  the  year  1400,  the  Frisland  or  Faroe  group 
was  cut  up  into  many  smaller  islands,  and  that  the  manuscript 
was  injured,  particularly  at  that  part,  the  lines  of  the  interior 
channels  destroyed ;  and  that,  in  this  manner,  such  a  large 
piece  of  country  as  we  find  on  our  map,  was  delivered  to  the 
engraver  and  painter  of  1558. f  But  nearly  all  the  subse- 
quent geographers  and  map-makers  after  1558  concluded  that 
there  still  existed  in  the  northern  Atlantic,  a  large  country, 
"  Frisland,"  similar  in  size  to  Iceland  or  Greenland.  The 
history  of  this  geographical  problem,  and  how  it  was  solved, 
is  very  interesting  ;  but  I  omit  it  here,  as  not  connected  with 
our  subject. 

"  Islanda"  (Iceland)  is  placed  in  its  right  position,  midway 
between  the  central  parts  of  Norway  and  Greenland,  and  the 
size  given  to  it  is  nearly  the  true  one;  though  the  general  out- 
lines or  form  are  not  quite  so. 

Among  the  names  which  attest  the  acquaintance  of  the 
Zeni    with    this    country   are    the    following,    namely :    in 

*  For  move  proofs  and  for  the  literature  of  this  subject,  see  Lelewel,  1.  c. 
p.  103,  note  46. 
t  See  Lelewel,  1.  c.  p.  101. 


■ 


r 


■a 


'■'■W 


U,. 


I 
I 


T 


i'i.j   i 
iit 


10? 


SEA-CHAUT  OF  THE  ZENI. 


the  South,  "  flogasccr "  (or  fogluster),  correspondinj;  to 
"  fufrliisker"  (tho  bird  rocks),  a  name  still  found  in  the 
south  of  Icohmd  ;  "  Scalodin"  (Skalholt),  in  the  interior  of 
the  south  part  of  Icehind,  the  famous  ancient  residence  of 
one  of  its  bisliops;  "Anaford"  (Anafiord  or  IlaneHord), 
a  bay  on  which  the  phice  Hmas  was  standing;  "Oh'nsis," 
"  Holum,"  or  "  Hohir,"  the  residence  of  tlie  second  bishop  of 
Iceland,  "  episcopus  Holensis  ;"  "  Noder,"  something  like 
"  Norden." 

In  their  excursions  from  "  Frisland"  (the  Fariie)  the 
Zeni  reached  also  Greenland,  on  the  map  called  "  Engrone- 
lant"  and  " Gronlandia."  Tiiey  appear  to  have  visited  it; 
and  the  Scandinavian  seamen  communicated  to  them  their 
own  knowledge  of  this  country,  which,  at  the  time  of  tlie 
Zeni,  was  still  a  flourishing  colony,  full  of  small  settlements. 

The  draught,  which  the  Zeni  give  on  their  map  of  Green- 
land, is  the  most  remarkable  part  of  their  whole  work. 
The  size  and  form  they  give  to  Greenland ;  its  triangular 
shape  ;  its  broad  extension  to  the  north,  and  the  pointed 
and  narrow  peninsula  in  the  south  ;  the  high  mountains 
in  the  interior,  and  the  chain  of  small  islands,  peninsulas, 
headlands,  and  fiords  all  round  the  coast ;  the  latitude  given 
to  it,  the  middle  parts  north-west  of  Iceland,  and  the  southern 
point  in  the  latitude  of  Bergen,  in  Norway, — all  these  are 
strikingly  true  features  of  this  large  country.  It  is  not  prob- 
able that  the  Zeni  saw  and  explored  all  this  themselves. 
Such  a  figure  of  Greenland  as  they  give  could  only  be  the 
result  of  long  research  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
country.  They,  no  doubt,  obtained  their  information  from 
the  Northmen.  Nay,  they  must  have  received  maps  and 
charts  from  them.  Even  if  we  did  not  know  that  the  old 
Northmen  made  charts  of  their  colonies,  we  might  be  cer- 
tain from  this  picture  of  Greenland  by  the  Zeni,  that  they 


SEA-CHART  OF  THE  ZB:NI. 


103 


could  not  have  drawn  it  without  havinc  before  them  some 
map  prepared  from  long  observation.  Neither  in  the  year 
1400,  the  date  of  the  original  of  our  map,  nor  in  1558,  the 
date  of  its  being  engraved  and  published,  could  such  a  truth- 
ful representation  of  Greenland  be  found  in  Europe,  either  in 
manuscript  or  print.  The  Zeni  by  their  map  enriched  and 
corrected  the  knowledge  of  the  globe  with  respect  to  an  essen- 
tial point.  Some  admirers  of  their  map  have  given  it  as 
their  opinion,  that  they  owed  their  original  to  the  aborigines 
of  Greenland,  the  Esquimaux,  who  are  known  to  be  skillful 
in  drawing  maps.  I  doubt,  however,  whether  the  Esquimaux 
were  able  to  make  such  a  good  general  and  comprehensive 
picture  of  their  far-extended  home,  as  we  see  on  our  map. 
The  knowledge  of  Esquimaux  geographers,  probably,  did  not 
go  very  far  beyond  the  cape  or  fiord  on  which  they  were 
settled.  Such  a  comprehensive  picture  could  only  proceed 
from,  and  be  the  result  of  distant  and  often-repeated  naviga- 
tions, such  as  the  Northmen  were  used  to  make. 

Only  on  the  distant  north-east  of  Greenland,  which  is  still 
undefined,  the  Zeni  and  their  informants  were  uncertain ;  as 
also  on  the  north-east  of  Norway.  According  to  their  draught 
they  appear  to  have  doubted,  whether  Greenland  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  old  world  by  water  or  united  to  it  by  land. 

The  Greenland  of  the  Zeni,  after  1558,  was  many  times 
copied  by  European  geographers,  and  embodied  into  their 
general  maps  of  the  world,  though  they  wrongly  connected 
it  with  other  countries  in  consequence  of  the  incorrect 
graduation  of  our  map,  subsequently  interpolated  by  a  de- 
scendant of  the  Zeni,  Nicolo  Zeno  the  younger.  If  the  old 
Zeni  themselves  could  have  explained  their  map,  they  might 
have  told  their  descendants,  that  they  would  not  have  the 
southern  point  of  their  Greenland  end  in  66°  north  latitude, 
knowing  very  well  that  it  came  down  much  further  to  the 
south. 


u 


-^ 
'",) 


104 


8KA-CHART  OF  THE  ZENI. 


I 


T  omit  lu'ir  an  examination  of  the  ])articular  Greenland 
names  on  the  maj)  of  Zeno,  as  not  being  of  mueli  interest  for 
our  snl)ject,  but  refer  tlie  reader  to  the  essay  of  Leiewel.* 

I  come  now  to  tlioso  smaller  portions  of  country  set  down 
in  the  south-west  corner  of  the  Zeni's  map,  to  whi(!li  the 
names  "  Icaria,"  "  Estotiland,"  a«id  "Droceo"  are  given, 
and  wiiich,  for  us  here,  have  the  greatest  interest. 

Antonio  Zeno,  in  the  repf)rt  on  his  and  his  brother's  voy- 
ages, reli.ites,  that,  according  to  the  assertions  of  their  Fris- 
land  friends,  a  fishing  vesscd  from  "  Frisland," — the  Faroe, 
being  driven  by  a  storm  far  out  to  the  west,  arrived  at  a 
country  named  "  Estotiland,"  the  iidiabitants  of  which  had 
commerce  with  "Fngroenelandt"  (Greenland).  This  coun- 
try, Estotiland,  was  very  fertile,  and  had  high  mountains  in 
the  interior.  The  king  of  the  country  had  in  his  possession 
some  books  written  in  Latin,  which,  however,  he  did  not 
understand.  The  language  which  he  and  his  subjects  spoke 
liad  no  similarity  wliatever  to  the  Norse. 

The  king  of  Estotiland,  seeing  that  his  guests  sailed  in 
much  safety  with  the  assistance  of  an  instrument  (the  com- 
pass), persuaded  them  to  make  a  maritime  expedition  to 
another  countrv  situated  to  the  south  of  Estotiland,  and  called 
"Drogeo,"  or  "  Droceo."  There  they  had  the  misfortune 
to  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  most  barbarous  tribe.  They  were 
all  killed  except  one,  who  was  made  a  slave,  and  who,  after 
a  long  time  and  after  many  adventures,  at  last  found  his  Avay 
back  to  Greenland  and  to  the  Faroe.  He  related,  that  the 
country,  "  Drogeo,"  stretched  fiir  to  the  south,  and  was  a 
very  large  country,  like  another  world,  and  that  it  was  all 
full  of  savage  tribes,  who  covered  themselves  with  skins  and 
lived  by  hunting.  They  had  no  other  weapons  than  bows 
and  arrows,  and  lived  among  each  other  in  an  eternal  warfare. 

*  Leiewel,  1.  c.  p.  98. 


■ 


SEA-CHART  OF  THK  ZENI. 


105 


But  far  off'  to  tlio  south-west  were  some  more  civilized 
nations,  whicii  knew  the  use  of  tlie  precious  metals,  and  built 
towns  and  temples  ;  it  was,  however,  their  custom  to  kill 
their  prisoners  and  offer  them  to  their  n;ods. 

This  appears  to  have  been  for  the  time,  1400,  a  pretty 
good  descri|>tion  of  the  state  of  tliino;s  in  Anu'rica  as  far 
down  as  Mexico.  And  if  it  does  not  seem  possible  that  all 
this  information  could  be  brou<;ht  ton;ether  bv  that  one  Scan- 
dinavian  slave,  or  traveler,  amont;  the  Indians  of  '"  Drocreo," 
it  may,  ])erliaps,  be  taken  as  a  resumd  of  all  the  knowledge 
acquired  by  the  Northmen  on  their  expeditions  to  the  west 
and  south-west.  This  traveler  may  have  heard  these  tales 
on  his  return  to  Greenland  or  Iceland,  and  may  have  brought 
this  tradition  to  the  Fariic,  and  to  the  ears  of  the  Zeni. 

The  name  "  Estotiland  "  appears  to  be  of  German  origin, 
and  has  been  explained  as  "  East-outland,"  or  the  land 
lying  far  out  toward  the  east.  Because  Newfoundland 
stretches  out  more  toward  the  east  than  any  other  part  of 
America  on  the  south  of  Greenland,  some  have  thought  that 
"Estotiland"  might  be  a  Northman  name  for  that  island. 
Others  have  applied  the  name  to  our  present  Labrador. 
And  others,  again,  seeing  that  Antonio  Zeno  puts  on  his 
map  to  the  north-east  of  Estotiland,  but  south  of  Greenland, 
another  pretty  large  island  with  the  name  of  "  Icaria,"  have 
thought  that  this  "  Icaria  "  (whicli  Antonio  Zeno  asserts  that 
he  had  visited  with  his  friend  Zichmni,  after  having  received 
the  favorable  report  of  the  country,  "  Drogeo"),  might  be 
Newfoundland,  and  that  Estotiland  on  the  south-west,  our 
Cape  Breton  and  Nova  Scotia.  "  Drogeo,"  of  which  Zeno 
gives  on  his  map  only  a  small  part,  would  then  be  our  New 
England.  According  to  this  view  we  would  have,  as  in  the 
old  Icelandic  reports,  three  countries  to  the  south  of  Green- 
land: 


[ 


106 


SEA-CITART  OF  THE  ZENT. 


1.  Icariii  (IloIIulaiul,  Newfoundland).  2.  Estotiland 
(Markliuid,  Nova  Scotia).  3.  Drogeo  (Vinland,  New 
Enfjiaiid).* 

The  subsequent  njeorrrajjliers  and  map-makers  (after  15/)8), 
Mercator,  Ortelius,  etc.,  did  not  interj)ret  the  Zeni's  map  as 
we  have  done.  They  adopted  cvcrytliing  contained  in  this 
map,  also  the  south-western  countries,  Icaria,  Estotiland,  and 
Drogco ;  but  they  made  them  swim  like  additional  separate 
islands  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  j)utting  to  the  west  of 
them  the  countries,  Newfoundland,  Nova  Scotia,  New  Eng- 
land, which  they  represented  in  the  manner  and  shape  given 
to  them  by  the  navigators  and  explorers  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. 

It  will  probably  be  impossible  to  make  the  history  and 
geography  of  Icaria,  Estotiland,  and  Drogeo  quite  clear. 
But  from  their  position  to  the  south-west  of  Greenland  it 
appears  to  be  certain,  that  some  sections  of  the  nortli-east  of 
America  are  indicated  by  them.  And  so,  at  all  events,  to 
our  map  of  1400  must  be  ascribed  the  particular  distinction 
and  merit,  that  it  is  the  first  and  oldest  map  known  to  us,  on 
which  some  sections  of  the  continent  of  America  have  been  laid 
down. 


*  Lelewel  on  his  map  puts  "  Drogeo  "  exactly  iu  the  locality  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  State  of  Maine. 


land 

58), 
p  as 
this 
and 
rate 
t  of 
:ng- 
iven 
3en- 

and 
ear. 
I  it 
it  of 
,  to 
tion 
,  on 
laid 


ter- 


N?ll 


Tli<'   Nortl)  =  Atlantic,  by  Hje  Jcelan5f r 

Sigurc^  Stept)aniu$in  the  year  IStO. 


Al'PKN  l)A(iK    TO    CIIAPTKK     IT 


CUAUTS  OF  TIIK  NOllTIIMEX. 


1.  On  thk  Map  No.  2  ok  tiik   Noktii    Atlantio  Ockax,  dhawn 

MY  TllK   ICKf.ANOICU,  SlOUlinUH  STKI'UANIUH,   IN   1570. 

Tiiic  tSca:i(Iiiinvian  liiHtoriiUi,  ThonnoduH  Torfaous,  jjiveH  in  liis  work 
"  Gronlaiulia  Anti(iiia"  (Anciuiit  (irooiilaud),  Haviiiiu,  ITlXl,  uii<ri'avin};H 
of  Hovoral  old  and  vory  cm-iouH  chaitH  of  tho  Norlli  Atlantic.  Ah 
nutliors  of  tlioso  charts  ho  muntioiiH  somu  luarnod  Scandinavian 
draufrhtHincn  from  lculan<l. 

All  tiu'so  drauf;hts  in  Torfacus  have  in  common  the  following 
•foaturos  :  they  place  Iceland  about  tho  center  of  the  picituro,  some- 
what in  tho  Hamo  manner  as  old  European  maps  placed  the  holy  city, 
Jerusalem,  in  tho  midst  of  their  pictures  of  the  world.  To  tho  north 
of  this  their  home,  from  wliicli  the  Northmen,  on  their  excursions  in 
all  directions,  went  to  discover  the  circumjacent  countries,  they  put 
Greenland  ;  to  the  east,  Norway  and  Russia  ;  to  tho  south.  Great 
Britain  and  Franco  ;  and  to  tho  west,  parts  of  America  and  also 
Greenland. 

Greenland,  for  tho  Icelanders  so  important  a  region,  is  depicted  as 
an  extremely  largo  country.  So  also  are  tho  neighboring  islands,  the 
"Faroe,"  and  "Hetland"  (our  Shetland).  Great  Britain  and  France, 
like  countries  seen  from  a  distance,  are  of  a  rather  small  size. 

Between  Greenland  and  Russia  ("  Biarmaland,"  the  present  "  Perm"), 
the  ocean  contracts  to  a  narrow  channel,  named  on  some  of  tho  maps 
"  Dumbshaf "  On  the'  greater  part  of  the  maps,  tho  ocean  between 
southern  Europe  and  America  is  also  very  narrow ;  so  that  the  whole 
North  Atlantic  appears  to  be  an  inland  sea,  with  four  narrow  outlets; 
one  in  tho  south,  one  in  tho  north  (the  Dumbshaf ),  one  in  the  east, 
looking  to  the  Baltic ;  and  one  in  the  west,  conducting  to  tho  arctic 
waters,  our  Davis'  Strait,  with  the  old  Norman  name  "  Ginnungagap." 

I  give  here  two  of  the  Icelandic  maps  contained  in  Torfacus  (Nos.  2 
and  3).  Our  present  map.  No.  2,  according  to  Torfaous, — or  more  par- 
ticularly according  to  "Magister  Theodoras  Torlacius,"  whom  Toi> 


■  t 
I 

A- 

■4 


'» '■ 


108 


CHARTS  OF  THE  NORTHMEN. 


faeua  quotes  in  the  notes  to  the  map,  and  who  was  himself  a  historian 
of  Iceland,— was  made  in  the  year  1570,  by  Sigurdus  Steplianius,  an 
Icelander.  Torlacius  calhj  him  a  "  learned  ni,.n,  once  the  most  wor*liy 
rector  of  the  school  in  Skalhott,  a  well-known  place  in  Iceland,  who 
published  also  a  description  of  Iceland."  "  Ho  appears  "  says  Torla- 
cius, "  to  have  taken  this  his  picture  from  the  Icelandic  antiquities' ' 
("  Dolineationem  banc  suam  ex  antiquitatibus  Islandicis  desumpsisse 
videtur  ").  Perhaps  among  those  Icelandic  antiquities  we.-e  not  only 
reports,  but  also  some  draughts  and  charts ;  though  Rafn,  in  liis  "Anti- 
quitates  Americana),"  does  not  state  that  he  found  charts  among  the 
Icelandic  manuscripts  seen  Ly  him. 

Iceland  has,  on  our  map,  too  low  a  latitude.  It  is  too  near  the 
southern  point  of  Heriolfsnaes  (Cape  Farewell).  The  whole  southern 
section  of  "  Groenlandia"  (Greenland)  is  extended  too  f?„  t^  the  east. 
To  the  south-west  we  meet  "  Helluland"  (Newfoundland).  Between 
the  two  countries  is  a  gulf,  the  ancient  "  Ginnuugagap  "  of  the  North- 
men (Davis'  Strait,.  "Hellulana"  (Newfoundland)  is  represented  as 
a  peninsula,  projecting  eastward. 

To  the  south  of  "  Helluland  "  comes  a  gulf,  the  entrance  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  then  another  peninsula  similar  to  the  former,  called 
"Markland"  (Nova  Scotia).  The  little  gulf  to  the  south  of  "Mark- 
land  "  is  the  entrance  to  our  Bay  of  Fundy. 

After  this  little  inlet  there  opens  to  the  south  •>  '  <,rge  gulf,  resem- 
bling, in  size  and  form,  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  sometimes  called  by  the 
Northmen,  "  Vinlands-Haf."  The  gulf  ends  in  the  south,  with  a 
pointed  cul  de  sac,  formed  by  a  very  conspicuous  headlanc  which  is 
called  "  Promontorium  Vinlandiae"  (the  Cape  of  Vinland).  This  cul 
de  sac  has  a  striking  similarity  to  our  Cape  Cod  Bay.  And  ihe  cape 
which  is  called  "  Promontorium  Vinlandiae,"  has  about  the  form  of  a 
hook,  or  a  ship's  nose.  I  think  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  we  have 
here  a  picture  of  the  old  and  famous  Cape  "Kialarnes"  (Ship-nose) 
of  the  Northmen.  That  this  cape  should  be  called  "  the  Promontory 
of  Vinland,"  is  very  natural ;  because  it  really  is  the  most  conspicuous 
headland  of  all  that  tract  of  country,  which,  among  the  Northmen, 
was  designated  as  "  Vinland." 

All  these  countries,  "Helluland,"  "Markland,"  and  "  Vinland "  have 
the  same  relative  position  to  Greenland;  and  follow  in  the  same  series 
in  which  they  are  given  in  the  old  reports  on  the  discoveries  of  the 
Northmen.  That  they  have  a  much  higher  latitude  than  is  at  present 
given  to  them, — for  instance,  Helluland,  the  latitude  of  southern  Nor- 
way ;  Vinland,  the  latitude  of  southern  England, — ought  not  to  astonish 
us ;  because  Stephanius,  the  author  of  the  map,  could  not  gain  much 


I. 


mi. 


•I; 

.7» 


el ' 

'"I 
% 


ill 


N2in. 


TkNortl)"  Atlantic  hy  tbe  JccUn^cr  6u()braiiOu$ 
Torlaciu^mH(j«earI606. 


CHARTS   OF  THE  NOUTHMf^N. 


109 


light  on  the  latitudes  from  the  old  Icelandic  reports.  On  some  of  the 
old  Icelandic  maps,  "Terra  Florida"  has  the  latitude  of  northern 
France.  Nor  sliould  the  colossal  dimensions,  given  on  our  map  to  the 
point  "  Promontoriuni  Vinlandito,"  deceive  us.  The  (Jape  of  Vinland, 
the  Cape  Kialarnos,  is  so  often  mentioned  in  tlie  reports  of  the  North- 
men, and  takes  such  a  prominent  place  in  the  history  of  their  discove- 
ries, that,  according  to  its  great  fame  and  name,  it  must  have  stood 
before  the  mind  of  an  Icelandic  draughtsman,  as  something  very 
grand. 

That  the  Icelander,  Stophanius,  in  constructing  his  map,  used  Euro- 
pean originals,  is  evident  from  his  fabulous  island  of  "  Frisland,"  to 
the  south  of  Iceland.  That  this  island,  in  the  jilace  assigned  to  it,  did 
not  exist,  must  have  been  pretty  well  known  in  Iceland  itself.  It 
could  only  be  found  in  Italian,  German,  or  other  European  maps. 
Therefore  Theodorus,  in  his  notes,  adds  the  remark :  "  What  island 
this  is,  I  do  not  know,  if,  perhaps,  it  be  not  that  country  which  a 
Venetian  (Nicolo  Zeno)  discovered,  and  which  the  Germans  call  Fries- 
land." 

For  his  figure  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  he  may  also  have  used 
foreign  maps.  But  for  the  coast  of  America  ("  IloUuland,"  "Mark- 
land,"  "Promontoriuni  Vinlandiie"),  he  could  not  find  upon  the 
European  maps  of  1570  anything  like  what  he  has  drawn.  This  pai't 
he  must  have  taken  from  Icelandic  originals. 

From  all  this  I  conclude,  that  we  have  here  in  the  "  Promontorium 
Vinlandiae"  a  good  type  of  our  Cape  Cod  after  old  Northman  originals, 
and  in  the  gulf  and  coast  between  this  and  "  Markland,"  an  indication 
of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  with  the  coast  of  Massachusetts,  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  Maine. 


:ii 


D      ■■ 

*  1  '■ 

r    ■ 


I. 


iii 


I 


2.    Ox  THE  Map  No.  3  of  the  North  Atlantic  Oceak,  drawn 

BY  GUDBRAXDUS  TORLACIUS  IN   IGOC. 

For  the  sake  of  comparison  and  to  illustrate  further  the  geography 
of  the  old  Northmen  of  Iceland,  we  have  added,  in  No. :},  a  copy  of 
another  map,  contained  in  Torfaeus,  and  made  about  forty  years  later 
than  the  former. 

This  map,  according  to  the  notes  added  to  it  by  Theodorus  Tor- 
lacius,  was  delineated  by  Gudbrandus  Torlacius,  "  a  most  learned 
man,  who  was  fifty-six  years  bishop  in  Iceland,  ana  a  reformer  of  the 
churches  and  schools  of  the  country." 

Which  of  these  originals  this  bishop  used  for  the  construction  of  his 
map,  we  do  not  learn.    The  narrow  form  given  to  the  North  Atlantic, 


4^ 


(■■■  '; 


110 


CHARTS  OF  THE  KOK.THMEN, 


with  Iceland  in  tlie  center,  as  usual  on  Icelandic  maps,  presents  a  view 
of  the  wliole  field  of  the  Northman  discoveries. 

To  tlie  east  coast  of  North  America  the  bishop  has  not  paid  much 
attention.  He  calls  it  "  Estotilandia,"  a  name  not  invented  in  Iceland, 
but  introduced  into  geogi'aphy  by  the  Zeni. 

The  principal  feature  of  the  map  is  the  very  correct  configuration  of 
Greenland,  which  here  is  much  better  depicted  than  on  the  former 
map.  It  would  have  been  an  improvement  of  many  European  maps 
of  the  year  1606,  if  this  Icelandic  representation  of  Greenland  had 
become  known  in  Europe.  The  Icelanders  spoiled  their  maps  by  intro- 
ducing "  Frisland,"  "  Estotiland,"  and  other  imaginary  countries,  which 
then  retained  a  place  in  the  geography  of  Europeans,  who  took  no 
notice  of  these  old  Icelandic  maps. 

Some  modern  geographers  (for  instance  Malte  Brun)*  mention  a 
manuscript  map,  made  by  Gudbrand  Torlakson,  as  being  preserved 
in  the  royal  library  of  Kopenhagen.  I  have  not  had  the  good  fortune 
to  see  this  map,  but  it  probably  contains  the  same  things,  which  we 
find  depicted  on  oui  No.  3,  "  made  by  Gudbrandus  Torlacius.' 


*See  Sralto  Brun,  Gcschlchto  dor  Erdkunde  Herauagegeben  von  E.  A.  W.  von  Zim- 
mermann,  vol.  2,  p.  183.    Leipzig,  1812. 


ii  r 


CHAPTER    III. 


■1;    - 


ENGLISH  TRADING  EXPEDITIONS  FROM  BRISTOL  AND 
OTHER  ENGLISH  PORTS  TOWARD  THE  NORTH-WEST. 
PRINCIPALLY  TO  ICELAND,  DURING  THE  FOURTEENTH 
AND  FIFTEENTH  CENTURIES.  — JOHN,  OF  KOLNO.  — CO- 
LUMBUS. 


Though  Iceland,  after  the  loss  of  hor  colonics  in  Green- 
land and  America,  and  after  she  had  become  a  dependent 
province  of  Denmark  in  1380,  was  not  so  powerful  as  before, 
yet  she  remained,  in  the  fourteenth  century,  an  important 
province,  and  the  country  was  pretty  well  peopled.  There 
were  always  two  bishops  on  the  island,  and  a  number  of 
influential  and  wealthy  families  and  chieftains,  having  many 
wants,  which  their  northern  country  was  unable  to  supply, 
and  which  could  be  supplied  only  from  the  south.  She 
therefore  remained  during  the  fifteenth  century  the  object 
of  a  lively  commerce.  The  inhabitants  received  their  south- 
ern necessaries  partly  from  Norway  through  Bergen,  where 
the  Hanseatic  towns  had  their  great  emporium  and  factory  for 
the  whole  North ;  but  principally,  perhaps,  from  that  neigh- 
boring southern  country,  from  which  Iceland  had,  in  former 
times,  received  her  first  Christian  settlers,  the  "  Papas," 
prior  to  the  Northmen,  and  with  which  the  connection  and 
intercourse  had  probably  never  ceased.* 

*  See  upon  this,  Finn  Magnusen,  "  Om  de  Engelskes  Handel  paa  Island  i 
detl5de  Aarhundrede  in  Nordisk  Tidsskrift  for  Oldkyndighed,"  2  Bind, 
p.  164.    Kiobenhavn,  1833. 


I 


'K 


112 


KNCJLISir  EXPEDITIONS  PIIIOR  TO  14{)2. 


The  navi^iition  from  the  ports  of  Great  Britain  to  Iceland 
appears   to    have  been    partieuhirly  flourishin<^  (liirin*^    the 
time  above  iiidieated.     Several   British  ports  were  used  in 
this  trade.    Hull,  London,  and  Bristol  are  mi'iitioned  as  such  ; 
and  Scotch  and  Irish  vessels  are  said  to  havo  gone  over  at 
times,  for  fishin«r  and  commercial  purposes.     But  the  prin- 
cipal seat  and  centre  of  all  these  commercial  expeditions  to 
Iceland  was  Bristol,  the  same  port  from  which,  afterwards, 
the  Cabots  set  out  for  their  famous  north-western  discoveries. 
The  o-oods   wliich  the  Eno;lish  carried  to  Iceland  were  mani- 
fold  :  cloth,  and  other  manufactures  ;  corn,  wheat,  and  other 
breadstuffs  ;  wine,  beer,  and  other  liquors.*     They  received 
in  exchan<j;o  for  these  commodities  fish,  principally  stockfish. 
Iceland  and  its  waters  were,  together  with  the  coast  of  Nor- 
way, the  great  fishing-ground  for  cod  ;  and  we  may  call  it,  in 
this  respect,  the  forerunner  of  the  Newfoundland  lianks,  the 
great  outpost  for  European  fishermen  in  later  times. f     Some- 
times also  learned  men,  or  at  least  priests,  appear  to  have 
gone  out  with  those  English  fishermen  and  merchants  to  the 
north-west.     At  least,  a  certain  Nicolas,  of  Linne,  is  men- 
tioned, as  having  made  a  voyage  to  the  north-west  from  the 
English  port  of  "  Linne,"  now  Kingslynn,  in  Norfolk,  and 
as  havino;  arrived  in  Iceland  with  favorable  winds  in  a  fort- 
night.  J 

How  brisk  this  commerce  in  some  years  must  have  been, 
is  clear  from  the  fact  mentioned  by  Norwegian  authors,  that 
in  the  month  of  April,  1419,  a  heavy  snow-storm  in  a  short 


*  See  them  mentioned  in  Finn  Magnusen,  1.  c.  p.  147. 
t  An  old  English  poem  of  the  fifteenth  century,  quoted  by  Hakluyt, 
begins  with  these  words : 

"  Of  Iceland  to  write  Is  little  nede 
Save  of  Stockfish,"  etc. 
t  See  on  this,  C.  C.  Zartmann,  in  Nouvelles  Annales  dea  Voyages,  torn. 
3,  p.  48, 1836. 


K^wniAA-^a 


II 


ENGLISH  EXPEDITIONS  PRIOR  TO  1492. 


113 


time  destroyed  not  less  than  twenty-five  English  vessels,  the 
cargoes  and  wrecks  of  which  were  scattered  on  the  coasts  of 
Iceland  and  circumjacent  islands,  whilst  the  crews  were 
swallowed  by  the  sea.*  The  English,  thinking  that  so  great 
disasters  could  not  have  happened  without  the  assistance  and 
ill-will  of  the  Icelanders,  went  over  to  Iceland  with  an  armed 
force  to  take  revenge  for  the  robberies  of  which  they  accused 
them.  English  men-of-war,  or  "  pirates,"  as  the  Icelanders 
called  them,  during  the  course  of  the  century,  went  repeat- 
edly over  to  Iceland  to  seek  satisfaction  for  some  supposed 
insult.  They  made  war  in  the  island,  settled  and  fortified 
themselves  there,  and  seemed  as  if  they  had  the  intention  of 
conquering  the  whole  country.  Now  and  then,  also,  thej 
quarreled  with  the  merchants  and  mariners  from  the  Hanse- 
atic  ports,  in  many  respects  their  rivals  in  the  commerce  of 
Northern  Europe  ;  who,  likewise,  as  I  have  mentioned  above, 
often  sailed  to  Iceland ;  and  with  whom  the  English,  from 
time  to  time,  had  conflicts  in  those  northern  seas. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  give  a  complete  history  of  the 
commerce  from  England,  and  particularly  from  Bristol  to 
Iceland ;  but  it  is  interesting  and  important  to  show  the 
English  posted  on  that  great  northern  oceanic  high-road, 
which  had  conducted  the  Europeans  repeatedly  to  discovery 
in  north-eastern  America,  and  to  see  them  in  the  Icelandic 
waters,  on  the  threshold  of  America,  occupied  with  fishing, 
and  military,  piratical,  and  commercial  expeditions.  Under 
these  circumstances,  it  may  not  be  unreasonable  to  suppose, 
that  English  vessels  may  have  been  driven  by  storms  to 
Greenland,  Labrador,  Vinland,  and  so  to  the  coast  of 
Maine ;  as  the  old  Northmen  and  the  Zeni  were  driven  to 
"  Frisland."     Though  the  vessels  of  the  fifteenth  century 


*  See  on  this,  Finn  Magnusen,  1.  c.  US. 
8 


1 


114 


ENGLISH  EXPEDITIONS  PRIOR  TO  141)2. 


liarl  tliG  advantage  of  the  compass,  wliicli  tlio  old  Northmen 
had  not,  still  if  one  storm  alone,  that  of  1419,  could  disperse 
and  destroy  twenty-five  English  vessels,  there  may  have  been 
many  chances  for  widely  ranging  oceanic  adventures  in  those 
seas.  We  have,  however,  no  reports  of  any  such  event, 
as  in  previous  times  is  said  to  have  happened  to  Prince 
Madoc,  to  Naddod,  Biarne,  and  the  subjects  of  king 
Zichmni.  The  only  exception  to  this  appears  to  bo  the 
report,  that  pirates  at  that  time  had  their  lurking-places  on 
the  coast  of  Greenland. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  in  the  year  1476, 
the  king  of  Denmark,  Christian  I,  is  said  to  have  sent  out, 
under  the  command  of  a  certain  John  Scolnus,  more  cor- 
rectly called  John  of  Kolno,  a  native  of  Poland,  an  ex- 
ploring expedition  on  the  same  old  northern  route  toward 
the  West.  The  first  author  who  very  briefly  mentions  this 
Polish  adventure,  is  the  Spanish  historian  Gomara,  in  the 
year  1553,  without,  however,  stating  from  whom  he  had  it. 
The  Dutch  cosmographer,  Cornelius  Wytfliet,  Tnore  fully 
speaks  of  him  in  his  well-known  work,  "  Descriptionis 
Ptolemaica?  augmentum.  Lovanii,  1597."  On  folio  102  of 
this  work,  after  having  related  the  voyage  of  the  Zeni,  he 
says,  that,  in  the  year  1476,  the  said  John  Scolnus,  sailing 
beyond  Norway,  Frisland  (Iceland?),  and  Greenland, 
entered  the  Arctic  Strait  (Boreale  fretum  ingressus,  sub 
ipso  arctico  circulo)  ;  and  came  to  Labrador  and  Estotiland. 
Neither  does  Wytfliet  say,  from  what  source  he  had  this 
report.  But  after  his  time  it  was  a  current  opinion  among 
geographers  and  historians,  that  Kolno,  in  the  year  1476,  had 
discovered,  under  the  direction  and  order  of  Christian  I., 
the  strait  called  Anian, — a  north-western  passage  through 
Hudson's  Strait.  Many  have  repeated  this  report  without 
finding  any  other  authority  for  it  than  Gomara  and  Wytfliet. 


EXPEDITIONS  OP  COLUMBUS  rillOR  TO  14!)2. 


115 


But  the  Danish  and  Norwcf^iiin  writers  upon  this  subject 
consider  that  voyage  as  altogether  apocrypiial,  and  say,  that 
their  old  nortliern  historians  and  documents  do  not  contain 
the  slightest  nijution  of  such  an  expedition.  Moreover,  they 
think  that  if  it  was  made  at  all,  it  could  have  been  nothing 
more  than  an  attempt  to  find  out  again  the  lost  old  Greenland, 
and  not  to  make  new  discoveries  in  the  distant  west.*  The 
learned  Polish  geographer,  Lelewel,  though  inclined,  from 
a  patriotic  motive,  to  make  a  great  deal  of  the  undertaking 
ascribed  to  his  countrymen,  has  found  no  Polish  authority  ' 
whatever.  We  therefore  dismiss  this  somewhat  celebrated 
voyage  with  the  simple  statement,  that  it  j)robably  never  took 
place,  or  that,  at  all  events,  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  Vinland 
and  Maine,  as,  indeed,  Lelewel  explicitly  alleges. 

It  is  curious,  however,  that  in  the  very  next  year  after  that 
ascribed  to  the  pretended  voyage  of  this  Pole,  namely,  in 
the  year  1477,  another  great  navigator,  the  greatest  and  most 
famed  of  all,  Christopher  Columbus  himself,  went  out  to 
explore  and  reconnoiter  on  the  very  same  old  northern  route 
toward  the  west.  And  if,  as  Lelewel  says,  the  voyage  of 
Scolnus  at  once  became  known  in  Portugal  and  Spain,  he 
might  as  well  have  added  the  supposition,  that  perhaps  also 
Columbus  heard  of  it,  and  that  he  might  have  been  attracted 
to  the  north  by  the  reports  of  this  expedition  of  Christian  I. 
Columbus,  having  his  mind  full  of  speculations  and  ideas 
about  the  possibility  of  a  circumnavigation  of  the  globe,  and 
about  the  short  distance  between  Europe  and  the  eastern  end 
of  Asia,  made  several  trials  and  performed  several  voyages 
preparatory,  so  to  say,  to  his  grand  undertaking.  He  went 
in  a  southern  direction  to  Madeira,  Porto-Santo,  the  Canary 
Islands,  nay,   to   the    coast  of  Guinea.     He   made    himself 

*  See  for  this  the  work,  Griinland's  Historiske  Mindesmaerker.    Tredie 
Bind,  p.  G30.    Kiobenhavn,  1845. 


fi 


!' 


t 

j|: 

Mr- 

i 


116 


BXPEDITIONS  OP  COLUMBUS  PIIIOU  TO   14!}2. 


acfjiminted  witli  all  tlio  routes  of  the  Portn^uese,  and  also 
with  the  extreme  ne  plus  ultra  of  their  discoveries  in  a  west- 
ern direction,  toward  the  Azores  or  Western  Islands.     Hum- 
boldt thinks  it  prohuhle,  that  he  himself  made  an  excursion  to 
this  western  out-post  of  l'ortu«^ueso  discovery.*     Columbus 
tried   also,  in  the   year    1477,  the    northern    route,   sailing 
(probably    with   an    En^flish    merchantman    from    liristol) 
toward   Iceland,  and  even  some  distance   beyond  it.     What 
induced  him  to  undertake  this  voya<fe,  he   has  not  told  us. 
But  very  probably  it  was  the   fame  of  the  Ultima  Thule, 
that  attracted  him.     He  had  read,  probably,  about  it  in  his  old 
books,  in  which  it  was  described  as  the  most  remote  country 
discovered   by  the  Romans.     And  Ik    mij^ht  have  inquired, 
*'  Arc  there  not  still  other  countries  beyond  it,  and,  perhaps, 
some  parts  of  Asia  quite   near  to  it  ? "     The  distinjruished 
French  geographer,  Malte  lirun,  has  su|)posed,  that  Colum- 
bus, while  yet  in  Italy,  had  heard  something  of  the  early  dis- 
coveries of  the  Northmen  beyond  Thule.f     And  this  is  not 
at  all  unlikely.     In  Rome,  the  center  of  the  world,  where 
they  had  always  an  eye  upon  all  countries,  both  heathen  and 
Christian,  they  certainly  knew  something  of  Greenland  ;  and 
in  Venice,  the  voyages  of  the  Zeni,  though  they  were  not 
printed  as  yet,  may  have  been  known  to  some  persons.     A 
Danish  author  thinks  it  also  possible,  that  Columbus,  who 
made  research  in  all  books,  printed  and  manuscript,  about  his 
supposed  countries  in  the  west,  had  become  acquainted  with 
some   copy  of  the  work  of  the    well-known  old   historian, 
Adam  of  Bremen,  who  clearly  mentioned  the  discovery  of 
Vinland.J 
By  such  hints  Columbus  may  have  been  induced  to  make 


*  Humboldt,  Kritische  Untersuuhungen,  vol.  1,  p.  231.    Berlin,  1852. 

t  See  upon  this,  Malte  Brun,  Histoire  de  la  Gt^ographie,  ed.  2,  pp.  396,  499. 

t  See  Fiuu  Magnusen,  1.  c.  p.  165,  note  1. 


1 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  COLUMHUS   l»UIOU  TO  14t«.         117 

his  voyage  to  Iceluiul,  "  and  a  liuiulred  luaj^iies  beyond  it." 
This  must  have  brou^lit  iiim  nearly  in  ni^iit  of  Greeidand, 
and,  at  all  events,  for  the  first  time,  into  American  waters. 

Wo  have,  unhappily,  only  a  very  short  notice  *  of  this,  to 
U8,  particularly  interesting  voyage,  which  evidently  was  a 
pioneering  or  exploring  expedition  in  the  direction  toward 
the  north-east  parts  of  America.  But  so  much  seems  certain, 
that  lie  did  not  merely  sail  along  Iceland  (Thulo),  but  stayed 
some  time  in  the  country,  and  conversed  with  the  inhabitants. 
If  so,  this  great  inquirer  must  have  asked  questions  enough 
about  countries  lying  to  the  west ;  and  he  may  have  heard 
much  about  Greenland,  Markland,  and  Vinland.  There 
must  have  been  in  the  year  1477,  in  Iceland,  many  people 
who  well  recollected  these  countries.  The  last  shii)  from 
Markland  (Nova  Scotia)  and  its  vicinity,  had  returned  to  Ice- 
land, as  I  have  stated,  only  about  a  hundred  years  before  the 
visit  of  Columbus.  It  was  only  sixty-seven  years  before,  that 
the  last  Icelandic  ship  had  arrived  from  Greenland  (1410). 
And  even  in  the  year  1445,  an  Icelander,  Bjorn  Thorleifson 
and  his  wife  are  said  to  have  gone  to  Greenland,  and  to  have 
stayed  there  a  winter.  Many  persons  in  Iceland  may  have 
well  recollected  all  this  in  the  year  1477  ;  and,  moreover,  the 
old  writings  about  the  expeditions  of  the  Northmen  toward 
the  west,  were  then  very  well  known  and  read  by  many 
persons  in  Iceland.  Rafn  and  Finn  Magnusen  think  it  pos- 
sible, that  Columbus,  having  landed  in  Hoalfjardareyri,  at 
that  time,  the  principal  port  of  Iceland,  saw  and  spoke  there 
with  the  learned  Icelandic  bishop,  Magnus  Eyolfson,  of 
Skalholt,  who  is  known  to  have  been  at  that  place  in  1477. f 


♦  See  this  in  Fernando  Colombo,  Vita  dell'  ammiraglio  Christoplioro  Co- 
lombo, etc.,  cap.  4.    Venetia,  1571. 

t  See  upon  thia,  Bafn,  AntiquUatea  Americanse.  Introduction,  p.  xziv, 
note  1.  A  learned  friend  of  mine,  M.  Sigurdson,  Koyal  Arcbivist  in  Kopen- 


IIH 


KXriODlTlONH   OF  COLUMUl'S   IMIIOU  TO   141),'. 


« 


At  all  I'ViMits  tluTo  woro  soiirces  cnou^li,  Ixttli  books  nnd 
persons,  tVom  which  ('ohnnlms  mi;^ht,  in  tlio  yi'iir  1477,  hiivo 
loarnt'd  sdiiicthint;  iihout  coinitrics  lyi'i^  "(>t  very  fur  to  tho 
west  and  sontli-wt'st  from  Ici^land  ;  and  wci  may  well  bo 
allowed  to  think,  that  by  this  inlurnuition  ho  was  conHrmed 
in  his  belief,  of  an  easy  and  com|)arativt'ly  short  navipition 
to  the  east  of  Asia.  Jbiron  Ifnmboldt,  who  also  believed 
that  the  exploring  expedition  of  (/olumbns  to  Iceland  had 
been  proved,*  thinks,  notwithstanding,  that  it  had  little  to  do 
with  the  plans  of  the  ^reat  navi^jator.  Jle  says  that  *'  Colnm- 
bus  nn";fht  have  known  of  the  expeditions  of  the  Northmen  to 
Viidand  or  I)ro<];eo  (piite  well.  All  this  information  mi«;bt 
not  have  appeared  to  him  to  bo  connected  with  his  inten- 
tions. He  searched  the  ronto  to  India  and  t<)  tho  conntry  of 
tho  spices. "f  I  think  tho  threat  (lerman  Hiiinint  is  not  (piito 
right  in  this.  If  his  suggestion  be  true,  wo  might  well  ask, 
why  Columbus  should  have  given  himself  the  trouble  of 
making  an  excursion  to  Ultima  Thule.  I  think  Columbus 
wished  to  know,  whctber  our  globe  was  really  as  large,  and 
the  ocean  us  broad,  as  cosmogruphers  at  this  time  mudo  it ; 
or  if  there  w  jro  not  some  countries  in  the  buck-ground  of  the 
ocean  very  neur,  and  accessible  by  an  eusy  navigation  ;  and, 
on  this  subject,  the  reports  of  the  Icelanders  might  well  have 
given  him  some  light.  If  he  otdy  knew,  and  wus  able  to 
prove  to  others,  that  the  globe  was  small,  the  ocean  not  very 
broad,  and  that  countries  not  far  distant  had  been  reported 

hagen,  who  haH  favored  my  rcseanihes  in  a  most  kind  nnd  Keneroua  man- 
ner in  many  ways,  and  by  the  moat  acceptable  services,  lias  proved  to  me, 
in  a  letter,  or  essay  on  tho  visit  of  Columbus  to  Iceland,  that  in  Kopon- 
hagen,  among  the  learned  of  Denmark,  nothing  now  has  become  known 
on  this  i)oint,  and  that  all  the  quostions  conuoctod  with  it,  rest,  as  before 
on  mere  probability. 

•  He  adopts  tho  opinion  of  Finn  Magnysen.  Seo  Humboldt,  Kritieiche 
TJntersuchnngen,  vol.  3,  p.  155. 

t  See  Humboldt,  Kritiscbe  Untersuchungen,  vol.  3,  p.  370. 


KXPKIHTIONH  OF  COLirMllirH    IMllOll  TO   I4l»3. 


119 


or  indiciitcMl  from  tho  Cuimrii's,  from  tlio  Azores,  from. 
Ircliiiul  aiid  rioin  Ici'liiiid,  then  lii>  mi^lit  make  \m  clioiro 
amon^  tlu;  (lifforciit  routes,  and  (>xj»l(»ri'  tliat  region  and 
latitude,  to  vvliicli  iiu  thou^lit  liis  land  of  tliu  Hpices  to  bo 
nearest. 

I  think  it,  tliercfore,  more  correct  to  sul>scril)o  to  tlie 
opinion  of  Finn  Ma^^nnsen  on  this  subject,  wlio  says :  '*  If 
Cohimhns  had  been  informed  of  the  most  important  (Uscove- 
ries  of  tlie  Northmen,  it  is  much  easier  to  undiTstund  his 
firm  belief  in  tlie  possibility  of  the  rediscovery  of  a  western 
country,  and  his  ^vvat  zeal  in  carrying  it  out;  and  we  may 
conceive  his  subseciuent  discovery  of  America  partly  as  a 
continuation  and  consecpuMice  of  the  transactions  and  achieve- 
ments of  the  old  Scandinavians."  This  Danish  historian 
adds  this  philosophical  remark  :  "  l^onj^  a^o  we  have  known, 
that  the  fate  of  mankind  often  hangs  on  the  finest  threads, 
the  direction  of  which  the  historian  scarcely  can  follow  and 
exhibit;  but  it  is  seldom  that  tlieso  threads,  as  in  our  case, 
can  bo  observed  after  tho  lapse  of  three  centuries."* 

Tho  results  of  this  chapter  for*  our  particular  object  may 
bo  summed  up  thus  :  » 

1.  The  lively  commerce  and  navigation  between  England 
and  Iceland  during  tho  course  of  tho  fifteenth  century,  make 
it  appear  possible,  that  some  English  vessel  may  have  been 
driven  to  tho  coasts  of  New  Enorland. 

2.  The  protended  expedition  of  tho  Polish  navigator,  John 
Scolnus,  in  the  year  1476,  if  it  was  ever  made,  did  not 
approach  the  coast  of  Now  England. 

8.  Columbus  may  perhaps  have  received  in  Iceland  infor- 
mation respecting  the  Northman  expeditions  to  tho  south-west, 
and  more  particularly  respecting  those  to  Viidand  and  Dro- 

*  See  Finn  Maj^nuaen,  Onf  de  Enffelskes  Handel  paa  Island,  in  Nor- 
disk  TidsHkrift  for  Oldkyndighed,  2  Bind,  p.  166.    Kiubenhavn,  1833. 


II 


S80 


.T 


I 


if' 


1% 


M 


■y- 


120 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  COLUMBUS  PRIOR  TO  1492. 


geo,  under  which  n.iines  the  territory  of  the  State  of  Maine 
was  included  ;  and,  accordingly,  the  fame  of  these  countries 
may  have  contributed  something  to  the  furthex'ance  of  the 
greatest  event  of  modern  times,  the  discovery  of  America  by 
Columbus. 


CHAPTER    IV. 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  JOHN  AND  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  TO  NORTH- 
EASTERN AMERICA  IN  THE  YEARS  1497,  1498. 


1.  Voyage  of  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  in  the  Year 

1497. 

Christopher  Columbus  may  be  said  to  have  given 
directly,  as  well  as  indirectly,  an  impulse  to  western  dis- 
covery in  all  the  nations  and  to  all  the  sovereigns  of  Western 
Europe.  In  Italy,  in  Portugal,  and  in  Spain,  he  agitated 
personally  for  his  scheme  of  an  expedition  to  the  west,  and 
made  it  known  in  those  countries.  To  France  and  England 
he  had  sent  his  brother  Bartholomew,  who,  in  the  year  1488, 
laid  before  Henry  VII.,  of  England,  his  brother's  plan; 
made  for  the  king  a  mnp  of  the  world,  to  show  which  way  his 
brother  Christopher  intended  to  sail ;  *  and  in  this  manner, 
for  the  first  time,  drew  his  attention  to  the  distant  parts  of 
the  western  ocean.  Cautious  Henry,  however,  did  not  at  once 
profit  by  the  occasion  then  offered. 

When  Columbus,  with  the  assistance  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  had  succeeded  in  his  enterprise,  Henry  no  doubt 
felt  regret^  and  might  now  have  become  eager  to  avail  him- 
self of  any  opportunity  to  partake  of  the  profits,  which 
Spain  expected  to  derive  from  western  discoveries.  "At 
Henry's  court,"  as  we  are  informed  by  good  authority, 
"there  was  great  talke  cf  the   undertaking  of  Columbus, 

*  See  on  this  map  Humboldt,  Kritlsche  Untersuchungen,  vol.  2,  p.  275. 
Berlin,  1852. 


il 


'J 


122 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1497. 


which  was  affirmed  to  be  a  thing  more  divine  than  humane; 
and  tliis  fame  and  report  increased  in  the  liearts  of  some  of 
the  king's  subjects  a  great  flame  of  desire  to  attempt  some- 
thing alike  notable."  * 

The  king's  subjects,  particularly  the  mariners  and  mer- 
chants of  Bristol,  had  been  long  used  to  sail,  as  I  have 
before  related,  to  the  north-west  of  the  Atlantic,  toward  Ice- 
land and  its  vicinity.  It  appears  probable,  as  I  have  already 
remarked,  that  these  Bristol  men,  on  their  expeditions  to  the  • 
north-west,  yearly  repeated,  should  have  obtained  informa- 
tion about  other  countries  lying  to  the  west  and  south-west 
of  Iceland.  We  unhappily  know  nearly  nothing  of  the  old 
traditions  of  the  merchants  and  seafaring  men  of  Bristol. 
This  much,  however,  is  certain,  that  there  were  in  this  port 
persons  interested  in  such  voyages,  mariners  accustomed  to 
perform  them,  and  vessels  fitted  for  the  service.  It  was, 
therefore,  quite  nai'iral,  that  expeditions  to  the  north-west 
should  have  originated  in  that  place,  and  have  found  persons 
there  ready  to  promote  and  aid  them. 

Bristol,  like  other  ports  in  the  north  of  Europe  had,  among 
its  inhabitants,  Italian  families ;  and  they,  particularly  those 
from  Venice,  being  the  most  enlightened  and  experienced 
merchants  of  the  time,  were  the  leading  men  of  this,  as  of 
other  commercial  communities ;  and,  like  the  old  Venetian 
Zeni,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  above,  put  themselves  at  the 
head  of  all  new  maritime  undertakings. 

Aniong  those  Venetians  at  Bristol  was  a  certain  Giovanni 
Caboto  (or  Cabota),  a  merchant,  who,  with  his  three  sons, 
we  do  not  know  exactly  at  what  time,  but  probably  before 

•  See  Karausio,  Delle  Njivigationi  et  Viaggi,  toru.  1,  fol.  374,  Valen- 
tia,  1613,  where  Sebastian  Cabot  is  introduced  as  relaang  this  in  a  conver- 
sation with  a  gentleman  of  note  (Galeazzo  Bottrigail),  the  Pope's  envoy 
in  Spain. 


/,/ 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1407. 


128 


1490,  had  migrated  from  Italy  to  England.*  Tlie  said 
Caboto  may  liave  been  among  the  first,  "  in  wliose  I'.^arts  the 
fame  and  report  of  the  successful  undertaking  of  the  Genoese 
Columbus  increased  a  great  flame  of  desire  to  undertake  some- 
thii.g  alike  notable."  The  Venetians  and  Genoese,  from 
time  immemorial,  had  been  rivals ;  and  a  Genoese  success 
would  always  create  a  Venetian  jealousy;  as,  in  the  same 
manner  at  a  later  time,  a  French  undertaking  was  always 
followed  01  accompanied  by  a  similar  English  enterprise. 

Among  the  three  sons  of  John  Cabot,  the  most  prominent 
and  talented  was  Sebastian,  the  second  in  age.  From  his 
early  childhood  this  young  man,  like  Columbus,  had  paid 
attention  to  the  study  of  geography  and  navigation  ;  and  had, 
at  an  early  age,  already  acquired  '^  some  knoivledge  of  the 
sphere.  He  understood,  by  reason  of  the  sphere,  that  if 
one  should  sail  by  way  of  the  north-west,  he  would  by  a 
shorter  track  come  to  India,  than  that  by  which  Columbus 
had  sailed."!  In  short,  Sebastian  Cabot  had  a  pretty  good 
idea  of  the  usefulness  of  what  Ave,  at  present,  call  great  circle- 
sailing.  His  father,  John  Cabot,  had  probably  the  same 
idea ;  nay,  in  this  respect  he  may  have  been  the  instructor  of 
his  son.  Probably  both  father  and  son,  each  talented  and 
well  instructed,  worked  out  together  their  plan  for  a  north- 
west passage,  and  for  a  route  from  England  in  the  most  direct 
line  to  "Kathav"  and  the  oriental  world. 

The  section  of  the  great  circle,  or  the  most  direct  line  from 

*  If  it  is  true,  as  Eden  says,  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  was  born  in  Bristol,  his  father  must  have  been  settled  there 
before  the  year  1477,  the  probable  time  of  his  son's  birth.  [But  Contarini, 
the  Venetian  ambassador  at  the  Court  of  Charles  V.,  says,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  told  him  that  he  was  born  in  Venice;  which  otlier  circumstances 
confirm.— Ed.] 

t  This  he  is  reported  to  have  stated  himself  in  the  conversation  men- 
tioned in  Eamusio,  1.  c. 


W. 


•;!! 


m 


124 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1497. 


n 


England  to  China  and  Japan,  the  countries  for  which  the 
Cabots  planned  their  expedition,*  would  pass  to  the  north  of 
Norway,  along  the  northern  shore  of  Siberia,  and  through 
Behring's  Strait  into  the  Pacific  Ocean.  And  so  it  appears, 
that  the  Cabots,  if  they  had  "  understood  the  sphere  "  quite 
right,  ought  to  have  planned  an  expedition  for  a  north-east, 
instead  of  a  north-west  passage,  as  they  actually  did.  But 
we  must  here  bear  in  mind,  that  the  Cabots,  like  all  their 
contemporaries,  believed  Asia  to  stretch  much  further  toward 
the  east  than  it  really  does.  Even  if  they  did  not  agree  with 
Columbus  in  the  belief,  that  "Espailola"  (St.  Domingo)  was 
Japan,  which  may  be  doubted ;  still  they  must  have  hoped, 
that  they  might  hit  upon  Kathay,  at  least  not  veri/  far  from 
the  longitude  of  the  islands  discovered  by  Columbus,  where 
Martin  Behaim,  on  his  globe,  and  probably  also  Bartholomew 
Columbus  on  his  "  map  of  the  world,  presented  to  King 
Henry,"  had  laid  them  down,  in  about  a  central  line  of 
what  we  now  call  the  Pacific  Ocean.  And  to  this  region 
"  a  great  circle,"  or  the  shortest  route,  conducts  from  England 
a  little  to  the  west  of  the  North  Pole  ;  and  a  voyage  to  Ice- 
land, and  further  in  that  direction,  would  not  fall  far  out  of 
their  way.  It  was  not  until  a  long  time  after,  about  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  it  had  been  generally 
recognized  and  acknowledged,  that  China  and  the  east  of 
Asia  lay  much  further  south-west,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  pro- 
posed and  tried  a  north-eastern  passage,  very  reasonably 
thinking,  that  Kathay  might  be  much  sooner  reached  by  the 
Siberian  route. 

If  the  Cabots,  through  their  Icelandic  connections,  had 
heard  any  thing  of  countries  lying  to  the  south-west  of 
Iceland,  this  may  have  attracted  them  still  more  to  the  north- 

•  That,  from  the  beginning  of  their  expedition,  they  had  Kathay  vNorth- 
ern  China)  in  view,  is  said  by  Sebastian  Cabot  himself  in  Bamusio,  1.  c. 


(,/ 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  JOHN  CABOT,  1497. 


125 


west.  For,  either  they  must  have  believed  tlmt  these  coun- 
tries, once  known  to  the  Northmen,  were  ah*eady  a  part  of 
the  Indies  and  Kathay ;  or,  at  least,  tliat  being  islands,  they 
might  serve  as  intermediate  stations  on  the  route  to  those 
countries,  according  to  the  views  which  had  induced  Toscanelli 
to  point  out  to  Columbus  the  islands  of  "  Antilia,"  "  St.  Bran- 
dan,"  and  others,  and  to  recommend  them  to  him  as  stations 
for  reposing  and  refitting  on  his  long  voyage  to  the  Indies. 

Before  laying  their  scheme  of  a  north-western  voyage  to 
Kathay  before  Henry  VII.,  the  Cabots  appear  to  have 
induced  their  Bristol  friends  to  make  some  preliminary  voy- 
ages to  the  west,  or  some  attempts  to  find  out  new  countries 
in  that  direction.  "  The  people  of  Bristol  have  for  the  last 
seven  years,"  says  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala,  a  Spanish  envoy 
in  England,  in  a  letter  to  his  sovereigns,  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, dated  July  25,  1498,  "  sent  out  every  year  two,  three, 
or  four  light  ships  (^caravelas)  in  search  of  the  islands  of 
Brazil  and  the  Seven  Cities,  accordinj;  to  the  fancv  of  that 
Italian  (John  Cabot)."*  The  "  seven  years,"  literally  taken, 
would  carry  us  back  beyond  the  time  of  the  first  voyage  of 
Columbus  in  1492.  But  the  Spanish  envoy  probably  did  not 
intend  to  fix  his  date  very  accurately,  and  we  may,  therefore, 
suppose,  that  he  only  meant  to  say  "a  number  of  years  ago." 
The  islands  of  the  Seven  Cities  and  of  Brazil  were  probably 
depicted  on  the  map  which  Bartholomew  Columbus  presented 
to  Henry  in  1488,  in  the  same  manner  that  they  .had  been 
before  on  the  map  of  Toscanelli,  and  aftenvards  on  the  map  of 
Behaim.  They  may,  therefore,  after  1488,  have  been  a  sub- 
ject of  conversation  in  England ;  and  it  is  not  improbable, 

*  See  this  recently  discovered  letter,  deciphered  and  translated  by  G.  A. 
Bergenroth,  printed  in  his  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  vol.  1,  p.  177, 
and  copied  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
Oct.  21, 1865,  p.  25.    Cambridge,  1866. 


;  1. 


V 


til. 


Ri, 


1  I! 


i  )• 

hi. 


! 


126 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  JOHN   CABOT,  1497. 


that  Jolni  Cabot  may  have  induced  the  Bristol  men  to  make 
a  searcli  after  them ;  as  the  Portuguese,  after  liaving  heard  the 
views  of  Cohinibus,  made  an  unsuccessful  search  in  a  west- 
ern direction. 

Some  learned  geographers  have  even  thought,  that  the 
Cabots  themselves  made  such  a  preliminary  voyage  to  the 
new  world  as  early  as  in  the  year  1494 ;  and  that,  on  this  voy- 
age, and  not  as  is  usually  supposed  on  that  of  1497,  they 
first  discovered  the  shores  of  the  North  American  continent. 
They  were  induced  to  think  so,  principally,  by  a  certain  map 
of  the  world,  which  has  been  ascribed  to  Sebastian  Cabot; 
which  has  been  recently  found  in  Germany  ;  and  which  gives 
the  above-mentioned  year  as  the  date  of  the  great  discovery. 

This  map  of  the  world,  according  to  an  inscription  con- 
tained on  it,  was  engraved  in  the  year  1544.  It  is  a  compila- 
tion of  all  the  discoveries  made  up  to  that  year,  and  of  the 
then  current  geography  of  the  entire  world.  It  contains  very 
few  hints  on  the  original  discoveries  of  the  Cabots.  I  shall 
treat  of  this  map  and  examine  it,  after  having  spoken  of  the 
subsequent  discoveries  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. I  will  then  state  the  reasons  why  I  do  not  think  very 
highly  of  this  document,  and  bring  forward  all  my  doubts 
about  this  so-called  discovery  of  the  continent  of  America,  in 
the  year  1494.*  I  will  only  state  now  that  I  have  not  been 
able  to  convince  myself  of  the  reality  of  such  a  voyage,  and 
that  I  omit  it  altogether. 

It  was  in  the  year  1495,  that  the  Cabots  laid  their  great 
scheme  of  a  north-western  expedition  to  Kathay  before  King 
Henry,  who  readily  gave  his  assent  to  their  plan,  and,  in  their 
favor,  issued  a  patent  and  commission  dated  March  5,  1496. 

This  patent  gave  permission  to  John  Cabot  and  his  three 


*  See  Appendage  4  to  Chapter  IX.  of  this  volume. 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  JOHN  CABOT,  1497, 


127 


sons,  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  to  sail  with  five  ships, 
"  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns  to  all  parts,  countries, 
and  seas  of  the  east,  of  the  west,  and  of  the  north,  and  to 
seek  out  and  discover  whatsoever  isles,  countries,  regions,  and 
provinces,  in  what  i)art  of  the  world  soever  they  might  be, 
which  before  this  time  had  been  unknown  to  Christians." 
The  king  gave  them  furtlier  license  "to  set  up  the  royal 
banners  and  ensigns  in  the  countries,  places,  or  mainland 
newly  found  by  them,  and  to  conquer,  occupy,  and  possess 
them,  as  his  vassals  and  lieutenants."* 

This  patent,  of  the  contents  of  which  we  give  here  only 
what  may  be  called  the  naval  instructions  with  respect  to  the 
route  and  aim  of  the  voyage,  is  drawn  in  the  most  v  igue  and 
general  terms.  We  find  in  it  no  allusion  whatever  to 
Kathay  or  a  north-west  passage.  Of  all  the  regions  of  the 
world  to  which  the  voyage  might  be  directed,  the  south  only 
is  excluded  ;  probably  because  it  was  considered  as  belonging 
already  to  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  therefore  closed  by 
them  to  English  discoverers.  The  north,  west,  and  east 
are  mentioned.  That  the  north  and  west  were  particularly 
intended,  we  learn  from  the  statements  of  Sebastian  Cabot 
himself,  that  a  voyage  to  Kathay  by  a  northern  route,  was 
his  and  his  father's,  and  probably  also  the  king's  intention. 

According  to  this  patent,  the  patentees  had  to  arm  and  fur- 
nish their  vessels,  to  buy  victuals,  and  to  provide  all  other 
things  necessary  for  the  expedition  at  their  own  cost.  Henry 
granted  them  nothing  but  his  royal  authority  and  protection, 
and  a  passport  to  foreign  powers. 

This  was  probably  the  reason  that  they  were  not  able  to 
make  use  of  the  royal  permission  of  March,  1496,  until  the 

*  See  this  patent  in  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,  edited  by  the  Hack- 
luyt  Society,  p.  19.  London,  1860.  [It  is  in  Latin,  and  is  also  copied  by 
Hazard,  "  Historical  Collections,"  vol.  1,  p.  9.— Ed.] 


u 


Vif 


1 


i 


128 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1497. 


year  1407.  To  raise  the  necessary  funds,  to  fit  out  tlicir  ves- 
sels, to  procure  the  goods  which  would  be  suitable  for  the 
market  in  Kathay,  with  which  country  they  hoped  to  com- 
mence a  profitable  traffic,  detained  them  for  more  than  a  year. 

At  last  they  sailed  from  Bristol  in  the  spring  of  1497. 
And  as  all  the  best  authorities  on  this  voyage  say  that  they 
were  only  a  little  more  than  three  months  absent,  and  make 
them  return  in  the  beginning  of  August,  their  departure 
must  have  taken  place  in  the  early  part  of  May. 

It  is  said  by  some  authorities,  that  at  the  outset  they  had 
four  vessels,  and  that  one  of  them  was  called  the  "  Matthew," 
being  the  Admiral's  ship,  having  the  commander  on  board. 
How  many  of  these  ships  accompanied  the  expedition  to  the 
end^  is  not  clear  ;  at  any  rate,  the  "  Matthew  "  was  the  vessel 
which  first  touched  our  American  shores,  and  the  only  one, 
as  far  as  is  known,  which  returned  in  safety  to  Bristol. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  commander  of  the  expedi- 
tion was  John  Cabot,  the  father ;  and  that,  consequently,  to 
him  is  due  the  discovery  of  the  continent  of  North  America 
effected  on  this  voyage.  In  the  grant  from  the  king  above 
quoted,  John  Cabot  is  the  principal  patentee  ;  the  sons  are 
mentioned  only  collectively,  and  as  suboi'dinate  companions 
of  the  father.  Another  patent  was  granted  by  the  king  in 
the  year  following  the  voyage  of  1497,  and  is  exclusively 
directed  to  John  Cabot.  It  asserts  quite  clearly,  "  that  he, 
by  the  commandment  of  the  king,  had  found  the  new-discov- 
ered lands."  Notwithstanding  this  direct  evidence,  a  modern 
writer,  Mr.  Biddle  (in  a  work  very  ingenious,  but  somewhat 
too  subtle  and  acute,  where  he  makes  the  son  Sebastian  his 
favorite  and  hero),  for  certain  reasons  has  tried  to  render  it 
doubtful,  whether  John  Cabot  commanded  this  expedition,  or 
even  accompanied  it.  In  this  he  has  followed  the  authority  of 
some  early  writers,  and  has  given  the  command,  with  the 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CADOT,  1407. 


129 


whole  success  and  lionor  of  the  undertaking,  to  the  young 
son,  Sebastian.*  Tliat  Jolin  Cabot  liad  come  to  England  "to 
follow  the  trade  of  merchandise,"  can  be  no  decisive  objec- 
tion against  his  venturing  to  conduct  a  naval  expedition  in 
person,  and  of  course  with  the  assistance  of  expert  pilots 
and  mariners.  Wo  know  very  little  of  John  Cabot's  former 
life.  He  may  have  been  a  merchant,  and  yet  an  expert  navi- 
gator. At  all  times,  particularly  in  that  of  the  Cabots,  both 
occupations  were  followed  by  the  same  individuals.  Before 
the  sixteenth  century,  it  was  usual  for  merchants  to  accom- 
pany or  conduct  their  own  commercial  expeditions.  Amerigo 
Vespucci  was  a  clerk  in  a  mercantile  house,  and  also  a  great 
traveler,  and  a  cosmographer  and  astronomer.  In  Spain  and 
Portugal,  merchants,  licentiates,  graduates  of  the  Universi- 
ties, and  doctors,  became  not  only  sailors  and  discoverers,  but 
also  military  and  naval  couunanders  and  conquerors. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  the  son,  whom  this  author  has  endeavored 
to  substitute  in  the  place  of  the  father,  was,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1497,  when  the  expedition  sailed,  perhaps  only 
nineteen,  or  at  most,  twenty  years  old,  having  been  born, 
according  to  Humboldt,  in  the  year  1477. f  At  this  period  of 
his  life  he  may  have  been  an  "  enthusiastic  geographer,"  but 
certainly  he  cannot  have  been  an  experienced  and  "  accom- 
plished "J  navigator,  fit  for  the  command  of  a  fleet.  There 
is  probably  no  case  on  record,  of  a  young  man  of  nineteen  or 
twenty  years  having  been  put  at  once  at  the  head  of  an  im- 
portant expedition  of  discovery  to  unknown  and  far  distant 
regions,  particularly  by  a  king  like  Henry  VII,  who  was  no 
enthusiast,  and  who  is  described  as  having  been  "of  a  wary, 
cautious,  most  circumspective,  and  quiete  disposition." 

*  See  Bicldle's  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  p.  42  seq,    London,  1832. 
t  See  Humboldt,  Kritische  Untersuchungen,  vol.  2,  p.  445, 
I  So  he  is  called  at  this  period  of  his  life  by  Biddle,  1.  c.  p.  51. 
9 


''.'  '■ 


i 


;i 


li 


iU 


180 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  JOHN  CABOT,  1407. 


That  in  later  times,  soveriil  Spanisli  and  otlier  authors 
should  somutinies  have  overlooked  the  father,  John,  and  thai 
all  merit  should  have  heen  given  to  the  son,  Sebastian,  is 
easily  accounted  for.  The  fiither  disappeared — probably 
died — soon  after  his  return  from  this  expedition.  But  the 
son  lived  for  more  than  sixty  years  afterwards,  became  a 
celebrated  navigator  and  cosmographer,  and  altogether  an 
important  person,  emjjloyed  in  the  service  of  the  kings  of 
England  and  Spain.  His  fame  in  this  manner  eclipsed  that 
of  his  father,  and  the  results  and  merits  of  the  whole  expedi- 
tion were,  by  several  old  historians,  attribute  d  wholly  to  him, 
whilst  the  father,  John,  was  forgotten,  particularly  in  Spain, 
where  he  never  had  been  present.* 


•[The  foUowiiifi  extract  from  the  Sforza  anihivos  of  Milan,  iiiider  date 
of  1487,  coiilirins  Dr.  Kohl'.s  viow  on  this  Bubjoct.  "News  received  this 
morning  fi'oin  England  by  lettcrH  dattul  the  24th  of  AugUHt."  ,  .  .  "Also 
some  months  ago,  his  Majesty  sent  out  a  Venetian,  who  is  a  very  good 
mariner  (John  Cabot),  and  has  good  skill  in  discovering  new  islands,  and 
he  has  returned  safe, and  has  found  two  very  largo  and  fertile  new  islands; 
having,  likewise,  discovered  the  Seven  Cities,  four  hundred  leagues  from 
England,  on  tlio  western  passage." 

The  letter  of  Pastjualigo,  found  in  the  archives  of  Venice,  dated  August 
23,1497,  also  furnishes  direct  evidence  of  this  fact;  after  sjjeaking  of  his 
return  from  the  great  discovery,  he  says:  "  The  king  has  given  him  money 
wherowith  to  amuse  himself  till  then"  (the  next  spring),  "and  he  is  now 
at  Bristol  with  his  wife,  who  is  also  Venetian, and  with  his  sons;  his  name 
is  Zuan  Cabot,  who  is  styled  the  Great  Admiral,"  etc.  This  letter  is  dated 
London,  23d  August,  1497,  and  is  written  in  Italian.  These  documents 
would  seem  to  put  at  rest  the  questions  both  of  the  command  and  the  time 
of  this  first  expedition  of  discovery.  Yet  it  is  suprising,  that  Hakluyt 
•who  was  almost  a  contemporary  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  having  been  born  five 
or  six  years  before  Cabot's  death,  and  who  was  familiar  with  the  leading 
adventurers  and  discoverers  of  the  day,  and  probably  better  acquainted 
•with  the  various  voyages  which  had  been  undertaken  than  any  other  man 
of  Ilia  time,  should  have  persisted  to  the  last  in  asserting,  that  the  first 
Cabot  voyage  was  performed  in  149(5,  and  by  Sebastian  Cabot.  In  his 
recently  discovered  and  unpublished  treatise  of  1584,  in  which  he  vehe- 
mently appeals  to  the  English  government  to  engage  in  colonization,  he 


THE  VOVAtJE  OF  JOHN  CADOT,  1407. 


ini 


m 

8t 

lis 
e- 


Of  tlio  otluT  jHTaDMs,  pilots,  nmstt'rs  of  vessels,  nnd  otlier 
membiM's  of  this  expedition,  wo  hear  scureely  anytliin^  with 
cortaiiity,  thouj^h  we  mij^ht  <i;iitiier  some  imines  us  jirobahly 
heloii^inir  to  persons  wiio  went  with  tlic  Cal)ot8.  Among 
tliein  then?  may  have  been  many  Bristol  nuiriners,  ae(|uainted 
with  the  navii^ation  of  the  Nortiiern  Ocean,  at  least  as  far  as 
the  seas  of  Iceland.  'J'ho  Cabots  wonld  probably  have  tried 
to  attract  into  their  service  also,  some  l*()rtn<j;neso  ajid  Spanish 
sailors,  accnstomed  to  the  navit^ation  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

Relative  to  the  course  which  the  Cabots  followed  on  this 
voyage  we  have  no  definite  information.  Sebastian  Cabot 
apfti'ars  to  have  written  the  events  of  this  voyage,  as  well  as  of 
the  other  voyages  performed  during  his  long  life  ;  but  unhap- 
pily these  precious  writings  are  lost  to  us.  How  they  disap- 
peared is  uncertain.*  With  respect  to  all  the  particulars  of 
the  voyages  of  the  Cabots  wo  are,  therefore,  left  to  proba- 
bilities and  to  a  few  scattered  hints  and  notices. 

From  the  intention  which  the  Cabots  had  to  follow  as  near 
as  possible  the  shortest  line  from  England  to  Cathay,  that  is 
to  say,  a  line  which  passed  near  the  North  Pole,  we  should 
think,  that,  in  starting  from  England,  they  would  have  sailed 
in   nearly  a  northern  direction.     If  they  knew  nothing  of 

more  tlian  once  affirms,  that  the  tirst  discovery  was  made  in  14!)n,  and  by 
Sebastian  Cabot.  He  says,  "A  great  i)art  of  the  continent,  as  well  as  of 
the  islands,  was  first  discovered  for  tlie  King  of  England,  by  Sebastian 
Gabotc,  an  Englishman,  born  in  Bristow,  son  of  John  Galwte,  in  1496." 
Again  he  says,  "Nay,  more,  Gal)ote  discovered  this  large  tract  of  firme 
land  two  years  before  Columbus  ever  saw  any  part  of  the  continent.  .  .  . 
Columbus  first  saw  the  firme  lande  August  1, 1498,  but  Gabote  made  his 
great  discovery  in  149(5."  The  very  interesting  and  instructive  Ms.  of  Hak- 
luyt,  above  referred  to,  which  was  brouglit  to  light  early  in  18(58,  through 
the  exertions  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Woods,  a  member  of  the  Maine  Historical 
Society,  tlien  making  researclies  in  Europe,  will  be  printed,  for  the  first 
time,  in  a  volume  of  this  Society's  Transactions,  next  succeeding  the 
present,  within  a  few  months. — Ed.1 

*  See  upon  this  point,  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  221. 


1 


I 

1 

(I' 


182 


THK  VOYAGE  OF  .lOHN  CABOT,  1407. 


If  :;i 

'  if  ■■; 


Groonlanfl  nnd  of  tho  great  ico-barrlor  along  the  **  Mare 
congelatuin,"  we  should  expect  to  find  them  on  the  ohl  beaten 
track  of  the  IJriatol  men  to  Icidand,  or  even  on  a  direct  Une 
to  the  Pole.  IJut,  prohahly,  the  Bristol  men,  and  also  the 
Cabots  who  had  (!onversed  with  them,  were  sutHciently 
acquaint(Ml  with  the  dangers  of  the  ico  Hurrounding  Iceland 
and  the  Poh).  It  is  not  less  probable,  that,  from  their  long 
intercourse  with  tho  Northmen  and  Icelanders,  they  knew 
something  of  tiiat  great  ice-locked  east  coast  of  Greenland, 
which,  as  a  long  barrier,  lies  stretched  out  to  the  north-west 
and  south-west  of  Iceland  ;  and  that  it  would  be  useless  to 
try  that  way  for  a  passage  to  Asia.  The  Icelanders  may 
have  ac(piainted  them  with  their  old  *' (Junningagap,"  that 
broad  |»aHsage  at  the  south  and  west  of  Greenland,  which  we 
call  Davis'  Strait.  It  is  for  these  reasons,  no  doubt,  that  we 
do  not  Hnd  the  Cabots  exactly  on  the  shortest  northern  route 
to  Cathay,  but  much  to  the  west  of  it,  on  the  shores  of  New- 
foundland and  Labrador  ;  fen*  it  was  on  the  coast  of  one  c 
these  countries,  certainly,  that  their  first  landfall  was  made. 

In  former  times  it  was  usually  supposed,  that  the  Cabots 
made  their  landfall  near  some  ca|>e  of  the  island  of  New- 
foundland. But  nearly  the  whole  of  Newfomidland  is  in  a 
much  more  southern  latitude  than  Bristol.  And  if  their 
landfall  had  been  made  tliere,  they  either  could  not  have 
taken  from  Bristol  a  nortli-western  route,  as  it  was  their 
intention  to  do,  or  they  must  have  been  driven  from  this 
route  by  northerly  winds  very  much  to  the  south.  This  is 
one  of  the  reasons  which  should  induce  us  to  expect  a  more 
northern  point  for  the  first  Imdfall  of  the  Cabots. 

In  the  examination  of  this  question,  Mr.  Biddle  *  has  come 
to  the  conclusion,  that  tliis  landfall  of  the  Cabots  on  the  coast 
of  the  North  American  continent,  or  what  they  called  their 


*  See  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  62  seq. 


TIIK   VOYAOK  OF  JOHN   CAIiOT,  14ir7. 


138 


"  Prima  vista"  (tho  first  country  socn'),  must  bo  found  on  tlio 
coast  of  Labrador  in  TjO"  or  58"  north  liititudu.  In  this  hiti- 
tudo  Ijo  tiiinks  the  Cahots  for  tho  first  time  came  in  sight  of 
the  continent  of  North  America,  on  tlie  24th  of  June,  1497. 
And  after  him,  liaron  Hinnht)hlt  and  several  other  dis- 
tinguished autliors  have  adopted  this  hititudo  for  Cabot's 
landfall. 

In  an  inscription  contained  on  an  old  map  of  the  world, 
engraved  in  tho  year  1541),  the  authorship  of  which  is  ascribed 
to  Sebastian  Cabot,  the  country  surrounding  this  landfall  is 
described  as  being  very  sterile,  but  full  of  wild  animals,  and 
particularly  havitig  an  abundance  of  whito  bears.*  These 
white  boars  of  the  country,  as  Sebastian  Cabot  himself  once 
told  his  Spanish  friend,  Peter  Martyr,  used  to  catch  with 
their  paws  tho  fish,  which  were  their  favorite  food.f  Tho 
white  bears,  consequently,  were  quite  at  home  in  the  country 
which  tho  Cabots  saw  on  tho  24th  of  June,  1497.  This 
agrees  much  better  wiMi  the  const  of  Labrador  than  with  that 
of  Newfoundland,  to  ^  liich  tho  white  boars  very  seldom,  if 
ever,  come  down. 

Just  as  unfavorable  a  (.lescription  of  the  country  of  their 
landfall  is  given  in  the  above-quoted  letter  of  the  Venetian 
Pasqualigo,  where  it  is  said,  that  the  Cabots  did  not  meet 
any  human  being  in  tho  country  which  they  discovered  in 
1497.  This  could  certainly  happen  only  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador,  thinly  inhabited  by  Esquimaux,  and  not  in  any  of 
the  more  southern  countries. 

Moreover,  tho  author  of  the  above-quoted  map  of  the 
world,  supposed  to  have  been  Sebastian  Cabot,  says  in  an 
inscription,  that  he  and  his  father  found  an  island  opposite  the 


rl 


*  See  this  inscription,  amongst  others,  printed  in  Natbanis  Cbytraei 
Variorum  Itinerum  DeliciaB,  p.  787.    Herbomae,  1694. 

t  See  Peter  Martyr,  De  orbe  Novo,  p.  533.    Parisiis,  1887. 


134 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  JOHN   CABOT,  1497. 


I 


country  of  their  landfall,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  St. 
John,  in  consideration  of  the  name  of  the  saint,  on  whose 
day  it  was  discovenid.  We  find  on  several  old  maps,  for 
instance,  on  that  of  the  famous  Belgian  geographer,  Orte- 
lius,  of  the  year  1570,  depicted  in  this  latitude  an  island 
called  "St.  John's"  (or  S.  Juan).  Orielius  says,  that  he 
had  seen  an  engraved  map  of  the  world,  made  by  Cabot,  and 
he  may  have  taken  that  island  from  this  mi'p. 

All  these  considerations  incline  us  to  believe,  that  Biddle 
and  Humb( '  ^t  and  their  followers  were  right  in  putting 
down  the  first  landfall  of  the  Cabots,  and  their  "prima 
vista"  on  the  coast  of  Labrador  in  the  high  latitude  of  about 
56^  or  58°  N. 

Against  this  view  has  been  brought  forward,  as  a  decisive 
testimony,  that  map  of  the  world,  engraved  in  the  year  1544, 
ascribed  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  which  was  lately  discovered  in 
Germany,  of  which  ..  have  already  stated,  that  it  contained, 
instead  of  the  j^ar  1497,  the  year  1494,  as  the  date  of  the 
first  discovery.  This  map  gives  for  the  landfall,  instead  '"f 
the  coast  of  Labrador,  a  much  more  southern  country, 
namely,  the  coast  of  Cape  Breton  Island ;  and,  moreover, 
makes  Cabot's  "  Island  St.  John  "  to  be  our  present  Prince 
Edward  Island.  I  shall  examine  this  point  and  the  other 
contents  of  that  map  after  I  have  spoken  of  the  subsequent 
discoveries  in  the  Gulx  of  St.  Lawrence.  I  will  only  state 
here,  that  I  am  not  satisfied  with  the  correctness  of  the  posi- 
tion given  on  this  map  to  the  "Prima  Vista."  With  respect 
to  my  reasons  for  this  view,  I  refer  the  reader  to  my  essay  on 
this  map,  which  be  will  find  in  Appendage  No.  4  to  Chapter 
IX.,  of  this  volume. 

Whether  the  Cabots,  from  their  landfall  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador  in  1497,  sailed  still  further  north,  and  how  far,  we 
do  not  know.     We  are  also  uncertain  on  the  question,  how 


VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT    IN  1498. 


185 


far  from  their  landfall  thoy  went  to  the  south.  We  hear  only, 
that  they  sailed  along  the  coast  about  three  hundred  leagues.* 
As  they  had  intended  to  sail  to  the  north-west,  and  had 
turned  their  bacKs  on  the  south,  we  should  be  inclined  to 
measure  these  "three  hundred  leagues,"  for  the  greater  part 
at  least,  along  the  coast  of  Labrador  north  of  their  landfall. 
Some  part  of  it,  however,  may  be  located  to  the  south  of 
their  landfall,  along  the  southern  coast  of  Labrador  and  New- 
foundland, in  sight  of  which  they  may  have  come  on  their 
homeward  route,  after  having  been  baffled  by  ice  in  the  north. 
It  appears  to  me  probable,  however,  that  the  principal  dis- 
covery of  the  island  of  Newfoundland  by  the  Cabots  was  not 
made  on  this  first  voyage,  but  on  the  second  expedition,  in 
1498,  hereafter  considered. 

Having  come  in  sight  of  land  in  the  far  west,  which  they 
believed  to  be  a  part  of  Eastern  Asia,  having  seen  more 
water  in  the  north,  and  having  ascertained,  at  least  for  some 
distance,  the  trending  of  the  coast,  they  were  eager  to  bring 
this  interesting  news,  as  quickly  as  possible,  home  to  Eng- 
land. The  little  vessel,  the  "  Matthew,"  arrived  in  Bristol 
on  some  day  in  the  early  part  of  August,  1497. f 

2.  Voyage  op  Sebastian  Cabot  isr  1498. 

John  Cabot,  on  his  return  in  the  month  of  August,  1497, 
was  received  in  England  with  great  joy,  because  he  was  said 
to  have  discovered  "  the  island  of  the  Seven  Cities,"  and 


i;f 


*Thi8  is  said  in  the  letter  of  L.  Pasqualigo,  1.  c. 

t  This  be  jines  pretty  certain,  at  first,  from  an  entry  in  the  privy-purse 
accounts  -if  Henry  VTI,  which  is  dated  "  August  10,  1497,"  and  in  which 
the  king  says,  "that  he  has  given  a  reward  of  ten  pounds  to  hym,  that 
found  the  new  Isle;"  and,  secondly,  from  the  abovo-quoted  letter  of  the 
Venetian  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  who,  under  the  date,  "  London,  23d  August, 
1497,"  announces  to  his  brothers  in  Venice  the  return  of  John  Cabot  from 
his  voyage  of  discovery. 


If    j ; 


136 


VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


"  the  country  of  tlie  Great  Chan  "  (the  emperor  of  China), 
or,  at  least,  a  part  of  it ;  and  tliis  was  probably,  also,  the 
opinion  of  the  Cabots  themselves.* 

Henry  himself  was  also  filled  with  hope  and  confidence  ; 
and  issued,  in  favor  of  John  Cabot,  another  patent  or  license, 
dated  February  3,  1498,  in  which  he  gave  him  permission  to 
take,  at  his  pleasure,  in  the  king's  name,  six  English  vessels,  in 
any  port  of  the  realm  of  England,  "and  them  convey  and 
lead  to  the  land  and  iles,  of  late  found  by  the  said  John  in 
our  name  and  by  our  commandment ;  paying  for  them  and 
every  of  them,  as  and  if  we  should,  in  our  own  cause  pay, 
and  none  otherwise."!  The  son  of  John  (^abot,  Sebastian, 
is  not  mentioned  in  this  patent,  as  he  had  been  in  that  of  1496. 
Yet  he  alone  profited  by  it.  For  the  father  is  not  again  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  voyage  ;  for  what  reason,  is  not 
disclosed.  It  is  supposed  that  he  died  soon  after  the  grant 
was  made. 

Sebastian  was  now,  if  Humboldt's  supposition  is  true  that 
he  was  born  in  1477,  a  young  man  of  about  twenty  or  twenty- 
one  years  of  age.  And  as  he  had  become  proficient  in 
astronomy  and  mathematics,  and  had  gained  naval  expe- 
rience in  the  voyage  he  had  made  in  company  with  his 
father ;  and  as  he  knew  better  than  any  one  else  his  father's 
views,  and  also  the  position  of  the  newly  discoverer'  regions, 
he  may  now  have  well  appeared  to  Henry,  as  a  fit  person  for 
the  command  of  another  expedition  to  the  north-west. 

Two  ships,  manned  with  three  hundred  mariners  and  vol- 
unteers, were  ready  for  liim  early  in  the  spring  of  1498 ; 
and  he  sailed  with  them  from  Bristol,  probably  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  month  of  May. 


*  See  this  described  in  the  above-quoted  letter  of  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo, 
1.  c.  p.  20. 

t  See  the  patent  in  Biddle'a  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  p.  76. 


VOYAGE  OP  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


137 


We  ^ave  no  certain  information  regarding  his  route.  But 
he  appears  to  have  directed  his  course  again  to  the  country 
which  he  had  seen  the  year  before  on  the  voyage  with  liis 
father,  our  present  Labrador.*  He  sailed  along  the  coast  of 
this  country  so  far  north,  that,  even  in  the  month  of  July,  he 
encountered  much  ice.  Observing,  at  the  same  time,  to  his 
great  displeasure,  that  the  coast  was  trending  to  the  east,t  he 
renolved  to  give  up  a  further  advance  to  the  north,  and 
returned  in  a  southern  direction. 

The  northern  latitude  which  Cabot  had  now  reached,  has 
been  put  down  variously  in  the  different  notices  of  this  . 
voyage.  In  Ramusio,  the  latitude  56°  north  is  given.  But 
this  cannot  be  true,  because  it  is  said  in  the  same  passage  of 
Ramusio  which  mentions  this  latitude,  that  Cabot,  finding  in 
the  highest  latitude  reached  by  him  the  coast  turning  to 
the  east,  in  despair  changed  his  course  to  the  south ;  and 
because  we  now  know,  that  in  the  said  latitude  of  56°  N., 
the  coast  of  Labrador  does  not  turn  toward  the  east. 

The  Spanish  historian,  Gomara,  a  contemporary  of  Cabot, 
and  living  with  him  in  Spain,  and  who,  consequently,  may 
have  known  him  personally,  says  that  the  ice  encountered 
by  Cabot  in  the  month  of  July,  and  which  hindered  him 
from  sailing  further  north,  occurred  in  58°  north  latitude. 
"  Cabot  himself,"  adds  Gomara,  "  says  that  it  was  much 
more. "J 

As  "Cabot  himself"  is  a  much  better  authority  on  the 
point  in  question,  than  the   incredulous   Gomara,  we  must 

*  See  the  report  which  Sebastian  Cabot  himself  communicated  in  a 
conversation  with  Peter  Martyr,  Be  Orbe  novo,  p.  232.  Parisiia,  1587. 
See  also  Eamusio,  Delle  navigation!  et  viaggi,  torn.  1,  fol.  374.  Vene- 
tiis,  1613. 

t  This  turning  of  the  coast  to  the  east,  is  mentioned  in  Eamusio,  vol.  1, 
fol.  374,  as  having  been  observed  on  Cabot's  expedition  in  the  year  1498. 

I  See  Gomara,  Historia  de  las  Indias,  fol. '20, 1.  c.    Sarago.ssa,  1553. 


■  '  Hi.  i 


138 


VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


think  that  he  reached  a  higher  latitude  than  68°  N.,  even 
according  to  Gomara's  own  statement. 

The  Portuguese  Galvano,  also  one  of  the  original  and  con- 
temporaiy  authorities  on  Cabot's  voyage  of  1498,  says,  that 
having  reached  60°  north  latitude,  he  and  his  men  found  the 
air  very  cold,  and  great  islands  of  ice,  and  from  thence  putting 
about  and  finding  the  land  to  turn  eastward,  they  trended 
along  by  it,  to  see  if  it  passed  on  the  other  side.  Then 
they  sailed  back  again  to  the  south.*  From  this  report  of 
Galvfi .  o  it  appears,  that  he  believed  that  Cabot  sailed  much 
beyo.  00°  north  latitude,  and  also  along  a  tract  of  country 
toward  the  east. 

As  Cabot  in  1498,  without  doubt,  sailed  along  the  coast  of 
Labrador  and  the  western  shores  of  Davis'  Strait,  and  as  we 
have  there  no  other  long  turn-off'  coast  to  the  east  beyond  60° 
north  latitude,  but  the  great  peninsula  of  Cumberland,  it 
becomes  very  probable,  from  Galvano,  that  he  reached  the 
shores  of  this  peninsula  in  67i°  north  latitude,  and  that, 
despairing  of  finding  a  passage,  he  there  turned  to  the  south. 
In  adopting  this  opinion,  which  was  also  that  of  Humboldt,! 
we  suppose  that  Cabot  must  have  overlooked  the  compara- 
tively narrow  entrance  of  Hudson's  Strait,  or  that  he  found 
it  obstructed  by  ice. 

In  his  encounter  and  struggle  with  the  ice  in  this  high  lati- 
tude he  probably  lost  a  great  part  of  his  men  ;$  and  his  crew 
may  have  been  opposed  to  a  further  advance  toward  the 
north,  though  the  young  commander  himself  appears  to  have 


*  See  this  in  Galvano,  The  Discoveries  of  the  "World,  edited  hy  the  Hak- 
luyt  Society,  p.  88.    London,  1601. 

t  See  Humboldt,  Kritische  Untersuchungen,  vol.  2,  page  447.  Berlin, 
1852 

}  See  upon  this  point  D'Avezac  in  Bulletin  de  la  Society  de  Geographie, 
AoUt  et  Septembre,  1857,  p.  276. 


/,/ 


VOYAGE  OP  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


139 


been  disposed  to  continue  still  further  the  search  in  that 
direction.* 

From  tliis  northern  terminus  Cabot  retraced  his  course 
southerly  along  the  coast  of  Labrador  and  Newfoundland.  At 
Newfoundland,  he  probably  came  to  anchor  in  some  port,  and 
refreshed  his  men,  and  refitted  his  vessels  after  their  arctic 
hardships.  The  harbors  of  Newfoundland  have  always  been 
stations  of  refuge  and  for  the  refitting  of  vessels  coining  from 
the  north.  Perhaps  Cabot  had  seen,  on  the  voyage  with  his 
father,  the  abundance  of  fish  on  these  coasts,  which  was  so 
great,  that  the  ships  were  said  to  have  been  stopped  by  their 
numberless  swarms.  He  jtrobably  was  the  first  fisherman  on 
the  banks  or  shores  of  Newfoundland,  which  through  him 
became  famous  in  Europe.* 

Sailing  from  Newfoundland  south-west,  he  kept  the  coast 
in  view  as  much  as  possible,  on  his  right  side,  "  always  with 
the  intent  to  find  a  passage  and  open  water  to  India."f 

The  more  he  proceeded  to  the  south,  the  more  he  deviated 
from  his  "shortest  way"  along  the  North  Pole.  But,  having 
been  baffled  in  the  north,  he  probably  thought,  that  even  a 
longer  way  to  the  Indies  would  be  better  than  no  way  at  all. 
It  is  not  likely,  that,  having  failed  to  find  this  passage  in  the 
high  north,  he  would  have  returned  at  once,  in  despair,  to 
England.  According  to  his  notions  of  the  configuration  of 
the  shores  and  countries  in  the  western  recesses  of  the  ocean, 
he  was,  no  doubt,  convinced,  that  sailing  south  he  would  very 

*  See  upon  this  Bamusio  in  his  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  his  great 
worlc  (Edit.  Venetia,  1556),  fol.  4,  where  he  appears  to  me  to  speak  of  this 
voyage  made  at  the  command  of  Henry  VII,  in  1498,  though  others  have 
believed,  that  he  speaks  of  some  other  voyage. 

t  Kamusio,  vol.  1,  fol.  374,  Venetia,  1613,  where  Cabot  himself  is  made  to 
say, "  me  ne  tornai  a  dietro  h  ricondscere  anchora  k  la  detta  costa  dalla 
parte  verso  1'  equinottiale,  sempre  con  intentione  di  trovar  passagio  alio 
Indie." 


% 


i 


140 


VOYAaE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


soon  find  water  broadly  oj)ening  tov/ard  China.  Such  open 
waters  were  depicted  on  all  the  globes  and  maps  which  Cabot 
would  have  consulted,  on  the  maps  of  Toscanelli,  Bartholo- 
mew Columbus,  Behaim,  and  other  geographers.  Neither 
Cabot  nor  any  one  else,  at  that  time,  had  the  slightest  expecta- 
tion of  meeting,  on  a  western  route,  an  immense  continent 
other  than  that  of  Asia.  He  expected,  at  every  stage,  to  see 
the  en  ^  of  Newfoundland,  and  to  find,  not  merely  a  narrow 
strait,  but  the  vast  Western  Ocean  itself.  This,  perhaps, 
was  the  reason,  that,  on  this  coasting  voyage,  he  appears  not 
to  have  taken  notice  of  the  comparatively  narrow  entrance 
to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  If  he  observed  something  of 
it,  he  may  not  have  thought  it  worth  his  while  to  explore  it, 
expecting  to  find  a  more  open  passage  further  south. 

After  having  sailed  along  the  south-east  of  Newfoundland, 
and  passed  the  entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  he 
must  have  come  in  sight  of  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia.  At 
the  south-eastern  end  of  this  peninsula  he  would  see  the  coast 
abruptly  falling  off  to  the  west  and  north-west;  and,  of 
course,  must  have  followed  this  trending  of  the  shore-line  in 
the  direction  of  his  intended  route.  It  is,  therefore,  very 
probable,  that  he  entered  with  good  hope  the  broad  Gulf  of 
Maine,  and  came  to  and  sailed  along  its  coast. 

The  entire  elevated  coast  of  Maine  is  seen  at  a  great  dis- 
tance from  the  ocean.  This  view,  no  doubt,  convinced  him, 
that  there  could  be  no  broad  water  in  that  direction.  He 
therefore  passed  speedily  on,  losing  no  time  in  minute  explora- 
tion. We  must  always  keep  in  mind,  that  a  detailed  exami- 
nation could  not  have  entered  into  the  designs  of  Cabot.  In 
his  expectation  of  finding  a  broad  ocean  to  the  west,  such  as 
was  portrayed  on  the  maps  of  his  time,  he,  of  course,  must 
have  been  disposed  to  neglect  narrower  inlets,  and  even  such 
as  were  only  moderately  broad.     As  long  as  he  saw  the  con- 


VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN  1498. 


141 


tinuous  line  of  coast,  he  -went  onward  further  to  the  south- 
west, quite  sure  that  the  great  ocean,  presented  on  the  maps 
as  lying  eastward  of  China,  must  soon  make  its  appearance. 

It  is,  however,  probable,  that,  in  the  southern  parts  of  the 
Gulf  of  Maine,  ho  approached  the  coast  somewliat  nearer, 
because  they  are  there  lower,  and,  from  a  distance,  not  so 
easily  recognized  as  being  land-locked.  Thus  he  may  have 
been  caught  in  this  cul  de  sac  of  Cape  Cod  Bay,  entering  it  for 
the  purpose  of  looking  for  a  passage.  But  he  was  beaten 
back  by  the  shores,  turning  round  to  the  east,  and  was  forced 
to  circumnavigate  the  long  hook  of  the  cape.  The  hopes, 
with  which  he  had  been  filled  at  the  south-eastern  extremity 
of  Nova  Scotia  (Cape  Sable),  were  now  lowered  again,  and 
that  disagreeable  hook  of  Cape  Cod,  of  so  unusual  a  sliape, 
must  have  impressed  itself  on  his  memory,  and  been  delin- 
eated on  his  chart.  In  the  Appendage  to  this  chapter,  where 
I  shall  give  what  has  come  down  to  us  of  Cabot's  chart,  and 
examine  it,  I  shall  have  occasion  to  point  out  upon  it  certain 
coast-lines  which  appear  to  me  to  represent  Cape  Cod  and  the 
Gulf  of  Maine,  and,  consequently,  to  support  the  view,  that 
Cabot  visited  both  these  objects  of  the  coast  and  reconnoi- 
tered  them ;  an  opinion  which  I  think  I  have  made  somewhat 
probable. 

After  having  rounded  Cape  Cod,  he  must  have  felt  fresh 
hope.  He  saw  a  coast  running  to  the  west  and  open  water 
before  him  in  that  direction.  It  is  therefore  nearly  certain, 
that  he  entered  somewhat  that  broad  gulf,  in  the  interior 
corner  of  which  lies  the  harbor  of  New  York.  I  say  "  some- 
what;" for  it  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  suppose,  that  Cabot 
made  a  thorough  search  of  this  gulf,  to  convince  himself  of 
its  beinjx  land-locked.  The  soundings  were  sufficient  to  make 
this  known  to  him.  The  soundings  in  that  gulf  and  along 
the  whole  coast  to  the  south  of  New  York,  are  very  low.    At 


H 


%. 


In 


W:\- 


i      5 


142 


VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  CABOT  IN   HfW 


I 

f 


a  distance  of  a  hundred  miles  from  the  coast,  they  Login  to 
decrease  from  sixty  fatlioms  to  twenty  and  ten,  and  still  less. 
Cahot,  of  course,  was  constantly  sounuing  ;  the  sounding-lead 
at  that  time  being  one  of  the  principal  instruments  for 
detecting  the  approach  to  land.  They  would  enter  this  gulf 
only  so  far  as  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  be  convinced,  that 
the  coast  was  near.  The  question,  therefore,  Avhich  has  been 
raised,  whether  Cabot  saw  any  thing  of  New  York  harbor,* 
cannot  be  answered  witli  any  degree  of  certainty. 

From  a  statement  contained  in  the  work  of  Peter  Martyr 
it  appears,  however,  certain,  that  Cabot  landed  on  some 
places  of  the  coast  along  which  he  sailed.  This  author, 
relating  a  conversation  which  he  had  Avith  his  friend  Cabot, 
on  the  subject  of  his  voyage  of  1498,  says,  that  Cabot  told 
him  "  he  had  found,  on  most  of  the  places,  copper  or  brass 
among  the  aborigines"  (orichalcum  in  j)lerisque  locis  se  vidisse 
apud  incolas  pracdicat).f  From  another  authority  we  learn, 
that  he  captured  some  of  these  aborigines  and  brought 
them  to  England,  where  they  lived  and  were  seen  a  few 
years  after  his  return,  by  the  English  chronicler,  Robert 
Fabyan.|  It  is  not  stated  at  what  place  he  captured  those 
Indians  ;  but  it  was  not  customary  with  the  navigators  of  that 
time  to  take  on  board  the  Indians,  until  near  the  time  of  their 
leaving  the  country.  Cabot's  Indians,  therefore,  were  proba- 
bly captured  on  some  shore  south  of  New  York  harbor.  At 
all  events,  from  both  the  statements  alluded  to,  it  becomes 
highly  probable,  that  this  great  discoverer  put  his  feet  on 
the  shores  of  the  present  United  States,  which,  in  several 
respects,  it  is  not  uninteresting  to  know. 

*  For  instance,  by  Rev.  Mr.  Miller  in  liia  discourse  on  the  discovery  of 
New  York  harbor  in  New  York  Historical  Collections,  vol.  l,p.  23. 

t  Peter  Martyr,  De  orbe  Novo,  Dec.  3,  cap.  6. 

t  See  the  quotation  from  Fabyan's  chronicle  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  3,  p.  31, 
Ed.  London,  1810. 


VOYAOE  OF  SEHASTIAN  CA1U)T  IN  1498. 


148 


When  beyond  tlio  vicinity  of  New  York  Csibot  saw  the 
coast  taking  a  more  southern  turn,  and  holding;  on  in  this 
direction,  liis  liopes  for  a  large  and  distant  run  to  the  west, 
must  have  entirely  vanished  ;  and  his  provisions  also  falling 
short,  and  apprehending  that  he  was  aj)proaching  the  Spanish 
possessions,  ho  now  entered  on  his  homeward  voyage. 

The  soutliern  terminus  of  his  voyage  is  pretty  well  ascer- 
tained. He  himself  informed  his  friend,  Peter  Martyr,  that 
he  went  as  far  south  as  about  the  latitude  of  tl.e  Strait  of 
Gibraltar,*  that  is  to  say,  about  30°  north  latitude,  which  is 
near  that  of  Cn\)(i  Ilatteras. 

Peter  Martyr  adds  the  following :  "  He  sailed  so  far  to  the 
west,  that  he  had  the  island  of  Cuba  on  his  left  hand,  nearly 
in  the  same  degree  of  longitude."  This  additional  remark, 
some  authors  have  interpreted  as  if  he  had  intended  to  cor- 
rect himself,  and  to  add,  that  Cabot  had  sailed  along  the 
entire  coast  of  the  United  States  down  to  Cape  Florida ; 
where,  at  last,  he  had  the  island  of  Cuba  quite  near  to  his 
larboard  side.  But  it  is  evident,  that  neither  Peter  Martyr 
nor  Cabot  intended  by  this  statement  to  determine  anything 
about  his  latitude.  That  was  fixed  at  the  latitude  of  the 
Strait  of  Gibraltar.  Cuba  was  mentioned  only  to  determine 
the  longitude.  The  east  coast  of  North  America,  in  3G° 
north  latitude,  is  in  about  the  longitude  of  the  eastern  part  of 
the  island  of  Cuba ;  and  a  navigator,  who  sails  along  that 
coast  with  the  idea  of  penetrating  to  the  west,  may  well  say, 
that  he  had  the  island  of  Cuba  on  the  left, — but,  of  course, 
at  a  great  distance. 

At  the  time  Cabot  made  the  above  statement  to  Peter 
Martyr,  which  was  before  the  year  1515,t  the  island  of  Cuba 

*  See  Peter  Martyr,  1.  c. 

t  Peter  Martyr's  record  of  his  conversation  with  Cabot  was  written  in 
1515;  but  the  conversation  itself  must  have  taken  place  before,  between 
1612  and  1515. 


I'  ' 
ji 


\ 


'«')' 


144 


VOYAOE  OP  SEnAflTIAN  CADOT  IN  140fl. 


li 


was  tlio  only  place  nortli  of  Ilispiiniola  (8t.  Domingo)  and 
the  otlior  West  Indian  islands,  of  wliicli  the  position  was 
known  with  certainty.  It  was  therefore  natural  for  Cubot, 
to  use  this  island  in  order  to  make  his  longitude  intclligihlo. 
It  was  the  more  natural,  because  Cabot,  in  the  latitude  of  the 
Strait  of  Gibraltar,  must  have  thought  himself  nuich  nearer 
to  the  island  of  Cuba  than  he  really  was.  At  the  time  of 
his  voyage — and  even  much  later — that  island  was  laid  down 
on  the  charts  several  degrees  too  far  north. 

From  this  I  consider  it  clear,  that  Cabot  saw  nothing  of 
our  coast  to  the  south  of  Cape  Ilatteras. 

On  the  direction  of  his  homeward  track  from  the  shores  of 
the  United  States  to  England,  .the  short  original  reports  of 
his  voyage  state  nothing.  The  nearest  route  to  England  was 
running  on  the  same  track  on  which  ho  had  come  out,  th^*^ 
is  to  say,  back  along  the  coasts  of  New  York,  New  England, 
Nova  Scotia,  and  N(jwfoundland.  And,  according  to  what 
we  have  stated  above  on  lu's  knowledge  of  the  globe,  and 
the  shortest  route  by  great  circle-sailing,  we  should  be  inclined 
to  think,  that  he  returned  by  this  route,  and  came  again  in 
sight  of  the  New  England  coast.  It  is  however  possible, 
that,  like  the  greater  part  of  the  navigators  of  his  time,  he 
may  have  followed  a  more  southern  track  by  the  Azores. 

On  their  return  from  tlieir  first  voyage  of  1497,  the  Cabots 
believed,  that  they  had  discovered  portions  of  Asia,  and  so 
proclaimed  it.  But  the  more  extensive  discoveries  of  the 
second  voyage  corrected  the  views  of  Sebastian,  and  revealed 
to  liim  nothing  but  a  wild  and  barbarous  coast  stretching 
through  thirty  degrees  of  latitude,  from  67i°  to  36°.  The 
discovery  of  this  impassable  barrier  across  lus  passage  to 
Cathay,  as  he  often  complained,  was  a  sore  displeasure  to  him. 
Instead  of  the  rich  possessions  of  China,  which  he  hoped 
to  reach,  he  was  arrested  by  a  New  found  land,  savage  and 


VOYAGE  or  HKHAHTIAN   CABOT  IN   1408. 


14') 


uiiciiltivjitod.  A  spiritod  Oonniiu  iiiithoi",  Dr.  G.  M.  Aslior, 
In  liis  lite  of  lIcMiry  Iltidsoti,  puhlisluvl  in  liOiiditii  in  IKtSQ, 
ohservos  :  "  Tlio  displeasure  of  Ciihot  involves  tlie  scientiKc 
discovery  of  a  new  world.  Ho  was  the  tirstto  recognize,  that 
a  new  and  unknown  eontinent  was  Ivinjx,  as  one  vast  harrier, 
between  Western  Europe  and  Eastern  Asia." 

Still,  a  lon<^  time  after  Cahot,  geographers  represented  on 
their  maps  Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and  the  neijrhhoring 
territory,  as  parts  of  Northern  Asia,  lint  ('ahot,  on  the 
first  chart  of  his  discoveries,  which  has  been  preserved  to  us 
by  a  Spanish  cosmo<i;rapher,  represented  the  entire  eastern 
coast  of  North  America  as  a  separate  and  independent  conti- 
nent, entirely  distinct  from  Asia. 

The  scientific  results  of  Cabot's  voyage  consc(juently  were 
very  great,  though  they  could  not  be  appreciated  at  once  by 
all  his  contemporaries. 

The  more  practical,  pecuniary,  and  commercial  gains  of  the 
expedition  were  Mot  so  attractive  as  the  merchants  of  Bristol 
and  the  covetous  Henry  had  expected  :  it  was  probably  f(jr 
this  reason,  principally,  that  when  Cabot  made  proposals  in 
the  following  year,  1499,  for  another  expedition  to  the  same 
regions,  he  was  supported  neither  by  the  king  nor  the  nier- 
cliants.*  For  several  years  the  scheme  for  the  discovery  of 
a  north-western  route  to  Cathay,  was  not  much  favored  in 
England. 

Nevertheless,  the  voyage  of  this  gifted  and  enterprising 
youth  along  the  entire  coast  of  the  present  United  States, 
nay,  along  the  whole  extent  of  that  great  continent,  in  which 
now  the  P^nglish  race  and  language  prevail  and  flourish,  has 


:i:{ 


K.\.  " 


I 


•  ♦Nevertheless,  some  authors  believe  that  he  made  in  that  year  another 
voyape  of  discovery,  which,  however,  is  said  to  have  been  directed  to  the 
tropical  regions.  The  scattered  hints  which  we  have  on  this  expedition  of 
1499,  have  been  collected  in  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  91  seq. 

10 


It 


i'!i 


fij, 


Ui] 


VOVA(JK  or  HKIJA8TIAN  CABOT  IN  1408. 


always  boon  considered  as  the  tnio  bepjinninrj,  the  foundation 
and  corniM'-stotio  of  ail  the  Kn^lisli  claims  and  possessions  in 
the  northern  half  of  Atnorica.  English  fla^s  were  tho  first 
which  W(^r(^  planted  alon;^  those  shorcss,  and  Rtiglisli  men  wore 
the  first  of  m()d(!rn  Kuropeans,  who  with  their  own  eyes  sur- 
veyed the  horder  of  that  ^reat  assemhlago  of  countries,  in 
which  they  were  destined  to  hecome  so  prominent ;  and  wore 
also  tho  first  to  put  their  feet  upon  it.  Tho  history  of  each 
one  of  that  chain  of  States,  stretching  aloufjj  tho  western 
shores  of  the  Atlantic,  begins  with  Sebastian  (^abot,  and  his 
ox[)e(lition  of  14!)8.  And  this  is  especially  true  of  tho  State 
of  Maine,  and  the  other  States  of  New  England ;  whoso 
remarkable  coasts  wero  particularly  observed  by  him,  and 
clearly  delineated  on  his  chart,  as  I  shall  endeavor  to  show 
in  my  examination  of  Cosa's  map. 


•^i— pw^i^**^iwr 


*f 


I 


i 


O; 


APPENDAGE  TO   CHAPTER   IV. 


1.  On  thk  Map,  No.  4,  of  the  Ocean  and  Isi^ands  between 
Westeun  Eukope  and  Easteun  Asia,  fhom  the  Globe  of 
Maktin  Beiiaim,  1492.* 

Mabtin  Behaim,  a  well-known  German  astronomer  and  cosmogra- 
pher,  was  born  in  Nuremburg  in  the  year  14.59,  and  in  1479  went  from 
there  to  Lisbon,  where  several  of  his  countrymen  were  settled.  Being 
a  scholar  of  the  celebrated  German  astronomer  and  mathematician, 
Regiomontanus,  he  soon  made  himself  known  among  the  Portuguese 
for  his  cosmographical  and  mathematical  knowledge,  and  was  made, 
by  John  II,  of  Portugal,  a  member  of  a  commission  for  improving  ma- 
rine instruments.  In  the  year  1483,  ho  constructed  upon  the  principle 
of  his  master,  Regiomontanus,  a  new  astrolabium,  which  was  adopted 
by  this  commission  and  introduced  into  the  Portuguese  navy.  The  Por- 
tuguese navigators  were  enabled,  by  this  instrument,  to  find  their  lati- 
tude with  much  more  accuracy  than  before. 

Behaim  himself,  in  company  with  the  Portuguese  discoverers,  made 
extensive  voyages  along  the  coast  of  Africa  and  to  the  Azores,  where 
he  married  a  Portuguese  lac'y  of  Flemish  extraction.  In  all  these  and 
other  respects  his  life  was  similar  to  that  of  Columbus,  with  whom  he 
became  personally  acquainted  in  Lisbon.  He  shared  the  views  of  Co- 
lumbus on  the  feasibility  of  a  passage  from  Portugal  to  India  on  a 
western  route,  and  on  the  short  distance  between  Western  Europe  and 
Eastern  Asia.  He  did  not,  however,  make  this  voyage ;  but  in  the  glo- 
rious year  1492,  the  German  cosmographer,  being  on  a  visit  to  liis 
'i 'inds  in  Nuremburg,  constructed  the  celebrated  globe,  on  which  ho 
clearly  proved,  that  it  was  possible  to  do,  what  the  more  enterprising 
Italian  moanwhile  did. 

*  See  upon  this  globe  and  upon  fiehaim,  the  work:  F.  W.  Ghillany,  Ge«icbichte  des 
Seefahrera  Rltter  Martin  Behaim.    Nurnborg,  1853. 


k 


148 


MAP  OF  BEHAIM,   14f»2. 


Tliis  plobe,  on  wliicli  the  entire  world  and  all  its  then  known  parts 
and  islands  wore  depicted,  is  highly  interesting  to  us,  because  wo  see 
represented  upon  it  the  views  and  ideas  of  Behaim,  which  were  also 
more  or  less  thof,e  of  Toscanelli,  Columbus,  Cabot,  and  all  their  intelli- 
gent and  well-informed  contemporaries. 

In  map  No.  4, 1  have  given  from  that  globe  oidy  the  portion  which 
most  interests  us  here;  namely,  the  western  coasts  of  Europe  and 
JTorthern  Africa,  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia,  and  the  ocean  and  islands 
between  them.  With  respect  to  the  configuration  of  these  coasts  and 
islands,  and  the  distances  between  them,  our  copy  is  a  reduced  fac- 
simile, from  the  copy  of  the  globe  in  the  above-quoted  work  of  Ghilla- 
ny,  though  not  in  the  handwriting,  names,  and  inscriptions.  The 
original  has  many  names  in  Asia  and  Africa,  which  I  have  left  out  as 
not  connected  with  our  subject.  1  have  retained  nearly  all  those  of  the 
islands  as  important;  but  have  omitted  the  long  German  inscriptions 
or  legends  added  to  them,  of  which  I  shall  speak,  however,  as  occasion 
may  require. 

In  the  no-th-east  of  our  representation  appears  "Island"  (Iceland), 
under  the  arctic  circle.  To  the  south  of  it,  in  the  same  meridian,  "  Ir- 
lant"  (Ireland)  and  "  IILspania  "  (Spain).  In  Africa  I  have  preserved 
only  the  names  "Atlas  Montes"  (Mount  Atlas),  "Cabo  verde  "  (Cape 
Verde),  and  "  Sera  lion  "  (Sierra  Leone). 

From  the  coasts  of  Africa  and  Spain  to  the  west,  stretch  out  several 
chains  and  groups  of  islands,  as  the  Canaries,  the  Cape  Verde,  and  the 
Azores,  which  ):ad  long  been  known  to  European  navigators,  and  the 
greater  number  of  which  have  the  names  inscribed,  by  which  they  are 
known  to-day.  The  Azores  stand  out  far  to  the  west, — the  last  of 
them,  "Insula  de  liores,"  nearly  midway  between  Europe  and  Asia. 

At  the  south-west  of  the  Azores,  we  find  the  two  famous  and  often 
mentioned  islands,  which,  after  the  fourteenth  century,  were  supposed 
to  exist  in  the  most  western  parts  of  the  ocean,  one  called  "  Antilia," 
and  the  other  "  Saint  Brandan."  * 

Of  the  first  island  Behaim  says :  "  In  the  year  734,  after  the  conquest 
of  Spain  by  the  MahometiUis,  this  island,  Antilia,  was  discovered  and 
settled  by  an  archbishop  from  Oporto  in  Portugal,  who  fled  to  it  in 
ships  with  six  other  bishops  and  other  Christian  men  and  women. 
They  built  there  seven  towns,  from  which  circumstance  it  has  also  been 
called  '  septemcitade '  (the  island  of  the  seven  cities).  In  the  year  1414, 
a  Spanish  vessel  came  very  near  to  it." 

*  The  French  geographer,  M.  ..  -  ^ac,  has  written  an  excellent  article  "  on  the 
fabulous  islands  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  in  the  middle  ages."  See  his  "  Nouvelles  An- 
nales  des  Voyages,  torn.  1,  2.    1845. 


MAP  OF  BEHAIM,  1492. 


140 


Regarding  the  second  island,  Beliaim  adds  the  following:  "After  the 
birth  of  our  Saviour,  in  the  year  505,  Saint  lirandan,  an  Irish  bishop,, 
an-ived  with  his  vessel  on  this  island ;  saw  there  most  wonderful  things, 
and  returned  afterwards  to  his  country." 

It  is  well  known  that  these  and  similar  stories  of  voyages  and  emi- 
grations, made  to  distant  islands  in  the  far  west  of  the  ocean,  were 
often  told  in  the  middle  ages.  All  these  stories  came  from  Portugal, 
Spain,  Ireland,  and  Great  Britain, — the  European  nations  which  were 
afterwards  so  prominent  and  active  in  the  discovery  and  settlement  of 
America.  The  islands  of  St.  Brandan  and  Antilia  Avere  also  depicted 
on  charts  of  the  fourteenth  century.  Some  time  after  the  discovery  of 
the  West  India  Islands  by  Columbus,  the  old  name  "  Antilia,"  which 
according  to  Humboldt  is  of  Arabic  origin,  was  applied  to  them.  The 
island  of  St.  Brandan  was  believed  to  exist  a  long  time  after  the  dis- 
covery of  America  by  Columbus,  and  many  expeditions  were  made 
even  in  the  seventeenth  century,  from  the  Canaries  and  the  Cape  Verde 
Islands,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  it. 

Some  hundred  leagues  to  the  west  of  St.  Brandan's  Island,  Bchaim 
puts  down  the  large  island  of  "'  Cipangu,"  or  Japan,  of  which  Marco 
Polo,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  had  spoken,  as  being  rich,  and  as  lying 
not  far  from  China  t^  the  east.  Behaim  gives  to  it  about  the  latitude 
of  Cuba  and  Hispaniola.  Columbus,  therefore,  when  he  arrived  at  this 
latter  island,  thought  it  to  bo  Japan. 

Cipangu,  or  Japan,  is  suri'ounded  by  an  ocean  full  of  innumerable 
islands.  The  Arabs,  probably  ever  since  the  time  of  Sindbad  the  Navi- 
gator, were  somewhat  acquainted  with  the  innumerable  islands  of  the 
Indian  Archipelago  and  of  the  western  half  of  the  Pacific ;  and  these 
Arabian  traditions  may  have  been  depicted  and  alluded  to  here.* 

The  eastern  coast  of  Asia  is  drawn  on  our  map  in  the  same  manner, 
as  we  see  it  on  many  previous  maps,  according  to  the  notions  and  re- 
ports of  Marco  Polo.  It  is  the  coast  along  which  Columbus,  and  after 
him  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  year  1497,  and  many  other  navi- 
gators thought  they  were  sailing,  whilst  they  were  really  sailing  along 
the  coast  of  America. 

We  find  here  indicated  the  great  rivers  of  China,  and  the  names, 
"  India,"  "  mangi,"  "  Cathaia,"  "  thebet,"  "  tataria,"  "  bergi." 

The  name  "  India "  was  at  once  applied  to  the  American  discover- 
ies, believed  to  be  a  part  of  the  continent  of  Asia ;  and  the  name  is  still 


*  Ou  Sindbad,  the  Arabian  navigator,  and  on  the  notions  and  inforiuatiun  of  the 
Arabs  abi)ut  the  islands  and  waters  at  the  east  of  Asia,  a  treatise  lias  been  written  by 
Baron  Walckenaer  in  Nouvelles  Annales  des  voyages,  torn.  1,  p.  14  seq.    1832. 


'•■,  I 


fi'i. 


I'i  - 


150 


MAP  OF  BEHAIM,  1492. 


given  to  the  central  region,  called  the  Went  Indies ;  and  the  aborigines 
are  Htill  called  Indians. 

"  Mangi "  is  the  name  of  a  Chinese  province  spoken  of  by  Maroo 
Polo,  and  looked  for  by  Columbus,  when  he  was  sailing  along  the 
coasts  of  Honduras  and  Central  America. 

"  Cathaia  "  is  the  old  name  of  Northern  China,  which  for  a  long  pe- 
riod was  the  object  of  very  many  expeditions  for  the  discovery  of  a  so- 
called  North-western  Passage. 

The  name  "  tataria,"  also  placed  on  our  map,  often  finds  a  place  in 
the  subseciuont  explorations  of  America.  So  long  as  America  was 
thought  to  bo  a  i)art  of  Asia,  or  connected  with  it,  the  North  American 
Indians  were  thought  to  be  Tartars. 

Besides  the  names  which  I  have  put  down  on  our  copy,  Bchaim  in 
liis  original  had  many  others;  and  also  many  decorative  inscrii)tions 
and  legends,  nearly  all  of  which  were  taken  from  the  work  of  Marco  Polo. 

Already,  in  the  year  1474,  the  distinguished  and  learned  Italian  as- 
tronomer, Toscanelli,  had  sent  to  Columbus  a  map  of  the  world  con- 
structed by  him,  and  a  letter  explaining  this  map.  That  interesting 
map  has  not  boon  preserved;  but  we  have  the  letter.*  From  the 
dei>cription  of  the  map  contained  in  this  letter,  it  appears  that  it 
was  very  similar  to  the  globe  of  Behaim ;  having  the  same  islands,  the 
same  configuration  of  the  coasts  of  Europe,  Africa,  and  Asia,  and  about 
the  same  dimensions  and  proi)ortions  of  the  ocean.  It  is  said  that 
Columbus,  on  his  first  voyage,  had  Toscanelli's  map  on  board,  and 
sailed  by  it.  He,  probably,  on  one  or  more  of  the  numerous  maps 
which  he  composed,  had  followed  the  same  principles  and  represented 
similar  things.  Of  these  maps  of  Columbus  not  a  single  one  has  been 
preserved.  The  globe  which  Behaim  composed  in  Nuremburg  is  the 
only  original  map  which  has  come  down  to  us,  giving  us  the  notions 
of  Toscanelli,  of  Christopher  Columbus,  of  his  brother,  Bartholomew 
Columbus,  and  their  fellow  voyagers  on  the  ocean  between  Europe  and 
Asia.t  The  Cabots  very  i)robably  had  a  similar  map  on  board,  when 
in  1497  they  sailed  to  find  the  shortest  course  to  Cathay.  A  copy  of 
it  should  be  added  to  every  work  treating  on  the  discovery  of  America. 
I  have,  therefore,  given  it  a  place  at  the  end  of  my  chapter  on  the  first 
voyage  of  the  Cabots. 

*  See  it  in  Navarette,  Colleclon  de  los  •  i.i^es  y  descubrimiontos,  etc.,  torn.  2,  p.  1. 
Madrid,  1823.  Compare  wliat  Humboldt  suys  on  tlie  map  ofToscanelli  in  his  Kritische 
Untersuchungen,  1,  pp.  206-208. 

t  M.  D'Avezac  calls  this  glubu  "  une  copie  ou  une  reminiscence  de  la  carte  de  Tos- 
canelli "  (a  copy  or  reminiscence  of  the  chart  of  Toscanelli).  See  D'Avezac,  1.  c. 
p.  62. 


I  I 


.( 


f. 


4 


> 

O: 

12: 


o 

•-5 
^- 

'C 


tf5 


CD 


MAT  OF  COSA,   iBOO. 


151 


2.   On  the  Map,  No.  5,  of  the  East  Coast  of  Noktii  Amehica, 
iiY  Juan  de  la  Coma,  in  the  Yeak  1500.* 

Juan  de  la  Cosa  was  a  colobratetl  Spanish  navigator,  and  one  of  the 
first  discoverers  of  the  West  Indies,  ile  accompanied  Cohunbus  on 
his  second  voyage  to  the  west,  in  tlio  years  140;i-14l)(J,  He  after- 
wards commanded  several  exploring  expeditions  to  America,  and  took 
his  share  in  the  discovery  and  concjuest  of  the  northern  coast  of  South 
America,  Venezuela  and  New  Granada.  He  had  so  much  experience 
of  the  west  and  of  the  ocean,  that  ho  boasted  "  that  he  knew  more  of 
them  than  the  Admiral  (Columbus)  himself."  The  early  historians  of 
America  speak  of  him  with  high  esteem. 

Cosa,  like  t)ther  explorers,  probably  drew  several  charts  of  the 
new  countries  ho  visited,  which,  like  many  other  drafts,  arc  lost  to 
us.  In  the  year  1500,  ho  compiled  a  large  map  of  tlie  entire  world,  on 
which  he  laid  down  all  that  he  knew  of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
discoveries  in  the  new  world.  This  map,  of  which  probably  several 
copies  were  made,  appears,  like  its  author,  to  have  been  highly  cs- 
teemed  by  the  Spaniards.  One  of  these  copies  was  hung  up  in  the 
study  of  the  then  minister  of  Marine,  Juan  de  Fonscca.  It  was  after- 
wards, like  most  of  the  old  maps,  neglected  and  forgotten. 

In  the  year  1832,  the  great  German  scholar,  Humboldt,  being  occu- 
pied with  his  reseai'ches  on  the  history  and  geography  of  America, 
during  the  time  of  the  cholera  in  Paris,  found,  in  the  excellent  library 
of  his  friend.  Baron  Walckenaer,  a  large  map  of  the  world,  which  the 
learned  owner  thought  to  be  an  old  I'ortuguesc  production.  Hum- 
boldt, however,  discovered  on  it  the  inscription,  "Juan  do  la  Cosa  la 
fixo  en  el  Puerto  de  Sta  Maria  en  afio  do  1500"  (Juan  de  la  Cosa  made 
it  in  the  port  of  Saint  Mary  in  the  year  1500).  There  was  no  doubt, 
that  the  very  first  map,  on  which  a  great  part  of  the  western  continent 
was  depicted,  had  now  been  brought  to  light.t 

The  whole  map,  as  well  as  parts  of  it,  have  been  repeatedly  copied 
and  published.  Lelewel  gave  a  reduced  copy  in  his  Atlas,  No.  41. 
Sagra,  in  his  work  on  Cuba,  and  Humboldt,  in  his  *'  Examen  Critique," 
gave  sections  of  it.  He  communicated  also  a  reduced  copy  to  Dr.  Ghil- 
lany,  who  embodied  it  in  his  work  on  Martin  Behaim.    The  map  was 

*See  on  this  map,  1.  J.  Lelewel,  Geograplile  du  moyen  age,  torn.  2,  p.  109  geq. 
Bruxolles,  1852.  2.  A.  Von  Humboldt,  In  the  work,  "  F.  W.  Ghillany,  Geschichte  des 
Seefalirers  IMartin  Behaim,"  p.  1  seq.  Nurnberg,  1853,  and  the  work  there  quoted  on 
Cuba  by  Sagra. 

t  See  Humboldt's  introductory  remarks  to  Ghillany's  work  on  Behaim,  p.  1  seq. 


'1^ 


152 


MAP  OF  COSA,  1800. 


;■ 
1 

\ 

* 

1. 

( 

n);ain  copied  by  tho  jjioat  Fronch  mso^jraphor,  M.  Jomard,  who  pub- 
lisliud  a  iJorCoct  fac-niinilo  of  it  in  liis  "  MoiiuinuntH  do  (»oographio." 
So  tiio  map  ban  now  becoino  woll  known,  and  is  ^(inorally  acknowl- 
odgod  to  bii  ono  of  tliu  most  intorcstinjr  and  important  docuinunts  for 
tlic  f^odfirajdiioal  liistory  of  America. 

Our  reduced  copy  of  that  part  of  Cosa's  map  which  reprosonts  tho 
northern  half  of  the  new  vvorbl,  was  primnpally  made  after  Ilumboblt's 
copy.  I  have,  however,  added  a  iavi  names  which  HumboUlt  omitted, 
and  which  I  lind  in  .Jomard's  fac-simile.^ 

Th(!  map  lias  no  indication  of  tlio  dej^rees  of  latitude.  It  lias,  how- 
ever, the  equator  and  the  "  circulo  cancro"  (tho  tropic  of  cancer  2;$^" 
N.),  which  enables  us  to  rocofjnize  tlio  latitudes  of  tho  several  objects 
represented  on  tho  map.  * 

Cosa  draws  the  entire  oast  coast  of  North  America,  from  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Cuba  to  the  high  northern  regions,  in  about  70°  N.,  with 
a  continuous  line,  uninterrupted  by  water.  lie  appears  to  have  thought, 
that  there  was  a  largo  continental  part  of  tho  world,  back  of  tho  West 
India  Islands  discovered  by  Columbus  and  his  contemporaries. 

Bef<ne  the  year  I.IOO,  no  Spanish  navigator  had  been  along  that  coast. 
The  only  exploring  expeditions  made  to  it,  were  those  of  tho  English 
under  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1407  Jind  1498;  and  Cosa  must 
have  had  his  information  for  this  part  of  his  map  from  English  origi- 
nals, lie  indicates  this  himself  by  the  broad  inscrii)tion  running  along 
tho  coast:  "Mar  dcscubierto  per  Ingloses"  (Sea  discovered  by  the 
English). 

Tho  true  general  trending  of  the  oast  coast  of  Nortli  America,  from 
Florida  to  Newfoundland,  is  from  south-oast  to  north-wost.  Cosa,  on 
his  map,  makes  it  nearly  in  the  same  direction;  but  he  extends  it  more 
cast  and  west,  which  is  a  consequence  of  the  projection  of  his  map 
being  a  plane  chart,  having  the  degrees  of  longitude  uniform  through- 
out. 

Cosa's  coast-line  in  the  higher  latitudes,  opposite  "Frislanda"  (Ice- 
land), has  some  similarity  with  the  coast-lino  on  the  recently  discovered 
map  (see  map  No.  20),  said  to  have  been  made  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  the 
year  1.544.  This  is  a  remarkable  circumstance.  For  it  would  seem  to 
prove,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  had  seen  those  arctic  regions  in  1498,  and 
not  at  a  later  date,  in  lol7,  as  Mr.  Biddlo  and  some  others  have  sup- 
posed. The  easternmost  point  and  peninsula  of  Newfoundland  is 
easily  recognized  on  Cosa's  map,  and  agrees  with  the  true  configura- 
tion of  this  coast-line.  He  has  also  given  a  pretty  long  list  of  names 
upon  the  southern  coast  of  the  island. 
These  circumstances  convince  me,  that  Cosa  made  his  chart  of  our 


MAP   OF  COS  A,  1500. 


158 


oast  coast,  not  in  :i  fanciful  and  i-oufjh  mannor  from  gonoral  roports  of 
Hailoi'N  or  thu  conipanionH  of  tlio  ('al)olH,  a.s  Miuy  may  liavu  Ixtun 
current  in  tI>o  harbors  of  Spain,  after  Caliot's  voyaj^c;  but  tliat  in 
drawin^r  IiiH  line,  liu  niust  bavu  had  buibru  him  Homo  co^ty  of  thu  chart, 
made  by  tlic  (;al)otH  tljcmselves.* 

Tliero  is  no  didiijulty  in  supposing,  tliat  a  copy  of  the  chart  of  Cabot 
may  liave  been  seen  by  Cosa  in  I'M).  Some  of  tlio  companions  of 
the  CabotH  may  have  b(!en  Spaniards,  and  have  returned  before  ir)(M),  to 
tlio  ports  of  tlieir  native  country,  carryinj^  witli  tliem,  not  only  nsports, 
but  also  duirts  of  the  voyage.  Tlie  Spanish  Knvoy  tlien  at  tlie  Kng- 
lisli  court,  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala,  in  a  letter  to  his  kint;,  dated  July  25, 
14!)H,  also  tells  us,  tliat  he  saw  the  chart,  nuule  by  Juan  Cabot  on  his 
first  voyaj^o,  and  that  he  intended  to  send  a  copy  of  it  to  his  Spanish 
M;\jesty.t 

This  Spanish  envoy  may  also  hav(!  been  careful  to  send  to  Spain 
afterwards,  a  copy  of  the  chart  of  the  second  Cabjtian  expedition,  on 
which  the  southern  section  of  our  east  coast  was  discovered;  and  tliis 
copy  may  have  been  used  by  Cosa  for  his  nuip. 

This  proves  that  the  headlands,  bays,  peninsulas,  and  other  olyccts 
represented  on  the  map,  are  not  made  at  ran(h>m,  but  arc  sketches  of 
such  projections  of  the  coast  as  the  Cabots  supposed  themselves  to 
have  seen,  and  attempted  to  delineate,  and  are  therefore  worthy  of  a 
critical  examination. 

The  best  starting  point  is  given  at  the  eastern  capo  of  the  coast, 
called  "Cavo  do  Ynglaterra"  (Capo  of  England),  in  about  50°  N. 
Though  tliis  is  not  exactly  the  latitude  of  Capo  Kace,  which  stands  in 
about  40^°  N.,  still  there  can  be  scarcely  a  doubt,  that  this  capo  is 
meant.  The  hititudes  on  our  map,  including  those  of  the  West  India 
Islands,  are  much  too  high. 

The  configuration  given  to  "  tlic  Cape  of  England  "  and  its  vicinity, 
has  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  configuration  of  Cape  Race  and  the 
entire  south-eastern  section,  or  triangle,  of  Newfoundland ;  and  I  may 
acW,  that  on  all  subsequent  maps,  this  region  lias  always  been  repre- 
sented in  great  harmony  with  nature.  Newfoundland,  and  more  espe- 
cially Capo  Race,  whicli  was  usually  the  first  i)oint  of  America  seen  by 
the  early  European  navigators,  and  the  part  best  known  to  them,  and 


' 


i 


♦See  Lelewel,  1.  c,  torn.  2,  p.  110,  who  says  with  respect  to  this  map:  "One  sees 
from  Cosa's  map,  that  he  was  not  a  mere  copyist,  but  a  compositor,  aud  a  distiuguished 
compositor  and  draftsman,  who  worked  with  yreat  exactness." 

t  See  this  letter  printed  in  the  "  Calendar  of  thu  Spanish  Archives,"  edited  by  Ber- 
gonroth,  vol.  1,  p.  177;  and  also  in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
at  tlie  annual  meeiing  tield  in  Worcester,  Oct.  21,  18G5,  p.  20. 


154 


MAP  OF  C08A,  ISOO. 


whose  liplit-.-iUHO  is  Htill  tlii)  (list  ohjot't  KJ^htcd  by  our  8to:iniorH  ns 
tlioy  iipprnach  Mio  coiiHt,  in  uIho,  iih  it  wuro,  tlio  ru|;;uhitiii^  light  for  tliu 
exainiiiatioii  of  nil  old  luapH  of  the  uiVHt  conHt. 

From  thiH  tiuip  it  iippeaiH  jtrobahlo,  tliiit  tliu  (^nbotH,  on  thuir  diHCOVO- 
rieH,j,Mvoto  this  rciiiarkiiitio  point  tlic  iiaiiumf  "  tlio  ('iii)o  of  Kntiluiid;" 
and  thoy  ])i'obai)ly  did  tiiis  from  tho  circ^unistanco,  that  it  in  tho 
noansHt  point  of  America  toward  Kn^iand.  For  a  Himilar  reason,  wo 
may  suppose,  that  on  snl)st>(iucnt  maps  of  tho  rorluguosu,  probably 
drawn  by  thetlortcreals,  it  is  named  ''the  Capo  of  I'ortuj^al,"  a«  being 
the  nearest  point  to  that  country. 

From  "Cavo  do  Vnj^latorra"  (Cape  liaee),  the  maj)  rcproscntH  tho 
coast-line  as  runniiiff  for  a  lon^  way  east  and  west,  which  1  consider  to 
be  the  south  coast  of  Newfoundland,  which  runs  in  the  same  direc- 
tion.* Here  the  map  is  embellished  with  several  Eufflish  llaf^s,  and 
has  names,  whi(!h  Cosa  i)robably  found  on  bis  Kn<flish  coi)y,  and 
which  lie  translated  into  Spanish,  as  "Cavo  do  lisarte"  (Cajte  Jjizard), 
"Cavoilo  a.  Johann"  (Capo  St.  John),  etc.  Some  of  those  names  are 
found  on  subsequent  mai)s;  but,  as  they  relate  to  Newfoundland,  do 
not  require  particular  examinati(»n  here. 

Tho  list  of  names  ends  in  tiie  west  with  a  flafj-staff,  and  near  to  it 
*' Cavo  de  S.  Jorge"  (S.  George's  Cape),  and  "Cavo  descubicrto"  (tho 
discovered  cape).  To  tho  west  of  "  Cavo  descubicrto"  comes  a  broad 
gulf,  though,  instead  of  such  a  gulf,  wo  should  expect  to  find  tho  far 
projecting  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia.  For  several  hundred  miles  to 
the  west,  the  v^  )ast-lino  of  Cosa's  map  oilers  uo  resend)lanco  whatever 
to  tho  coast-lino  of  our  present  maps. 

IJut  soon  after  the  inscription,  "  Mar  doscubiorto  por  Yngleses,"  and 
to  tho  west  of  it,  Cosa  draws  a  bay,  which  looks  very  much  like  the 
Gulf  of  Maine.  It  has  about  tho  same  size  and  semicircular  shape,  and 
is  surrounded  in  the  south  by  a  projecting  juomontory,  ollbring  tho 
form  of  a  horn,  by  which,  1  think,  Cape  Cod  is  ijitended,for  tho  follow- 
ing reasons: 


♦  liaron  Humboldt  (in  Ghlllany's  work  on  Uehaim,  p.  2)  thinks,  to  my  great  aston- 
ishmont,  tliut  lion*,  tlie  nortliern  eua^t  of  tlio  Gulf  of  >St.  Lawrcncu  in  nioant,  and  that 
"  the  Cape  of  England,"  consLujiiently,  Is  not  Capo  Kace,  but  some  headland  near  the 
Strait  of  Uelle  Isle.  The  small  island,  called  on  our  map  (after  Joniard's  copy)  "S. 
Cregor,"  to  which  Humboldt  gives  tho  name  "Islaverde,"  lie  thinks  is  Newfound- 
land, This  view  is  too  much  in  opposition  to  all  that  I  have  stated  above.  And, 
moreover,  1  have  never  found  one  of  tlie  names  given  on  our  map,  on  any  of  the  old 
maps  of  the  northern  coast  of  tlie  Uulf  of  St.  Lawrence;  while  several  of  them,  tor 
instance  that  of  "  St.  John,"  occur  again  on  many  maps  of  the  south  coast  of  New- 
foundland. 


MAP   OF  COHA,  l.'MKI, 


W> 


Capo  Ccn\  is  tho  moHt  proiniiifut  immI  olmra»torlRtlc  point  on  tlio 
entire  cast  coast,  IVoin  Nova  fScotia  to  Florida.  lUitwoeu  ('ii\w  Itaco 
and  Florida  it  liaH  nearly  a  central  position.  It  liaH  the  lon^ritudu 
of  St.  Doniiiijjo  ("La  Fspai'iola"),  and  (he  latitude  of  about  4'Jo  N. 
It  liaH  a  h<trn-l'ke  Hliape,  and  makes  tiie  (lj,'uro  of  a  shlp'H  none,  and  waH 
therefttre  called,  by  the  Northmen,  "KialarncH"  (Cape  Ship-noHo). 
This  description  applies  as  well  to  the  nanulcHS  cape,  which  we  aro 
here  (^onsiderinjr;  and  in  which,  I  think,  I  have  discovered  the  firHt 
indication,  ever  j^iven  on  a  modern  map,  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  of  Capo 
Cod,  and  the  i)unins(da  of  New  Eiifrland. 

(!ape  Cod  could  hardly  have  ('seapt  I  the  '  '»ervati(»n  of  ScbaRtian 
Cabot,  durin}^  his  sail  alonjf  our  coi'  I     .<.  (»nly  predecessora 

here  were  the  Northmen  in  former.  .uri(  whc,  ke  Cabot,  sailinj; 
alon^  the,  coast  into  tho  Gulf  of  Maino  from  tlio  north-caHt,  by  New- 
foundland and  Nova  Scotia,  to  their  Viidand,  ere  also  arrested  by 
this  cons])ieuous  cape. 

That  tho  distan(!e  from  Cape  Ilace  to  the  supposed  Cape  Cod,  on  our 
map,  appears  much  longer  than  the  distance  from  this  to  Cuba,  is 
easily  explained  by  two  eireumstances : 

1.  Cabot,  in  14i)S,  did  not  como  very  much  to  tho  south  of  Capo  Cod. 
If  ho  was  not  stopped  by  this  cape  altoj^ether,  and  turned  away  by 
Nantucket  ohoals  and  the  (Julf-atream,  he  did  not,  at  all  events,  pass 
boyond  the  latitude  of  ;jO°  or  ;J.S°  N.  'lliere,  he  thought  himself  to  bo 
very  near  tho  Spanish  possessions.  The  distance  which  ho  actually 
traversed  may  have  appeared  to  him  greater  than  the  rest  of  tho  coast, 
from  a  constant  expectation  of  fuuling  an  end  to  it.  Tho  rcn\aindor  of 
tho  continental  coast  on  the  north  and  west  of  ("uba  not  having  been 
actually  surveyed  by  Cabot,  its  representation  on  tho  map  may  have 
boon  put  down  by  Cabot  or  Cosa  on  conjecture. 

2.  From  tho  fact,  that  the  chart  of  Cosa  is  a  jdano  chart,  with  an  old- 
fashioned  projection,  according  to  which  tho  coasts  in  northern  lati- 
tudes aro  drawn  out  much  more  from  west  to  east,  it  becomes  evident, 
that  on  our  map  tho  more  northern  half  of  tho  east  coast,  from  Capo 
Cod  to  Capo  llaco,  must  appear  much  larger  and  longer  than  the  south- 
ern half,  from  Cape  Cod  to  tho  West  India  Islands.  Tho  island  seen 
on  our  map  ofli'  tho  horn-liko  capo,  may  be  Nantucket  Island,  though 
this  lies  a  little  more  to  the  south  of  Cape  Cod. 


I 


M 


im 


(MiAitT  OF  Hirvsnr,  l.VW. 


."{.  ('iiAUT,  No.  0,  or  riiK  Nkw  \V<>ui,I),  hv  .Ioiiann  Hi'ym<  ii,  l.VW. 

Tlic  iiiiip,  of  wlilcli  wo  litMT  ii\\o  that  porlioii  rcliilin^  to  tlio  proHtuit 
work,  Wiis  ('oiii|m)h(mI  hy  ii  diHtin^^uislictl  (iciiiiiiii  Inivclrr  uiid  ^oo^ra- 
liliur  "  .lohiuiii  KiiyHch."*  It  wsih  itiiltliHluMl  in  tlitt  iMlitioii  of  I'toloiny'M 
Kiio^M':i|iliy,  priiitiMl  iit  Uoniit  in  loOM.  Tho  tuxt  iiiul  uxpliiiiiitoiy  iiotim, 
a(l(l(ul  to  tliiM  map  in  tliut  work,  worn  coinpoHotl  by  Miin-o  nonovon- 
tiini,  111)  Italian  monk. 

It,  in  tiio  IliHl  nii/nirrd  map  on  wliioli  any  pails  of  tho  now  world, 
I)arti(ndarly  of  North  Amorica,  wurti  (h-pictod.  Tho  HUpposed  lutitudos 
and  lon^ititdoH  from  Furro  aru  aoonratoly  oxpruHHcd. 

Tim  map  ro|troH('nts  parts  nl'  .\sia.  North  .\morica,  tho  West  Tndia 
Islands,  and  South  .Vmorica;  ail  scattorod  aronnd  tho  oooan  in  lar^u 
and  small  in^1ldaror  poninsular  tracts  of  oonntry.  In  aocordanuo  with 
tho  viowH  provailin<{  soon  aftor  tho  discovery  by  (.'olnmbns,  sovcral 
parts  of  North  Amoric.i  (of  which  tho  ma<fnitndn  was  as  yot  jjonorally 
unknown,  althon<;:h  it  had  boon  oxhibitod  by  (,'abot  and  C'oba)  uru  iiuro 
roproscntod  as  sections  of  Eastern  Asia. 

South  AnuM'ica,  whoso  broad  extent  was  first  rccofrnizod,  is  horo 
treated  by  itself,  as  a  lar^o  iiulopendent  continent.  It  is  called  "Terra 
Hanctnj  Crucis,  sivo  niundus  novus"  (the  country  of  tho  Holy  Cross ;t 
or,  tho  New  World). 

I  omit  hero  what  tho  author,  Kuysch,  observes  on  tins  now  world 
(South  America).  He  j'ives  its  northern  coast  as  far  as  the  Istlunus  of 
Panama,  and  from  there  he  has  open  water.  Of  the  w  est  coast  of  this 
same  "country  of  the  Holy  Cross,"  ho  confesses,  in  his  inscription, 
that  he  knows  nothintj;:  "Hue  us(iuo  nautio  Ilispani  venerunt,"  etc. 
(so  far  came  tho  Spanish  navij;ators).  On  the  north  of  S'>uth  America, 
»omo  of  tho  West  India  Islands  are  laid  down,  and,  more  particularly, 
"  Spa<;nola"  (S.  Dominjjo).  It  is  well  known  that  Columbus,  when  ho 
discovered  this  larj^e  and  beautiful  island,  thoujjht  it  to  be  the  far-famed 
Zipanyu  (Japan),  mentioned  and  hit^hly  praised  by  the  Venetian,  Marco 
Tolo.  On  this  point,  tho  author  of  our  map  has  a  lon^  Latin  inscrip- 
tion on  tho  coast  of  China,  be<j;innin<;  with:  "Dicit  Marcus  Paulus;" 
namely,  ^larco  Polo  states,  that  "  here  should  be  placed  the  island  of 
'Zipangu'    (Japan);   but  that  ho   (Kuyscli)   omitted   it,  because  ho 


•He  l8  called  by  a  coiik'inporary,  "  Goograpliorum  peritlaslmus  ac  in  piiigcndo 
orDl  diliifcntissiniu.s"  (the  most  expert  geographer  and  very  skillful  in  depleting  tho 
globe).  ICunstniann,  Die  Eiitdeckung  Aniericn's,  p.  137,  says,  that  ho  accompanied 
Honie  exploring  expodition.s  undertaken  from  England  to  the  Kurtli. 

t  A  name  giv      by  Cabral,  14U9,  tu  the  coast  of  Brazil. 


rUl 


o 


=3 


o 


^■'^.v^v 


i 


r 


CHART  OF    RliySCH,  ir.08. 


ir,7 


tljought  the  island  of  Spanola  (S.  Doininyo),  discovered  by  tlio  Span- 
iards, was  the  old  '  Zipangu.' " 

The  island  of  Cuba,  wost  of  Spafiola,  is  the  part  of  onr  map  the  most 
misrepresonttHl  It  is  not  dcscribod  as  an  island,  bnt  as  a  peninsula 
projectinfi  from  .*  larger  country,  apparently  \ortli  America.  It  is  well 
known  that  rolumbus,  in  1404,  sailed  along  t'lo  southern  coast  of 
Cuba;  but  before  reaching  its  western  end,  became  discouraged  and 
retraced  his  course,  aflirming  that  Cuba  was  not  an  island,  but  a  part 
of  a  hirger  country.  And,  though  others  were  of  a  dillcrcnt  opinion, 
and  though  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  in  I.IOO,  had  already  depicted  Cuba  as  an 
island,  yet  onr  author,  Jluysch,  adhered  to  the  view  of  Columbus;  and 
represents  Cv  ba,  like  Florida,  as  a  part  of  a  large  northern  country ; 
which,  however,  he  thinks  to  be  near  to  China.  The  west  of  this  coun- 
try, he  sijys,  was  unknown  to  the  Spaniards,  as  was  the  west  of  Soutli 
America.  IIo  states  this  in  an  inscription,  beginning  with  "  Hue  usquo 
naves,"  etc.  (so  far  the  vessels). 

On  the  west  of  CiiVa  a  laigo  f^ulf  is  depicted,  extending  to  the  north 
of  Asia,  and  named  "Plisacus  Sinus;"  of  wliich  I  do  not  know  what 
to  think. 

Ill  the  high  north,  we  find  Greenlandt  (Creenland),  and  at  the  south- 
ern end  of  it,  Cape  Farewell,  under  its  true  latitude,  00°  X.  The  con- 
figuration  of  Creenland,  as  a  long,  broad,  triangular  peninsula,  is  also 
v/oll  represented.  Greenland  and  Cape  Farewell  are,  as  I  have  already 
noticed,  on  all  the  former  maps  among  the  best-defined  localities.  Tho 
old  northern  descriptions  and  maps  of  this  country  had  been,  since  tho 
middle  .ages,  in  the  bands  of  many  geographers;  ana  though  it  was 
sometimes  attached  to  Europe,  and  sometimes,  as  on  our  map,  to 
Asia,  we  consider  it  as  the  first,  and  best  known,  and  best  drawn  sec- 
tion of  America. 

N"ear  Greenland,  on  the  north-east,  we  find  on  the  original  of  our  map 
the  following  most  remarkable  inscription :  "  Here  the  compass  of  tho 
ships  does  not  hold,  and  the  ships  Avhich  contain  iron  cannot  return."  * 
This,  as  HumbokU  observes,t  is  a  proof  that  the  old  navigators  (Cabot, 
Cortereal),  before  the  year  l.'iOS,  had  made  some  observations  on  tlio 
action  of  the  magnetic  needle  ii  these  parts,  and  had  some  notion  of 
the  vicinity  of  tho  magnetic  pole;  the  position  of  which  has  been 
better  defined  in  modern  times. 

"  Island  "  (Iceland)  appears  in  its  true  position,  at  the  east  of  Green- 
land.   At  the  south-west  of  Greenland,  the.  configuration  and  outlines 


*0n  our  copy  I  have  not  ropratod  this  inscriptioi 

t  See  Humboldt  in  Ghlllan)',  Geschichto  de8  Martin  Ilehaim,  p.  4. 


'i.'i 


I 


158 


TirE  GLOBE  OF  SCHONER,  1520. 


i! 


: 


I 

t  •■! 

r 
I 

:  t 

I  : 

\  J 

i  ■ 


of  Xewfoiuidland  are  easily  recognized.  Xewfoiindlandj  on  all  of  the 
old  maps  is,  after  Greenland,  the  bcst-defincd  part  of  North  America. 
Copies  of  the  cliarts  of  Cahot,  or  the  Cortereals,  or  of  the  Frenchman, 
Joan  Denys  de  Ilonfleur,  who  is  said  to  have  made,  in  1500,  an  excel- 
lent map  of  Newfoundland,  may  have  been  brought  to  Home,  and  been 
used  by  the  author  of  our  map. 

Newfoundland  is  called  "  Terra  nova."  We  find  on  its  eastern  coast 
the  names  of  i)laces  often  repeated ;  as  "  Cabo  Glaciato,"  the  little 
island  of  IJacallaos,  called  on  our  map, "  IJaccalauras,  and  Capo  Race, 
to  which  is  affixed  the  name  of  "C.  de  Portogesi"  (Cape  of  the  Por- 
tuguese). 

Between  the  shores  of  Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and  Greenland,  is  a 
great  gulf,  called  "  Sinus  Gi-uenlanticus  "  (the  Gulf  of  Greenland),  evi- 
dently an  indication  of  the  entrance  of  Davis'  Strait. 

The  south  coast  of  Terra  nova,  which,  like  Cape  Race,  has  its  true 
latitude  about  4()°  N.,  runs  for  some  distance  east  and  west.  Then 
comes  a  pretty  broad  and  long  inlet,  probably  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence ;  and  at  the  west  of  this,  a  square-shaped  headland,  or 
peninsula,  by  which  Capo  Breton  and  Nova  Scotia  may  have  been 
intended. 

All  these,  Greenland,  Labrador,  Newfoundland,  and  Nova  Scotia,  are 
attached  on  the  map  to  Asia,  as  sections  and  projections  of  the  old 
world.  - 

4.  Ox  A  Map,  No.  7,  of  Noktii  America  from  the  Globe  of 
JoiiANii  SciroxER,  1520. 

Johann  Schoner  *  was  one  of  the  learned  German  mathematicians 
and  astronomers  of  the  school  of  the  famous  Regiomontanus,  who,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  assembled  in  Nuremburg,  and 
there  exercised  by  their  writings,  maps,  and  globes  a  great  influence 
on  American  discovery  and  geography. 

Schoner  was  professor  of  mathematics  in  the  gymnasium  at  Nurem- 
burg, and  wrote  several  geographical  and  astronomical  works,  often 
quoted  by  Humboldt  in  iiis  '"  Critical  Researches."  In  the  year  152'J, 
upon  the  invitrvtion  and  at  the  expense  of  a  wealthy  friend,  Johann 
Seyler,  he  constructed  a  large  globe,  on  which  h"  carefully  laid  down  the 
configuration  of  the  several  parts  of  the  world,  according  to  his  con- 
ceptions. This  globo  is  still  preserved  in  the  city  of  Nuremburg.  It 
was  for  the  first  time  copied,  printed,  and  published  in  a  planisphere 
by  Dr.  F.  W.  Ghillany,  State  librarian  of  Nuremburg,  in  1853,  in  his  ex- 

*  Sometimes  erroneously  written  "  Sclioener." 


#. 


ill 


I,  I 


H  ' 


I  ' 


't     I 


{  I" 


!■  }-i 


srse*' 


^1  "^ 


THE  GLOBE  OF  SCHONER,  1520. 


159 


cellont  work  on  Martin  Behaim.  It  was  accompanied  by  introductory 
remarks  by  Humboldt;  wlio  lias  also  incidentally  treated  of  this  globe 
in  several  places  of  his  groat  work,  "  Critical  Rosearchos."  After  this 
the  globe  of  Schoner  wan  repeatedly  copied  in  other  works ;  for  in- 
stance, in  Lclewers  History  of  the  Geography  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
thus  became  better  known. 

I  give  hero,  after  Ghillany's  fac-similo,  a  reduced  copy  of  the  sec- 
tion of  this  globe,  relating  to  North' America.  I  have,  however,  loft  out 
several  names  and  inscriptions  contained  in  the  original;  and  only  re- 
tained those  which  have  appeared  to  mo  as  having  an  interest  for  tho 
subject  of  our  work. 

There  are  in  Germany  several  other  globes,  which  depict  tho  world 
nearly  in  tho  same  manner  as  this.  One  is  preserved  in  the  city  of 
Frankfort  on  tho  Main,  with  tho  same  date,  1520,  which  has  been  repro- 
duced in  a  fac-similo  copy  by  M.  Jomard,  in  his  "  Monuments  de  la 
Gcographio."  Another  is  preserved  in  the  collection  of  the  grand  duko 
of  Weimar.  All  these  globes  give  to  North  and  South  America  the 
same  configuration  and  position,  as  they  have  on  the  map  of  Schoner. 
Baron  Humboldt  thinks,  that  they  all  have  a  common  origin,  and  that 
they  are,  with  respect  to  America,  copies  of  an  older  chart,  "  hidden 
perhaps  in  the  Archives  of  Italy  or  Spain."  * 

I  cannot  exhibit  hero  tho  whole  contents  of  this  interesting  map; 
but  I  will  examine  the  principal  points  which  relate  to  our  main  sub- 
ject. In  comparing  this  draft  with  Behaim's  map  (see  map  No.  4),  I  may 
call  attention  to  the  manner,  in  which  some  of  the  discoverers  and  cos- 
mographers  of  the  age  of  Columbus  endeavored  to  combine  tho  new 
discoveries  in  this  hitherto  vmknown  world,  with  the  notions  which 
had  previously  prevailed  of  the  space  intervening  between  Europe 
and  Africa  on  one  side,  and  the  eastern  ends  of  Asia  on  the  other. 
They  had  filled  this  great  intei'val  with  innumerable  islands,  of  which 
some  had  long  been  known,  as  the  Canaries,  Azoi'cs,  and  Cape  Verde ; 
others  had  been  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo  and  his  successors,  as  Zi- 
pangu  (Japan) ;  and  others  were  more  or  less  imaginary  or  mythical, 
as  "  Antilia"  and  "  St.  Brandan."  After  the  first  discovery  of  America 
by  Columbus,  they  conceived  of  all  the  new  countries  as  belonging  to 
some  of  those  groups,  lying  in  the  waters  of  Asia ;  and  so  they  gave  to 
these  sections  of  America,  seen  by  Columbus,  Cabral,  Cortereal,  and 
others,  as  diminutive  a  figure  as  possible,  to  make  them  appear  as 
islands.  Therefore,  in  their  historical  and  geographical  reports  and 
treatises  on  America,  they  gave  to  them  the  names  of  "  the  new  isl- 

*  See  Uumboldt,  Kritische  Untersucbuagcn,  vol.  1,  p.  307. 


y.  !■ 


a 


100 


THE  GLOBE  OF  SCIIONER,  l.VJO. 


l!|l 


I  !  « 


anfls,"  "  tlic  iiow-disonvcrod  islands."  and  tho  like.  And  on  tlioir  maps 
tlicy  nowilfd  tlieso  "  now  islands"  into  the  groups  of  tlio  old  ones, 
■wliifli  tliey  did  not  like  to  leave  od' their  charts. 

Some,  however,  took  a  diflcrent  view,  and  represented  these  regionB 
as  peninsnlas  and  lieadlands  of  Asia,  as  was  shown  on  tlio  map  of 
r{uys<!h  (Xo.  (I).  As  furtlun-  lij^ht  broke  in,  some  cosmofjraphers  changed 
their  o])inions,  as  did  Schoncr,  who  having  represented  North  America 
on  the  <rlol»e  of  l.')2(),  as  a  larjije  and  independent  island,  makes  it,  in  a 
later  work,  a  peninsnla  of  Asia,  as  did  iCuysch. 

■  On  the  ylobo  we  are  now  examining',  Schoner  breaks  np  America  into 
as  many  ishinds  as  pos;-iible.  At  iirst  he  puts  down  the  Antilles,  cir- 
cumnavifjfated  as  they  had  already  been,  by  Columbus  and  his  succes- 
sors. Then  he  represents  South  America  as  a  very  lar^-e  island,  to 
Avhich  he  apidies  several  names :  as  "  Terra  nova"  (the  new  country) 
and  "  America  vel  Brasilia  sivo  Papagalli  terra"  (America  or  llrazil  or 
the  Parrots'  country).  The  name  "America"  was  applied  by  Schoner, 
as  by  nearly  all  his  contemporaries,  only  to  South  America,  the  great 
theatre  of  the  voyages  and  exphn-ations  of  Ameriyo  Vespucci.  North 
America  was  not  comprised  uncier  the  name  nntil  a  later  date. 

"  Terra  nova,"  or  South  America,  is  separated  from  the  northern 
island  by  a  broad  strait;  the  one  for  which  Columbus,  in  his  later  voy- 
ages, made  search.  And  notwithstanding  the  successors  of  Colnmbus 
had,  prior  to  ir)20,  proved  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  be  shut  in  on  the  west, 
and  the  southern  and  northein  countries  to  be  connected  by  an  isth- 
mus; still  Schoner  and  his  Nuremburg  contemporaries  either  did  not 
know  of  the  results  of  those  explorations,  or  did  not  believe  in  them, 
and  preferred  to  cherish  the  opinion,  that  there  was  still  some  jjassage 
hei'e  which  had  been  overlooked.  We  have  maps  of  a  later  date  than 
1520,  on  which  ships  are  represei'ed  sailing  through  this  Isthmus  of 
Panama  from  the  Atlantic  into  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

The  idea  of  Columbus,  still  retained  on  the  map  of  Ruysch  (No.  G)' 
that  Zipangu  was  nothing  but  the  island  "  Espavola,"  was  given  up  by 
Schoner.  He  has  lestored  Japan  to  its  proper  place  on  the  east  of 
China,  and  has  given  to  "  Esparola"  a  separate  existence  and  a  more 
eastern  position.  Still  he  does  not  venture  to  make  the  distance  be- 
tween Japan  and  the  newly  discovered  islands  vnij  great.  He  makes 
the  "Eastern  Ocean  '"*  (the  Pacific)  very  narrow,  and  puts  Japan,  as 
it  was  done  for  a  long  time  after  him,  very  near  to  North  America. 

He  depicts  North  America  as  an  island,  not  very  broad,  its  greatest 
length  extending  from  south  to  north.    In  its  southern  part  he  has  the 


*  So  called  In  respect  to  Asia. 


U- 


THE  OLOBE  OF   SCHONER,  1520. 


161 


name  "  Paria,"  whioli  is  lioro  widely  miaplacod.  To  the  northern  part, 
he  has  pivon  tlio  naino  "Terra  do  Cuba"  (the  country  of  Cuba),  which 
is  apparently  intended  to  bn  the  general  name  of  the  whole  region.  It 
is  well  known  that  Columbus,  hearing  for  the  first  time  the  name  of 
"Cuba,"  believed  that  a  very  largo  country  was  meant  by  it,  and  that 
the  land  which  ho  called  "  Isabella"  (our  present  Cuba)  was  continental 
with  it.  lie  did  not  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  Bahama  channel; 
and  when,  some  time  after  (loOS),  this  channel  and  the  insularity  of 
"Isabella"  were  clearly  proved,  some  cosmographers,  and  Schoner 
among  them,  transferred  the  name  of  Cuba  to  the  great  country  in  tho 
north. 

Schoner,  or  his  Spanish  original,  must  have  known  something  of  tho 
expeditions  of  Ponce  de  Leon -to  Florida  in  151.3,  and  of  the  first  explor- 
ing voyages  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico;  for  ho  plainly  depicts  both  tho 
gulf  and  peninsula  of  Florida.  To  Espafiola  he  gives  nearly  the  true 
latitude.  But  he,  as  well  as  Cosa  (No.  .'>),  places  "  Isabella,"  our  Cuba, 
several  degrees  too  far  north.  The  soutlicrn  end  of  Florida  is  not  far 
enough  south,  though  tho  northern  shore  of  tho  Gulf  of  Mexico  has  its 
true  latitude  about  30°  N. 

The  entire  west  coast  of"  Terra  do  Cuba"  CNTorth  America)  is  drawn 
with  uncertain  lines  as  unknown,  and  is  expressly  so  designated  in  tho 
inscription  upon  it, — "  Ultra  nondum  illustratum  "  (beyond  this  not  yet 
explored).  Our  east  coast,  on  tho  contrary,  is  depicted  as  high  up  as 
about  50°  N.,  as  already  known  and  explored.  Several  capes,  harbors, 
and  gulfs  are  depicted  on  it,  to  which  names  are  given.  Beyond  50* 
N.,  the  country  is  said  not  to  be  known,  "  Ulterius  incognitum." 

The  names  written  upon  our  east  coast  appear  to  be  of  Spanish  ori- 
gin, though  they  aro  sometimes  Italianized,  or  otherwise  cori-upted. 
The  voyages,  which  were  made  between  the  time  of  Columbus  and 
1.520  along  our  east  coast,  and  upon  which  we  are  more  or  less  in- 
formed, are  those  of  Cabot,  in  1498 ;  of  Ponce  do  Leon,  not  higher  north 
than  about  30°  N.,  in  1513 ;  of  Antonio  de  Alaminos,  sailing  with  the 
Gulf-stream  along  tho  coast  of  Florida,  in  1519 ;  and  of  Ayllon,  as  high 
as  about  34°  N.,  in  1520.  In  none  of  these  expeditions,  and  the  wi'itings 
and  charts  belonging  to  them,  do  we  find  any  of  the  names  mentioned 
on  our  globe,  or  on  the  map  of  Cosa,  or  the  other  maps  of  America 
known  to  us  before  the  year  1520.  Nor  do  any  of  these  names  occur  on 
subsequent  maps  of  America,  for  instance,  that  of  Ribero  of  1529.  They 
are  all  new  and  original.  We  can  account  for  the  use  of  these  names 
only  by  supposing  IhiiL  lliey  were  the  invention  of  the  map-makers,  or 
were  given  by  some  explorer  whose  chart  is  now  unknown.  That 
Schoner,  the  very  learned  professor  of  astronomy,  who  prepared  his 
11 


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162 


TUB  GLOBE  OP  SCHONER,  1B20. 


globo  for  .1  wealthy  and  loarnod  friend,  and  not  foj  the  market,  invented 
«uch  funtiiHtJc  namus,  in  quite  out  of  tlio  quoHtion.  Ho,  no  doubt,  as 
Humboldt  sufjgestH,  copied  from  some  orijjinal  which  he  believed  to 
be  authentic  and  correct.  The  author  of  this  Spanish  original,  whom 
we  do  not  know,  may  have  invented  the  names.  And  thoiifrh  some  of 
tliem  look  like  corruptions,  still  the  Rroater  part  do  not  look  like  inven- 
tions. On  the  contrary,  they  appear  to  be  such  as  a  navifjator  might 
well  have  distributed  on  an  unknown  coast  discovered  by  him.  Such, 
for  instance,  are  the  following: 

"  Capo  del  gato  "  (the  capo  of  the  cat),  "  Cabo  sancto  "  (the  holy  cape), 
"lascabras"  (the  goats),  "  Coata  alta"  (the  high  coast),  etc.  In  one 
name  a  certain  "Diego"  is  mentioned.  "Rio  de  Don  Diego"  (the 
river  of  Don  Diego).  These  do  not  seem  fanciful.  I  do  not  believe 
that  the  Spanish,  Italian,  and  German  map-makers  of  the  time  of  Co- 
lumbus and  soon  after  him,  were  in  the  habit  of  inventing  new  names. 
They  gave  them  as  they  found  them.  A  little  later,  when  elegant  maps 
were  much  souglit  after  and  became  fashionable,  and  when  great  num- 
bers were  fabricated  in  Italy  and  elsewhere,  unknown  countries  may 
sometimes  have  been  embellished  with  merely  fanciful  names.  It  is 
probable  that  they  were  the  work  of  some  Spanish  navigator,  perhaps 
a  private  adventurer,  whose  name  has  not  reached  us :  for,  as  Gomara 
•ays,  "  Of  many  discoverers  and  explorers  of  the  Western  Indies  we 
have  no  memorial,  particularly  of  those  who  sailed  to  the  northern 
parts."  * 

The  names  run  up  as  high  as  50°  N.,  which  must  probably  bo 
reckoned  a  few  degrees  lower ;  and  where  the  names  "  Cosen  d'mar," 
"Cabo  delli  contis,"  "  C.  bona  ventura"'  occur,  the  neighborhood  of 
New  England  would  seem  to  be  indicated. 

Newfoundland,  and  probably  .also  a  part  of  Labrador  appear  upon 
our  map  as  a  large  island,  floating  forsaken  in  the  midst  of  the  ^eat 
northern  ocean,  under  the  name  of  "  Terra  Corterealis  "  ( Cortereal's 
land),  and  separated  from  the  rest  of  America  by  a  very  broad  strait — 
an  exaggeration  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  It  is  represented  in  the 
same  manner  on  many  early  maps. 

Schoner's  globe  thus  truly  indicate."  two  great  series  of  North  Amer- 
ican voyages  and  discoveries ;  of  which,  one  was  directed  to  the  north- 
west, and,  commencing  with  the  Cabots,  Cortereals,  and  their  predeces- 
sors at  Newfoundland  and  Labrador,  by  degrees  came  down  to  Canada 
ttnd  Nova  Scotia;  while  the  other  series,  commencing  with  Colum- 
bus, Ponce  de  Leon,  Alaminos,  Ayllon,  and  their  successors  in  the 


•  tiomara,  Historia  de  Us  Indias,  fol.  20.    Madrid.  156a. 


r 


THE  GLOIJE  OF  SCHONER,  1S20. 


103 


«outli,  advanced  from  the  Wowt  India  iHlands  by  deffroes  toward 
tho  north,  to  Virj^inia  and  Now  England,  liotwcon  tlio»o  oxtroniu 
points,  thoro  romainud  a  tnoro  or  Iohs  unknown  region,  which,  on  our 
globe,  has  been  indicated  by  open  water. 

In  depi'-tlng  the  east  coast  of  Asia  and  tho  many  islands  thoro, 
including  Japan  and  "Javamiyor,"  our  author  follows  Martin  Ilohaim's 
globe  which  existed  tlien  as  now,  in  Nuremburg.  In  fact,  Schoner'* 
globe  may  be  considered  as  a  new  edition  of  Behaim,  with  tho  addition 
of  tho  newly  discovered  islands.    (See  map  No.  4.) 


CHAPTER    V. 

EXPEDTTIOKS  OP  O  ASP  ATI  AND  MIOUKL  DE  CORTEREAL 
TO  THE  NORTII-EASTEUN  COAST  OF  AMERICA  IN  THE 
YEARS  mH)-\m\. 


1.  iNTUonucTORY  TIkmauks. 

Soon  after  the  exploriiifj;  expeditions  of  tlic  Caliots,  tho 
fliitr  of  anotlier  nation  of  VV^estern  Europe  appeared  in  our 
waters.  Tlio  Portuf^uesc,  in  the  year  1/300,  entered  tho 
field  of  western  discovery,  and  exercised  an  important  influ- 
ence on  American  liistory  and  geography,  which  continued  a 
loner  time,  and  is  still  visihle  in  several  names  given  by  them 
to  certain  localities  on  our  coast,  wliich  have  generally  been 
adopted  by  subsetjuent  voyager?  ond  geographers. 

The  young  king  of  Portugal,  Emanuel,  called  the  Great, 
or  the  Fortunate,  .after  tlic  death  of  his  cousin,  John  I,  had 
come  to  the  throne  in  1495.  He  was  a  talented,  enterpris- 
ing, and  highly  educated  sovereign,  in  whose  reign  com- 
merce, science,  and  the  arts  flourished  in  Portugal.  Under 
him  Portugal  became  the  most  powerful  nation  on  the  ocean, 
and  the  commercial  center  of  Europe. 

In  1497,  he  had  sent  out  Vasco  de  Gama  to  circumnavi- 
gate Africa,  and  to  reach  the  East  Indies  on  that  route. 
And,  in  the  beginning  of  1500,  he  had  sent  Pedro  Alvarez 
Cabral  on  a  similar  expedition  ;  who,  on  his  way,  touched 
the  eastern  parts  of  South  America,  discovered  the  coast  of 
Brazil,  and  gained  there  for  Portugal  an  extensive  empire. 

The  Portuguese,  having  declined  the  proposal  of  Columbus 
in  1484,  for  a  western  voyage,  were  grievously  disappointed 


VOYAGES  OK  TlIK  COUTKIIKALH. 


105 


whun  tho  news  arrived,  tlmt  in  1  llKl,  .siiiiiiiij;  uiuKm*  tluj 
auspices  of  Spuiii,  he  luul  reuelied  tfapun,  us  lie  supposed  lie 
had,  when  he  arrived  at  Ilispauiola.  (hit  oil'  from  the  east  in 
that  direetion  hy  the  S|)auiards;  and  aroused  l)y  the  fear  tliat 
some  siiorter  way  still  mij^lit  ho  found,  hy  which  he  nii<^ht 
bo  invaded  in  the  new  dominion,  (!oii(piered  for  him  in  the 
east  by  Vasco  de  (Jama  in  14!)7  ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
ins])ired  by  the  hope  that  lu!  mi<;lit  himself  su(!ceed  in  his  wish 
to  find  that  shorter  route,  in  the  dire{;tion  in  which,  as  he  well 
knew,  it  had  been  soutflit  by  the  Chibots  without  success, — 
the  new  king  Emanuel  resolved,  near  the  close  of  14U1>,  to 
send  an  expedition  to  the  north-west.  He  therefore  ordered 
two  ships  to  bo  fitted  out,  and  aj)pointed  (Jaspar  Cortereal, 
one  of  his  able  and  accomplished  oHicers,  to  the  command. 
Corteroal's  conlideiico  of  success  was  so  great,  that  he  ofi'ered 
to  pay  a  part  of  the  expenses  ;  in  consideration  of  which,  tho 
king  offered  him  certain  rights  and  privileges,  and  to  make 
him  jiovernor  of  the  countries  he  should  discover. 

Tiie  Cortereals  were  of  a  noble  Portui^uese  family,  of  con- 
siderable  influence.  The  father  of  Gaspar,  John  Vaz  Cor- 
tereal, had,  in  1404,  been  made  hereditary  governor  of 
Terceira,  as  successor  of  the  Flemish  governor,  Jacob  of 
Bruges.  Thus  stationed  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  on  the 
largest  of  "  the  Western  Islands,"  the  family  of  the  Cortereals 
became  familiar  with  sea-voyages  and  oceanic  enterprises. 
Some  historians  have  even  asserted,  that  the  father,  Vaz 
Cortereal,  had  himself  made  an  expedition  to  the  far  west, 
and  discovered,  before  Columbus,  an  island  or  country  called 
Terra  de  Baccalhaos  (the  land  of  cod-fish).  But  for  this 
clahu  there  is  no  reliable  evidence.*  Tho  Spanish  historian 
Herrera,  calls  him  ''  the  discoverer  of  Terceira,"  which  is 

*  See  Biddle's  Memoir,  p,  28G  aeq. 


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VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEREALS. 


not  strictly  true.  Vaz  Cortereal  may  liavc  clone  much  for 
the  better  exploration  and  settlement  of  the  Azores,  but  they 
had  becsn  discovered  before  his  time.  Yet  he  may  have  been 
a  great  navigator,  and  his  sons  may  have  inherited  from  him, 
not  o:ily  the  government  of  Terceira,  but  also  his  taste  for 
maritime  enterprise. 


2.    First  Voyage  op  Gaspar  Cortkreal  in  the  Year  1500. 

Gaspar  Cortereal  sailed  from  Lisbon  in  1500  ;  probably  in 
the  spring  of  that  year.  We  have  no  authentic  information 
in  regard  to  the  preliminary  circumstances  of  this  voyage, 
the  causes  which  led  to  it,  nor  indeed  of  its  plan,  or  of  the 
royal  instructions  prescribed  for  it.  But  although  the  scat- 
tered reports  concerning  the  expedition  are  silent  as  to  its 
object,  we  cannot  doubt  that  it  was  similar  to  that  of  the 
Cabots, — a  discovery  of  the  long-coveted  passage  to  Cathay. 
Nothing  else  could  have  induced  the  Portuguese  to  go  to  the 
arctic  regions.  Nor  have  we  any  official  report  or  journal 
of  the  voyage,  or  any  chart  prepared  by  the  commander, 
although  some  charts  remain,  which  are  probably  copies  of 
one  or  more  made  by  Cortereal. 

lie  sailed  from  Lisbon  on  a  western  course  to  the  Azores, 
where  his  elder  brother,  Vasqueanes,  was  governor,  as  suc- 
cessor to  his  father,  and  where  he  could  easily  make  his  final 
arrangements  and  complete  his  outfit  for  the  voyage.* 

By  what  chart  he  was  guided  we  have  no  information  ; 
but  it  is  presumed,  that  he  must  have  had  or  seen  a  sketch 
of  Cabot's  map,  as  it  had  reached  Spain  in  1499  ;  and  by 
this,  he  must  have  been  attracted  to  the  headland  of  "  Cabo 
de  Ynglatierra  "  (Cape  Race)  stretching  far  to  the  east.  On 
one  side  of  this  conspicuous  promontory,  he  could  see  the 


l^  *Galvano,  in  "Discoveries  of  the  World,"  Hakluyt,  first  ed.,  p.  97,  says, 
"  that  he  touched  at  Terceira." 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEBEALS 


167 


coast,  runnlnnf  first  westerly,  then  southerly ;  and,  on  the 
other  side,  it  was  represented  as  running  north  toward  un- 
known regions.  Having  such  a  map,  or,  at  all  events,  having 
some  similar  information  about  the  latitudes  and  longitudes  of 
the  countries  seen  by  the  Cabots,  and  their  configuration, 
Cortereal  Avould  naturally  steer  for  that  prominent  cai>e ;  and» 
avoiding  the  continuous  and  hopeless  coast  to  the  south,  make 
directly  for  the  coast  to  the  north  of  "  Cabo  de  Ynglatierra," 
which  lay  in  his  track  and  which  he  hoped  might  ccmduct  to 
open  water  in  the  north  :  in  this  manner,  he  would  arrive 
somewhere  on  the  east  coast  of  Newfoundland. 

That  his  land-fall  was  not  to  the  south  of  Cape  Race  and 
the  St.  Lawrence,  on  the  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia  or  Now  Eng- 
gland,  as  Mr.  Biddle  has  supposed,*  is  still  more  probable 
from  the  general  direction  of  the  winds  and  currents  in  the 
ocean  he  was  crossino;  on  his  north-western  course  from  the 
Azores.  He  passed  through  the  broad  eastern  prolongation 
of  the  Gulf-stream,  and  through  that  part  of  the  temper- 
ate zone  in  which  westerly  winds  prevail.  These  Avesterly 
winds  and  currents  would  have  the  tendency  to  set  him  to 


*  [The  subject  of  the  Land-fall  of  this  voyage,  and  its  general  featnres, 
have  reeeived  a  very  ample  and  critical  discussion  in  the  able  and  rare 
work  of  Ricliard  Biddle,  "  A  Memoir  of  vSebastian  Cabot,"  published 
anonymously  in  London  and  Philadelphia  in  1831-32.  Tliis  "  Review  of 
Maritime  Discovery"  did  not  receive  the  attention  from  the  ])ublic  it 
deserved.  It  came  unheralded  upon  the  world,  at  a  time  when  general 
attention  had  not  been  turned  to  these  inquiries.  Mr.  I$iddle  was  born  in 
Philadelphia  in  17t)(),  a  brother  of  Nicholas  Biddle,  tlie  famed  President  of 
the  United  States  Bank  in  its  contest  with  General  Jack.son.  Mr.  Biddle 
was  eminent  as  an  author  and  a  jurist.  His  memoir  of  Cabot  was  the 
result  of  careful  and  laborious  examination  of  original  documents  and  the 
accounts  of  the  early  voyages,  and  freed  from  obscurity  a  subject  which 
had  been  overshadowed  by  misapprehension  and  numerous  errors.  The 
work  is  now  very  rare,  and  has  justly  taken  its  place  among  the  most 
valued  authorities  on  the  matters  of  which  it  treats.  Mr.  Biddle  died  ia 
1847.— Ed.] 


168 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEREALS 


the  east,  and  cany  him  away  from  tlie  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia 
and  New  Enghmd,  even  if  he  may,  at  first,  liave  taken  a 
more  westerly  course,  whicli  I  think  is  improbable. 

The  exact  latitude  of  Cortereal's  land-fall  is  nowhere 
given.  Some  authors  think,  that  it  was  at  Conception  Bay, 
and  that  he  gave  to  it  this  name.  Conception  Bay  is  not  far 
north  of  Ca})e  Race,  and  from  what  lias  been  said,  may  very 
probably  have  been  the  })lace  which  he  first  touched. 

From  his  land-fall  he  sailed  toward  the  north  ;  how  far, 
we  do  not  know  ;  and  then  discovered  a  country,  which  he  is 
said  to  have  indicated  under  the  name  of  "  Terra  verde" 
(Greenland)  ;  probably  the  same  country  which  has  borne 
that  name  ever  since  the  time  of  the  Northmen.* 

He  came  to  a  river,  called  by  him  "  Rio  nevado "  (the 
snow  river),  which  has  been  put  on  later  ma|)S,  by  different 
authors,  as  near  the  latitude  of  Hudson's  Strait.  Here  he  is 
represented  to  have  been  stopped  by  ice,  and  returned 
directlv  to  Lisbon,  after  having  revisited  a  liarbor  on  the  east 
coast  of  Newfoundland,  to  repair  his  ships  and  refresh  his 
crew  after  their  northern  hardships.  He  arrived  at  Lisbon 
in  the  autumn  of  1500,f  the  precise  date  we  do  not  know  ; 
nor  do  we  hear  that  on  this  first  voyage  he  brought  home 
Indians,  or  any  products  of  the  countries  which  he  saw.  He 
must,  however,  have  judged  the  prospect  favorable  and  prom- 
ising ;  for  he  at  once  made  arrangements  for  a  second  voyage 
to  the  same  regions. 


*  This  ia  made  more  probable  from  an  inspection  of  the  charts  relating 
to  Cortereal'ri  voyage,  Nos.  8,  9, 10  in  the  Appendage. 

1 1  follow  here,  witi.  vespect  to  Cortereal's  lirst  voyage,  in  most  points,  the 
results  of  the  research  of  Kunstmann,  who  has  examined  the  Portuguese 
archives,  and  brought  to  light  several  new  facta.  See  Kunstmann,  Die 
Entdeckung  America's,  p.  67.    Miincheu,  1859. 


VOYAGES   OF  THE  CORTEKEALS. 


169 


3.  Gaspau  Coutereal's  Second  Voyage  in  the  Yeak  1501. 

On  the  15tli  of  May,  1501,  Guspar  Cortercal  left  Lisbon 
again  with  two*  sliips,  and  sailed  "in  a  west-north-west 
direction."!  In  this  direction,  "at  a  distance  of  about  two 
thousand  Italian  miles "  from  Lisbon,  lie  discovered  land ; 
and  this,  his  second  land-fidl,  must  also  have  been  on  some 
j)art  of  the  east  coast  of  Newfoundland,  north  of  Cape 
Race,  to  which  a  west-north-west  course,  at  a  distance  of  two 
thousand  Italian  miles,  would  conduct  him.  It  could  not, 
therefore,  have  been  on  the  coasts  of  New  England  ;  for, 
being  in  the  same  latitude  as  Portugal,  they  could  not  be 
reached  by  a  west-north-west  course  ;  and  they  are  nearly 
three  thousand  miles,  instead  of  two  thousand,  distant  from 
Lisbon. 

From  this  point  Cortereal  sailed  along  the  coast,  probably 
in  a  north-west  direction,  six  or  seven  hundred  Italian  miles, 
without  coming  to  the  end  of  it.  Nor  was  he  able  to  reach 
again  the  northern  country  which  he  had  seen  the  year 
before,  and  which  he  had  called  "Terra  verde;"  because 
the  sea  was  more  filled  with  ice  than  the  year  before.  He, 
therefore,  again  turned  to  the  south.  On  his  return,  ho 
seized  fifty-seven  of  the  aborigines,  men  and  boys,  fifty  of 
whom  he  took  on  board  his  own  vessel,  and  seven  he  put  in 
his  consort. 

These  aborigines,  captured  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
explorers  of  that  day,  are  described,  by  an  eye-witness  who 

*Kunstmann  (1.  c.  p.  68)  speaks  of  three  vessels.  I  can  find  only  two. 
So  also,  Peschel,  Gescliichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen,  p.  331  seq. 

t "  Tra  maestro  e  pouenti,"  says  Pietro  PasqualiKo,  the  Venitian  envoy 
at  the  court  of  Portugal,  who  received  his  information  from  Cortereal's 
companions,  and  wrote  to  his  family  in  Venice  what  he  heard  about  the 
undertaking.    See  this  letter,  printed  in  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  237  seq. 


ii: 


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If 


1     !l 


170 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEUEALS. 


saw  tlicm  in  Lisbon,  as  tall,  well  built,  and  admirably  fit  for 
labor.*  We  infer  from  this  statement,  that  they  were  not 
Ks((uimajix  from  the  coast  of  Labrador,  but  Lidians  of  tlic 
Micmac  tribe,  inhabitants  of  Newfoundland  and  Nova  Scotia. 
The  name  of  Labrador,  thou<ih  afterwards  confined  to  a 
more  northerly  region  iidiabited  by  the  Esquimaux,  here 
includes  a  territory  lying  south  of  it. 

One  of  the  two  ships  of  this  expedition  arrived  at  Lisbon, 
October  8,  loOl ;  the  other,  with  Cortereal  himself  and  fifty 
of  the  ca|)tured  natives,  never  returned. 

What  became  of  this  gallant  adventurer,  and  his  large  crew, 
is  wholly  unknown ;  no  trace  of  them  anywhere  remains. 

The  commander  and  sailors  of  the  second  vessel  reported, 
that  they  had  seen,  in  the  country  ■which  they  had  visited, 
abundant  forests,  well  adapted  for  ship-building,  large  rivers, 
and  the  sea-coast  well  stocked  with  fish  of  various  kinds, 
especially  the  cod-fish. 

They  brought  home  "a  ])iece  of  a  gilded  sword,  of  Italian 
workmanshij),"  and  two  silver  ear-rings,  which  they  had  found 
in  the  possession  of  the  aborigines.  There  can  be  scarcely 
a  doubt,  that  these  interesting  objec^ts  had  been  left  there  by 
the  Cabots,  who,  some  years  before,  had  visited  the  same 


region. 


[Note. — We  aro  indebted  to  Dr.  Kohl  for  this  new  light  from  the  Portu- 
guese archives  relative  to  the  Cortereal  voyages.  Neither  Mr.  Biddle,  Mr, 
Bancroft,  nor  snbsecjuent  writers  on  our  country,  nor  even  Humboldt,  who 
have  treated  of  the  early  voyages,  have  made  the  distinction  here  noted  in 
the  voyages  of  Ga.spar  Cortereal.    They  have  spoken  but  of  one  voyage, 


*  The  letter  of  the  Venitian  Pascjualigo.  [Pasqnaligo  says,  "  They  are 
of  like  color,  stature,  and  aspect,  and  bear  the  greatest  resembLance  to  the 
Gypsies."  And  again  be  says,  "  His  serene  Majesty  contemplates  deriving 
great  advantage  from  the  country,  not  only  on  account  of  the  timber  of 
which  he  has  occasion,  but  of  the  inhabitants  who  are  admirably  calcu- 
lated for  labor,  and  are  the  best  slaves  I  have  ever  seen."— Ed.] 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  COUTEREALS. 


171 


and  derived  their  evidence  from  the  letter  of  PasqualiKO,  the  Venitian 
amhaNHador  at  Lishon.  This  letter,  which  ai)i)eared  first  in  a  collection  of 
voyages  puhlished  at  Vicenza,  In  Italy,  In  1507,  entitled  "  Taesi  nova- 
incnte  retrovati  et  Novo  Mondo,"  etc.  (the  country  newly  discovered  and 
called  the  New  World),  is  dated  October  19,  l.Wl,  and  says,  "  On  the  Hth  of 
the  present  month,  one  of  the  two  caravels,  whidi  his  most  serene  majesty 
desi)atched  last  year,  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  north,  under  coni- 
m<and  of  Gasi)ar  Cortcrat,  arrived,  and  reports  the  linding  of  a  country 
distant  hence,  west  and  north-west,  two  thousand  miles,  heretofore  (piito 
nnknown."  He  then  speaks  of  his  hringing  flfty-seven  native  inhahitants 
of  the  country.  This  letter  is  written  certainly  more  than  a  year  after  the 
sailing  of  the  first  exi)edition,  which,  in  all  prol)ability,must  have  returned 
within  the  year,  and  did  not  bring  the  nativciS,  as  reported  by  Pastpialigo. 
We  therefore  infer  that  the  voyage  above  reported  from  the  rortugnese 
records,  must  have  been  jirior  to  the  one  mentioned  by  the  andiassador, 
■which  had  arriv(!d  but  eleven  days  before  the  date;  of  liis  letter.  It  i.s  con- 
trary to  all  experience,  for  those  early  voyages,  to  occupy  the  length  of 
time  required  by  Pasqualigo's  statement.  Neither  of  Cabot's  voyages 
much  exceeded  three  months.  The  first  voyage  of  the  Cortereals  was 
commenced  in  1500;  the  second,  in  May,  1501.— Ed.] 


4.  The  Voyage  of  Miguel  fyORXEUEAL  to  the  Nonxn-WEST, 
IN  THE  Year  1502,  in  seauoti  of  his  Brother. 

Miguel  Cortereal,  a  younger  brother  of  Gaspar,  had  taken 
a  great  interest  in  his  brother's  enterprise.  He  liad  con- 
tributed to  the  cost  of  his  outfit,  and  had  prepared  a  vessel 
of  his  own  to  accompany  him  on  his  second  expedition,  but 
had  been  prevented  from  so  doing,  by  several  circumstances.* 
After  waiting  in  vain  for  the  return  of  his  brother,  he  ob- 
tained from  the  king  a  commission  for  a  searching  expedition, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  an  extension  to  himself  of  the  privi- 
leges and  donations  granted  to  his  brother. 

He  sailed  from  Lisbon  with  two  vessels,  on  the  10th  of 
May,  1502,  on  a  search  for  his  brother  ;  but  never  returned, 
and  was  never  heard  from  afterwards. 

Notwithstanding  these  disasters,  the  noble  Emanuel,  moved 

*  See  Kunstmann,  1.  c.  p.  58. 


hi 


1 


l\\ 


if 


172 


VOYAGES  OF  THE  CORTEIIEALS. 


with  syinputliy  for  liis  gallant  subjects,  fitted  out  a  now  expe- 
dition in  1503,  to  ascertain  tlie  fate  of  the  adventurers.  The 
expedition  consisted  of  two  vessels,  which,  after  an  unsuc- 
cessful cruise,  returned  without  tidings  or  trace  of  the  lost 
brothers  and  their  crews.* 

Then  the  eldest  of  the  three  brothers,  Vasqueanes  Corte- 
real,  who  had  become  governor  of  Terceira,  as  successor  to 
liis  father,  ottered  to  embark  for  a  further  search.  But  to  this 
proposal,  Emanuel  refused  to  give  his  consent ;  being  un- 
willing to  risk  further  the  lives  of  his  subjects. 

I  believe  it  has  been  pretty  clearly  shown,  that  Gaspar 
Cortereal  did  not  touch  the  coast  of  Maine  on  his  expedition  in 
1500.  And  there  is  no  evidence,  that  either  he  or  his  brother 
Miguel,  in  their  subsequent  voyages  of  1501  and  1502, 
visited  that  coast,  although  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  :  but 
in  regard  to  the  time,  the  place,  and  other  circumstances  of 
the  unhappy  fate  of  those  enterprising  adventurers,  we  are 
left  without  the  slightest  evidence  or  suggestion.  We  may 
conjecture,  with  some  degree  of  probability,  that  their  sad 
fate  was  a  retribution,  and  not  an  unjust  one,  by  the  native 
inhabitants  of  the  country,  for  the  cruel  abduction  of  a  portion 
of  their  people.  And  that  the  act  took  place  at  least  south 
of  the  Esquimaux  country,  perhaps  in  Maine,  we  may  infer, 
from  the  description  given  of  the  captured  natives. 

Such  searching  expeditions  generally  take  a  wide  range, 
because  of  the  uncertainty  of  the  region  in  which  the  persons 
missing  are  lost.  We  shall  see  hereafter,  that,  at  a  later 
time,  a  Spanish  expedition  of  this  kind,  in  seeking  one  of 
their  famous  captains,  lost  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico, — Fernando  De  Soto,  the  discoverer  of  the  Missis- 


*  Seo,  upon  this  expedition,  Kunstraann,  loc.  cit.  p.  58,  and  Peschel,  Ge- 
schiclite  dtis  Zf^italters  der  Eatdeckuugen,  p.  334.    Stuttgart,  1858. 


VOYAGES  OP  THE  CORTEREALS, 


173 


sippi, — proceeded  for  this  purpose  as  far  north  as  New  Eng- 
land and  Newfoundland.  It  is  therefore  possible,  tliat  the  two 
searching  vessels  of  Emanuel  looked  also  into  the  southern 
harbors  of  Nova  Scotia,  or  New  England,  to  find  the  adven- 
turous Cortereals,  who  had  been  lost. 


Mi 


r  •  T    ' 


APPENDAGE   TO   CHAPTER   V. 


i  ) 


1.    On   a   PoRTUdiiKSK   Chart,   No.  8,  op  tue  Coasts  op  New- 
foundland, Labuadok,  and  Greenland,  about  the  Year 

1504. 

No.  8  is  the  copy  of  part  of  a  Portuguese  chart  found  in  the  collec- 
tion of  old  sea-charts  in  the  archives  of  tlio  Bavarian  Army  at  Munich ; 
and  is  a  most  interesting  and  precious  document  for  the  illustration 
of  the  Cortereal  voyages. 

The  author  of  the  map  is  not  mentioned.  That  it  was  made  in  Por- 
tugal is  evident  from  the  circumstance,  that  nothing  but  Portuguese 
discoveries  and  names  are  inscribed  upon  it.  Besides  the  northern 
section,  which  we  give  here,  the  original  map  contains  also  a  part  of 
Eastern  Africa,  the  Madeira  and  Cape  Verde  Islands,  and  that  part  of 
the  coast  of  Brazil,  along  which  Cabral  sailed  in  the  year  1500.  The 
map  contains  nothing  of  the  West  Indies,  and  has  not  the  slightest 
trace  of  the  Spanish  discoveries  in  the  new  world.  Between  Brazil 
and  the  northern  parts  of  America  is  a  broad  open  space  occupied  by 
water.  Both  of  these  sections  of  America,  which  the  Portuguese  dis- 
covered, lie  in  the  ocean  as  large  islands,  well  defined  in  the  east,  but 
with  uncertain  boundaries  toward  the  west. 

The  year  in  which  the  map  was  made  is  not  indicated.  But  from 
internal  evidence  it  is  nearly  certain,  that  it  was  drawn  very  soon  after 
the  expeditions  and  discoveries  of  Cabral  in  1500,  and  of  the  Cortereals, 
which  came  to  an  end  in  1503.  The  map  was  probably  made  for 
Emanuel,  to  combine  on  one  sheet  all  the  discoveries  made  by  his 
captains  on  the  western  side  of  the  ocean.  We  may,  therefore,  fix  its 
date  in  the  year  1504  or  1505.* 

In  the  east,  the  section  of  the  map  which  we  present,  shows  some 
of  the  countries  of  the  old  world,  as  a  part  of  Ireland  and  "  Islant  " 
(Iceland).    The  latter  has  its  latitude  between  about  63°  and  67"  N., 

*  Nearly  of  the  same  opinion  is  Peschel,  wtio  ascribes  its  date  to  "  the  year  1603  or 
1603."    See  his  work,  Geschiohte  des  Zeitalters  der  Eutdeckungen,  p.  831. 


z 

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rOKTUOUKSE  CIIAUT  OF  lfl04. 


nf) 


which  in  nearly  correct,  and  proves  that  the  atithor  of  the  map  WM 
well  inforiniMl  on  the  Hnliject.  Aniimf{  tlio  naniim  eontainiMl  in  Iceland 
I  mention  only  "  liollenHiH,"  wliit;h  Ih  also  fonnd  ou  the  nisip  <>C  the 
Zeni;  and  which  indicateH  the  faniourt  old  Icelandic  residence  of  tho 
"EpiscopuH  HoleiiHiH"  (IliMhop  Molar).  , 

To  the  west  of  Iceland  appears  a  larf^o  country,  which  evidently  ia 
tho  Houtliern  part  of  (ireenland;  and  tliou^li  tins  name  is  not  K>vun. 
it  has  exactly  the  configuration  of  that  ccnintry.  It  is  placed  at  about 
tho  same  distani^e  from  Iceland  an  our  (h-eenland,  and  it  ends  like  that 
in  tho  south,  about  00°  N.*  Wo  are  at  a  loss  to  say  where  and  from 
what  source  the  Pt)rtuf;ueso  map-maker,  in  tho  year  ir)()4,  could  have 
found  an  ori^^inal  for  so  ^ood  a  rei)rescntation  of  (ireeuland,  if  not 
from  charts  brouj^ht  home  by  (Jaspar  Cortcroal,  after  his  llrst  expedi- 
tion in  ITjOO.  I  think  (mr  chart  reiulers  it  probable  that  Cortereal,  on 
this  voyaj,'e,  saw  and  explored  (Jreenland.t  Tho  names  "  (;.  do  8. 
Paulo,"  ,*nd  some  others,  on  tho  oast  coast  of  (Ireenland,  I  cannot  ex- 
plain. They  nuiy  bo  names  ])laced  by  Cortoroul  ou  his  chart.  Thoy 
also  appear  on  other  Tortufjuese  maps. 

To  tho  west  of  Grooidand  wo  meet  another  largo  tract  of  country 
called  "  Terra  do  (iortto  Ileal"  (the  country  of  Cortereal) ;  this  is  Corto- 
real's  principal  discovery,  and  tho  one  granted  to  him  by  Emanuel  as 
his  province.  The  configuration  of  tho  coasts,  and  tho  names  written 
upon  them  prove,  that  parts  of  Newfoundland  and  of  our  present  Lab- 
rador arc  the  regions  intended. 

The  "  Cabo  do  Concepicion  "  (Capo  of  Conception),  on  tho  southern 
point  of  tho  country,  is  near  Cape  Uace,  and  was  probably  tho  land-fall 
of  Cortereal.  Wo  still  have  "  Conception  Bay,"  in  which  I  think  Corte- 
real had  his  first  anchorage. 

The  name,  "  Baya  de  S.  Cyria,"  long  kept  its  ground  on  many  old 
maps,  and  has  been  often  repeated.  Our  map  proves,  that  it  was  given 
by  Cortereal.  It  appears  to  be  the  present  Trinity  Bay.  "  Cabo  do 
San  Antonio  "  is  our  Cape  Bona  Vista;  and  "  llio  do  Rosa  "  would  seem 
to  have  been  a  river  emptying  into  this  bay. 

The  "Ilha  de  frey  Luis"  (the  island  of  brother  Louis)  was  proba- 
bly named  in  honor  of  brother  Louis,  who  may  have  boon  a  priest  on 
board  the  fleet.  It  is  one  of  the  large  islands  not  far  from  the  present 
"  Cape  Freols,"  which  is  an  English  corruption  and  contraction  of  the 
Portuguese  "  Ilha  de  frey  Luis,"  and  from  which  no  doubt  it  derived 

•  Pesohel  (1.  o.  p.  331)  also  thinks  that  it  is  Greenland,  "  and  that  it  ia  reproseuted  on 
our  map  with  nearly  modprn  accuracy." 
t  Feschel  (1.  c.  p.  330)  in  also  of  this  opinion. 


J^ 


"i\ 


176 


PORTUGUESE  CHART  OF  UM. 


II 


its  narno;  so  that  the  memory  of  this  good  brother  still  lives  in  our 
"  Capo  Freds." 

To  tlio  north  of  Capo  Freels,  between  it  anc^  the  modern  Cape  Bauldi 
the  east  coast  of  Jfowfoundland  forms  a  larpo,  deep  gulf,  which  is  indi- 
cated on  thi^  map,  by  a  bay  entering  deeply  into  the  country.*  In 
comparing  Corteroal's  chart  with  our  present  map  of  Nev/foundland, 
wo  must  come  to  the  conclusion  that  Cortoreal  entered  and  explored 
nearly  (  /ery  bay  and  gulf  of  the  east  coast  of  Newfoundland ;  for  he 
has  noted  thei.T  all  on  his  chart,  although  he  has  given  them  too  high  a 
latitude. 

The  entrance  <  f  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle  is  not  Indicated  on  our  map. 
In  .'55°  N.  we  And  'he  name  "  Baxos  do  medo  "  (  ?)  ioou  after  the  coast 
turns  to  the  north-west,  and  runs  in  this  direction  a  long  way.  At  the 
point  "Baxos  do  medo  "we  are  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  northern 
end  of  Newfoundland  and  of  the  south-eastern  capes  of  Labrador.  It 
is  nearly  impossible  to  indicate  the  trending  of  the  north-eastern  coast 
of  Labrador  more  exactly,  than  it  has  been  done  on  this  chart.  Un- 
happily the  ch£\rt  ends  in  02°  N.,  at  about  the  entrance  of  Hudson's 
Strait.  Tlius  iar  to  the  north-west  it  is  probable  that  Cortereai  went 
in  1500;  and  there  was  stopped  by  the  ice. 

Like  the  coast  of  Labrador  and  Greenland,  the  southern  part  or 
entrance  of  Davis'  Strait  is  much  bettor  given  on  our  chart,  than  on 
any  other  before  this  time,  or  on  any  other  map  for  a  long  time  after 
Cortereai. 

In  about  the  latitude  of  the  arctic  circle,  a  dotted  line  is  made  f^n 
this  map,  n'hich  cuts  through  the  northern  parts  of  Iceland,  Greenland, 
and  Davis'  Sti-ait.  All  the  water  north  of  this  line  has,  on  the  original, 
a  dark  blue  color,  which  we  could  not  reproduce  on  our  copy.  The 
map-maker  intended,  perhaps,  to  express  by  this  line  the  arctic  circle, 
and  the  southern  boundary  of  the  "  Mare  congelatum,"  where  Corte- 
roal's progress  ended. 

To  the  south  of  "  Cabo  do  Concepicion"  (near  Cape  Race),  the  coast  of 
Newfoundland  turns  to  the  west,  and  runs  oast  and  west  a  long  dis- 
tance. The  coast  of  Newfoundland  has  really  this  direction,  and  Cor- 
tereai may  have  looked  westward  of  Cape  Race,  though  ho  does  not 
appear  to  have  followed  this  route  for  any  considerable  distance.  There 
are  no  names  placed  along  this  coast.  Cortereai  may  have  copied  this 
pa.  t  of  his  chart  from  Cabot's,  of  which  he  probably  had  a  sketch  on 

*  How  Kuntsmann  (Die  Entdeckung  America's,  p.  128)  could  thinlc  that  this  is  the 
mouth  of  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  outlet  of  Lake  Ontario,  is  inconceiva- 
ble to  me.  The  entire  explanatlcn  witich  this  estimable  scholar  gives  of  Corter:al'8 
obart,  is  evident'y  erroneous. 


I 


M 


EEINEL'S  CHART,  1503. 


177 


ooard,  such  as  Cosa,  in  1500,  had  made.  On  Cosa's  (Cabot's)  chart,  the 
south  coast  of  Newfoundland  and  its  cntinuation  follow  exactly  the 
same  line,  and  have  about  the  same  configuration.  Cortereal  probably 
thought  this  region  hopeless  for  his  purpose  of  finding  a  shorter  north- 
western route  to  Eastern  Asia. 

It  does  not  appear  by  this  chart  that  Cortereal,  in  1.500,  saw  tlic  en- 
trance of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  or  discovered  that  Newfoundland 
was  an  island.  "  He  thought  it  to  be  one  great  mainland."  This,  or 
something  like  this,  is  expressly  said  in  the  first  and  most  authentic 
report  we  have  on  Corteroal's  expeditions  ;*  and  it  is  so  represented  on 
our  chart. 

The  length  of  the  southern  coast  of  this  continent  from  east  to  west 
is  about  three  times  the  length  of  the  east  coast  of  Newfoundland ; 
from  which  we  conclude,  that  the  western  end  of  the  coast-line,  given 
on  our  chart,  i-eaches  the  coast  of  Maine. 

At  Cape  Race,  the  maker  of  this  map  began  to  sketch  a  coast-line,, 
which  he  has  left  unfinished,  running  into  the  water.  What  he  meant 
by  it  I  cannot  tell.  He  has  drawn  witi»  great  accuracy  all  the  Azores, 
the  principal  starting-point  of  the  Cortereals. 

If  subsequent  map-makers  had  known  and  copied  this  original  map 
of  Cortereal,  particularly  that  part  which  relates  to  Labrador,  Davis' 
Strait,  and  Greenland,  they  would  have  avoided  much  misrepresenta- 
tion, and  rendered  a  useful  service  to  science. 

2.  On  a  Chakt,  No.  9,  of  Nova  Scotia,  Ne-wfoundland,  ani> 
Greenland,  by  Pedbo  Reinel,  made  in  about  1505. 

Number  9  is  a  copy  of  that  section  of  North  America  which  appears 
on  a  chart  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean  preserved  m  the  Royal  Library  at  Mu- 
nich. A  fac-simile  of  this  chart  was  publishetl  by  the  Royal  Academy 
of  Bavaria  in  the  "  Atlas  zur  Entdcckungengeschichte  America's  (Atlas 
for  the  history  of  discovery  of  America.    Munich,  18.59). 

On  another  part  of  this  map  an  inscription  is  written  in  great  let- 
ters, which  runs  thus:  "Pedi-o  Reinel  a  fez"  (Pedro  Reinel  made  it). 
According  to  the  Spanish  historian  Herrera,t  Reinel  was  a  Portuguese 
pilot  of  great  fame  (Piloto  Portuguez  de  mucha  fama) ;  who,  like  many 
Portuguese,  entered  the  Spanish  service  some  time  after  1522.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  map  is  Portuguese.  It  presents  only  Portuguese  discov- 
eries ;  and  shows  the  arms  and  flags  of  Portugal,  but  not  of  Spain. 
From  these  circumstances  it  is  probable,  that  the  map  was  made  by 

*  See  the  letter  of  the  Venitian  ambassador,  Pasqualigo. 
t  Uerrera,  Hist.  gea.  de  las  iBdias,  Dec.  Ill,  cap.  13. 

12 


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. 


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t 


V 


'  I 


178 


REINEL'S  CHART,  1505. 


Reinel  in  T»ortugal  before  he  entered  the  service  of  Spain,  and  probar 
bly  soon  after  the  voyage  of  the  Cortereals  and  Cabral.  We  may, 
therefore,  assign  it  to  the  year  1505.* 

There  is  one  indication  of  latitude  along  a  perpendicular  line,  run- 
ning across  the  entire  sheet  of  the  chart;  and  another  indication  along 
an  oblique  or  transverse  line,  which  is  shorter,  and  runs  only  along  the 
shores  of  Northern  America.  Along  the  perpendicular  line,  Cavo  Raso 
(Cape  Race)  has  the  latitude  of  50i°  N.  Along  the  oblique  line  it  has 
the  latitude  of  47°  N.  This  loiter  line  is  nearer  the  truth ;  and  perhaps 
was  added  to  the  map  by  a  later  hand. 

The  south-eastern  part  of  Newfoundland  is  here  easily  recognized,  as 
is  the  case  on  all  the  old  charts.  The  cape  which  was  called  on  former 
maps  the  Cape  of  England,  or  the  Cape  of  the  Portuguese,  is  here  for 
the  first  time  named,  "  Cavo  Raso  "  (the  flat  cape),  a  name  which  is  of 
Portuguese  origin,  and  which  may  have  been  introduced  by  the  Corte- 
reals, or  by  the  first  Portuguese  fishermen  on  the  banks  of  Newfoimd- 
land.  The  name  contains  a  good  description  of  the  natural  features  of 
that  cape,  which  is  represented  by  Blunt  "  as  a  table-land  moderately 
high."  t  The  English,  who  did  not  understand  the  meaning  of  the  Por- 
tuguese word,  afterwards  changed  it  to  "Cape  Race,"  which  has  no 
meaning  in  this  connection. 

Our  chart  shows,  in  the  high  north,  a  nameless  country  which  ends 
toward  the  south,  in  about  60°  N.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Green- 
land is  meant.  Cape  Farewell,  tlie  southern  end  of  Greenland,  has  tlie 
latitude  of  60°  N.,  and  is  one  of  those  points  which,  like  Cape  Race, 
generally  has  nearly  its  true  position  on  all  the  old  charts. 

To  the  west  of  this  nameless  country,  Greenland,  is  a  broad  gulf,  and 
a  strait  running  from  it  in  a  north-western  direction  in  about  60°  N., 
clearly  indicating  the  entrance  of  Davis'  and  Hudson's  Straits. 

To  the  south  of  Hudson's  Strait,  follow  the  coasts  of  Labrador  and 
Newfoundland  from  "Tsla  da  Fortuna"  (our  present  Resolution  Isl- 
and  ( ?  )  toj'  Cavo  Raso."  The  entrance  to  the  strait  of  Belle  isle  is  per- 
liapslndicatedTjyiire  great  bay  near  "  C.  de  Boa  Ventura,"  but  not  as 
an  open  strait.  The  entire  coast  is  covered  with  many  Portuguese 
names,  which  probably  date  from  the  voyage  of  the  Cortereals.  I 
cannot  enter  here  upon  a  detailed  examination  of  these  names,  but 
only  observe  that  many  of  them  reappear  on  subsequent  charts,  and 
some  of  them  have  been  retaine(^g^en  down  to  our  time ;  for  instance, 
that  of  "  Y.  dos  Bocalh'  s  "  (Island  of  the  Cod-fish).    We  still  have  an 

*  Pescbel,  Geschichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen,  p.  332,  puts  It  in  the  year 
1604. 

t  See  Blunt,  American  Coast  Pilot,  p.  13.    New  York,  1867. 


11' 


X 

O: 


P 


POKTUGUESE  MAP  OF  PARTS  OF  N,  AMERICA.        179 

"  Island  of  Baccalhao  "  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland.  Some  of  these 
old  Portuguese  names  have  been  changed  by  subsequent  English  map- 
makers  and  mariners.  I  have  already  mentioned  the  name,  "  Isla  de 
frey  Luis  "  (the  island  of  brother  Louis)  changed  to  Cape  Freels.  An- 
other instance  is  "  Cavo  da  Espora"  (Cape  of  Hope)  changed  to  Cape 
Speer.  lu  this  modern  form,  we  find  these  ancient  names  still  on  our 
present  maps  of  Newfoundland. 

To  the  west  of  C.  Raso  we  have  on  our  chart  the  south  coast  of  New- 
foundland and  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  clearly  indi- 
cated; and  further  to  the  west,  the  rectangular  or  square  form  of  a 
nameless  peninsula  in  about  45°  N.,  which  is,  no  doubt,  the  square- 
shaped  end  of  the  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton.  As  upon 
Newfoundland  and  Labrador,  so  also  on  this  peninsula,  a  flag-staff, 
with  the  Portuguese  arms,  is  planted,  which  shows  that  Nova  Scotia 
and  its  neighborhood  were  once  claimed  by  that  nation.  I  have  found 
no  map  on  which  the  flag-staflf  of  Portugal  has  been  erected  so  near 
the  State  of  Maine. 

The  island  of"  Sancta  Cruz,"  south  of  Cape  Race,  may  be  intended 
for  the  dangerous  Sable  island,  and  has  its  true  position.  We  are  in- 
formed by  early  writers,  that  Sable  Island  was  known  to  the  Portu- 
guese.* 

3.  On  a  Pobtuquese  Chart,  No.  10,  of  Florida,  Nova  Scotia, 
Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and  Greenland,  made  about 
1520. 

Though  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  1498,  had  surveyed  nearly  the  entire  east 
coast  of  North  America,  and  pronounced  it  continental ;  and  though 
Juan  de  la  Cosa,  in  1500,  following  the  reports  and  charts  of  Cabot,  had 
so  depicted  it  on  his  map ;  yet  it  was  a  long  time  before  this  represen- 
tation was  adopted  by  the  map-makers  and  geographers  of  the  differ- 
ent European  nations.  Cabot  published  no  report  of  his  voyages ;  and 
the  maps  of  Cosa  were  hung  up  in  the  office  of  the  Spanish  ministers 
of  marine,  but  were  not  generally  known  or  acknowledged.  We  have, 
therefore,  many  charts  and  maps  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  on  which  the  lands  discovered  by  the  English  and  Portuguese 
in  the  higher  latitudes  of  the  new  world,  and  by  the  Spaniards  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  West  India  islands,  are  represented  as  separate  coun- 


*  Compare  on  this  chart,  also,  "J.  A.  Schmeller,  Ueber  einige  aitere  handschrift 
llche  Seekarten,"  in  the  "  Abhandlungen  der  I.  CI.  d.  Ak.  der  Wissenschaften,  IV. 
Band.  Abth.  1,  page  247  seq.  And  Kunstmann,  Die  Entdeckung  America's,  p.  126  seq. 
Uanchen,  1869. 


1 


180 


PORTUOUE8E  MAP  OF  PARTS  OF  N.  AMERICA. 


J I 
1 1 


trios.  On  these  maps  North  America  is  broken  up  into  large  islands, 
Heparated  from  each  otlior  by  broad  gulfs  or  straits,  and  the  coasts  of 
New  England  entirely  disappear. 

Map  No.  10  is  a  part  of  one  of  these  representations.  Tlie  original 
was  discovered  in  the  royal  collections  of  the  king  of  Uavaiia  at  Mu- 
nich, and  a  fac-simile  of  it  has  boon  given  by  the  Royal  Academy  in 
the  work  before  cited:  "  Atlas  zur  Entdeckungsgoschichto  America's  " 
(An  Atlas  of  the  history  of  discovery  in  America).  From  this  we  have 
taken  our  copy. 

The  map  is  evidently  of  Portuguese  origin.  The  names  of  places, 
and  some  of  the  inscriptions,  are  in  the  Portuguese  language.  The 
longer  inscriptions  are  in  Latin.  The  author  of  it  is  unknown,  as  is 
also  the  precise  time  of  its  composition.* 

From  the  circumstance,  however,  that  Yucatan,  which  was  discov- 
ered in  the  year  1517,  is  indicated  on  the  map,  and  nothing  of  the  dis- 
covery and  conquest  by  Cortes  in  1519,  evei-ything  on  the  map  west  of 
Yucatan  being  designated  as  unknown ;  we  infer  that  the  map  was 
made  between  1518  and  1520. 

The  whole  of  North  America  is  given  in  three  or  four  large  islands. 
First,  we  h,ave  Yucatan  and  its  vicinity.  The  Gulf  of  Mexico  is  open 
toward  the  west.  Then  comes  "TeraBimini"  (the  country  of  Bimi- 
ni),  our  present  Florida  and  the  vicinity.  The  east  coast  of  Florida  and 
the  neighboring  southern  States,  runs  first  toward  the  north  and  then 
to  the  north-east,  and  ends  on  the  shores  of  our  present  States  of  Geor- 
gia and  Carolina,  though  the  latitudes  for  these  regions  are  too  high. 
Spanish  ships  under  Ponce  do  Leon,  in  1513 ;  Alaminos,  in  1519 ;  and 
Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  in  1520,  had  sailed  along  these  coasts.  The 
coast-line  appears  to  end  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Hatteras,  and  this 
territory  is  called  "  Tera  Bimini,"  a  name  which  was  introduced  by 
the  expedition  of  Ponce  de  Leon  in  search  of  the  mythical  country  and 
fabulous  fountain  of  Bimini,  in  1513.t 

After  this  is  a  great  gulf  or  open  space,  represented  as  water.  Fur- 
ther east,  in  about  the  longitude  of  Brazil,  the  discoveries  of  the  Cor- 
tereals  are  depicted  in  nearly  the  same  manner  as  on  the  map  of 
Reinel  (No.  9).  The  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  on  our  map,  is  a  little  further 
prolonged  to  the  west.  The  part  where  New  England  should  be,  ap- 
pears as  water. 

*  See  Kunutmann,  Die  Entdeckung  America's,  p.  129  seq.    Municti,  1859. 

t  [This  country  is  i-epresented  by  some  to  hare  been  an  island  belonging  to  the  Ba- 
hama group,  but  lying  far  out  in  the  ocean.  The  fountain  was  supposed  to  possess 
the  power  of  restoring  youth.  It  was  an  object  of  eager  search  by  early  adventurers. 
—Ed.] 


PORTUGUESE  MAP  OF  PARTS  OF  N.  AMERICA.        181 


Newfoundland  and  Tiabrador  are  named  "  RacalnaoH,"  under  which 
name  Nova  Scotia  is  also  included.  Greenland,  ait  usual,  is  called  Lab- 
rador. 

The  Portuguese  inscription,  added  to  Nova  Scotia  and  the  island  of 
Cape  Breton,  describes  it  as  "  a  country  discovered  by  Bretons." 

The  inscription  written  upon  Labrador  literally  translated  is  this : 
'*  The  Portuguese  saw  this  country,  but  did  not  enter  it." 

The  long  Latin  insciiption,  which  seems  to  be  intended  for  all  these 
regions,  may  be  thus  translated :  "  This  country  was  first  discovered  by 
Gaspar  Cortereal,  a  Portuguese,  and  ho  brought  from  there  wild  and 
barbarous  men  and  white  bears.  There  are  to  be  found  in  it  plenty 
of  animals,  birds,  and  fish.  In  the  following  year  he  was  shipwrecked 
and  did  not  return ;  the  same  happened  to  his  bi'other  Michael  in  the 
next  year." 

Iceland  (Islanda)  has  its  true  position  and  latitude  on  the  east  of 
Greenland.  A  perpendicular  line,  on  which  the  degrees  of  latitude  are 
indicated,  runs  through  the  whole  map.  It  is  the  famous  "  line  of  de- 
marcation," by  which,  at  the  treaty  of  Tordesilas  (June  7,  1494),  the 
world  was  divided  between  Spain  and  Portugal.  The  line  sets  off  to 
Portugal,  1.  The  greater  section  of  Brazil,  which  we  have  not  repro- 
duced on  our  map.  2.  Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and  Greenland,  which 
we  have  retained  in  our  copy.  The  Portuguese  flag  covers  all  these 
regions.    The  Spanish  flag  is  planted  "  in  Tera  Bimini." 

The  latitude  and  longitude,  given  on  our  map  to  the  Portuguese  dis- 
coveries, are  much  more  correct,  than  those  given  to  the  Spanish  do- 
minions ;  which  fact  proves,  that  the  Portuguese  map-maker  had  not 
very  good  authority  for  his  Spanish  insertions.  The  group  of  the  Azores, 
however,  is  placed  too  near  the  northern  part  of  the  continent.  That 
they  always  are  laid  down  in  connection  with  Greenland  and  New- 
foundland, is  explained  from  the  circumstance,  that  those  islands  were 
the  starting-points  of  the  Cortereals  for  their  excursions  to  the  north. 
Several  of  the  Cortereals  being  governors  of  the  Azores,  they  consid- 
ered the  northern  part  of  America,  "  Bacallaos  "  and  the  vicinity,  as  a 
part  of  their  hereditary  government. 

In  the  central  parts  of  America  near  St.  Domingo,  our  map  has  a 
Latin  inscription,  of  which  a  literal  translation  is  as  follows :  "  The 
country  of  the  Antipodes,  of  the  king  of  Castile,  discovered  by  Chris- 
topher Columbus,  the  Genoese."  This  name,  "  The  country  of  the  An- 
tipodes," appears  to  be  the  name  adopted  by  our  map-maker  for  all  the 
surrounding  islands  and  countries,  or  for  the  whole  of  America. 


11 


P   J 


.'■4 


182        rOKTUGUESE  MAP  OF  PARTS  OF  N.  AMERICA. 

The  results  of  the  examination  of  these  maps,  for  the  early  history 
of  Maine,  may  be  summed  up  thus : 

1.  No  cuast  of  New  England  whatever  is  here  indicated.    A  void 
space  appears  where  it  ought  to  be. 

2.  New  England,  like  the  rest  of  America,  is  comprised  under  the 
name  of  "  The  country  of  the  Antipodes." 

.3.  The  flags  and  frontiers  of  the  Portuguese  dominions  come  very 
near  to  Maine. 


I    I 


CHAPTER    VI. 


i 


ENGLISH,  SPANISH,  AND  FRENCH  VOYAGES,  DESIGNED  OU 
ACCOMPLISHED,  SUBSEQUENT  TO  THE  EXPEDITIONS  OF 
THE  CABOTS   AND  THE  COKTEIIEALS. 


1.  Two  Patents  op  Henry  VH,  of  England,  to  Naviga- 
tors IN  1501  AND  1502. — English  Voyages  to  New- 
foundland IN  the  beqinninq  op  the  Sixteenth 
Centuky. 

Whether  Sebastian  Cabot  made  a  voyage  to  the  new 
world  in  1499  is  uncertain  ;  and  we  have  no  authentic  infor- 
mation as  to  his  employment  after  his  return  in  1498,  for 
several  years.  No  early  writer  speaks  of  him  until  the  year 
1512,  when,  according  to  Herrera,  he  accepted  from  Ferdi- 
nand an  invitation  to  Spain.  His  fame,  as  the  projector  of 
great  circle-sailing,  as  the  earnest  advocate  of  a  north-western 


passage  to  India,  and  as  the  discoverer  of  a  new  region,  was 
widely  spread. 

The  knowledge  of  his  discovery  and  adventures  must  early 
have  reached  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  inspired  the  sover- 
eigns of  those  countries  with  desire  to  engage  in  further 
explorations  in  the  north-west.  The  expedition  of  Dornelos 
in  Spain,  and  of  the  Cortereals  in  Portugal,  may  have  been 
the  direct  results  of  the  voyages  of  1497  and  1498. 

We  seek  in  vain  for  the  cause  why  Cabot  himself  did  not 
continue  the  work  so  successfully  commenced  by  him,  and 
why  he  left  its  accomplishment  to  others.    Had  he  despaired, 


J^ 


184 


KAIILY   ENdLISlC   VOYAdKS. 


after  all  liis  arctic  trials,  of  finding  an  open  ronto  to  tlio 
Mollucnis  ?  Or  was  ho  discou ratted  liy  not  finding,  on  hit* 
long  exploring  voyage  I'rorn  Labrador  to  Florida,  u  singlo 
attractive  section  of  the  coast,  worthy  of  further  exami- 
nation ?  * 

However  this  may  have  heen,  there  ia  nothing  to  show  that 
Sohastian  (^ahot  entered  on  a  new  enter[)rise  for  a  long  time; 
whilst  others,  stiniidated  l»y  the  fame  of  his  discoveries,  fol- 
lowed his  track. 

As  in  Portugal  and  Spain,  so  also  in  England,  wo  recog- 
nize some  traces  of  the  "<iuickening  impulse  of  his,  in  somo 
respects,  successful  enterprise."  In  1501,  and  again  in  1/302, 
Henry  Vll.  issued  [)atents  for  discoveries  in  foreign  lands. 

The  ilrst  of  these,  dated  March  15),  1501,  is  alluded  to 
by  Lord  Bacon  in  his  history  of  Henry  VH.f  But  more 
recently,  Mr.  Biddle  hiis  discovered  the  original  document  in 
the  Rolls  Chapel,  in  London  ;  and  has,  for  the  first  time,  pub- 
lished it  in  his  memoir  of  Cabot. :{:  Its  cimtents  are  similar 
to  those  of  the  first  patent  given  to  John  Cabot  in  1496, 
which  seems  itself  to  have  been  copied  from  the  commis- 
sions given  by  the  Spanish  kings  to  their  adventurers. 

The  second  patent  bears  date  December  9,  1502,  and  is 

granted  to  a  portion  of  the  same  patentees  ;  namely,  Thomas 

Ashehurst,  John  and  Francis  Fernandus,  and  John  Gunsolus, 

Portuguese,  named  in  the  first  patent,  together  with  Hugh 

Elliott ;  and  conveys  similar,  but  even  more  extensive  privi- 
leges. 

These  patents  gave  a  roving  commission  to  the  parties  to 

♦[See  on  this,  linmnsio,  "...  di  ritornarmene  in  Inghilterra  :  dove 
giunto  trovai  grandi88imi  turaulti  di  popoli  Hollevati,  e  della  guerra  in 
Scotia:  ne  piu  era  in  consideratione  nicuna  il  navigare  a  queste  parti,  per 
ilche  me  ne  venni  in  Spagna  al  Re  Catholico,"  vol.  1,  fol.  .374.    1B63.— Ed.] 

t  See  Bacon's  History  jf  King  Henry  VII,  p.  189.    London,  1629. 

I  See  this  work,  p.  312.    London,  1832. 


■5 


KAULY  ENGLISH  VOYAQIOS. 


185 


explore,  at  their  own  I'xpensu,  all  islands  and  roj^ioiis  ''  in 
the  eastern,  western,  Mouthern,  and  northern  seas  huretofbro 
unknown  to  ChristianH." 

What  was  dono  unilcr  these  broad  commissions,  is  no- 
where reported,  so  far  as  wo  know.  It  is  supposed  that  one 
voyage  was  made,  but  no  particidars  of  it  exist. 

That  explorations  in  Newfoundland  and  its  neigld)orhood 
were  intended,  and  that  a  connection  existed  between  the 
English  expedition  and  the  Portuguese  undertaking  of  the 
Cortereals,  appears  probable  from  the  circumstaiure,  that 
among  the  principal  patentees  were  the  three  above-named 
"Portuguese  Scjuyres  from  the  Isles  of  Surrys  "  (Azores), 
where  one  of  the  Cortereals  was  then  governor,  and  where, 
the  year  before,  1500,  Gaspar  de  Cortereal  had  touched  on 
his  expedition  to  the  north-west. 

Mr.  IJiddle  thinks  that  one  voyage  at  least,  in  the  year 
1501,  was  made.  He  infers  this,  Jirst^  from  the  improbability 
of  the  three  Portuguese  "S(piyres"  remaining  idle  in  Eng- 
land for  nearly  two  years  ;  secondly,  from  the  probability  that 
the  patentees,  by  an  experimental  voyage,  may  have  turned  to 
account  the  first  patent,  and  therefore  called  for  a  second ; 
and  thirdly,  from  the  fact,  that  the  Englisli  chronicler.  Stow, 
states  in  his  Annals,  that  three  Indians,  "  taken  in  the  New- 
found Islandes  "  were  presented,  in  1502,  to  Henry  VII.* 

Another  circumstance,  not  mentioned  by  Mr.  liiddle,  ap- 
pears to  me  to  sustain  his  supposition.  Hakluyt,  in  his  great 
work,f  gives    "a  brief  extract  concerning  the  discovery  of 


♦See  Biddle,  Memoir,  p.  228  seq.  He  also  quotes  (p.  22(5,  Am er.  edit.) 
from  entries  In  the  account  of  the  Privy  Purse  expenses  of  Henry  VII, 
this  entry:  "7  January,  1502,  To  men  of  Bristol  that  found  Th'  Isle,  £6; 
30  September,  1502,  To  the  Merchants  of  Bristol  that  have  been  in  the  Newe 
founde  Laundo,  £20."  [Other  items  from  the  Privy  Purse  account  are 
afterwards  quoted  by  our  Author.— Ed.] 

t  Hakluyt,  Voyages,  etc,  vol.  3,  p.  10.    1600. 


186 


EARLY  ENGLISH  VOYAGES. 


Ill 


Newfoundland,  taken  out  of  the  book  of  Mr.  Robert  Thorns 
to  Doctor  Leigh,"  in  which  Thorne  nr.entions  "  that  his  father 
had  been  one  of  the  discoverers  of  Newfoundland,  in  company 
with  another  merchant  of  Bristol,  named  Hugh  Elliot." 
Elliot  was  one  of  the  patentees  named  in  the  grant  of  Decem- 
ber, 1502.*  He  and  his  associates  would  scarcely  have  been 
called  by  Thorne  *^  discoverers  of  Newfoundlana,"  if  they 
had  not  made  a  voyag"  thither. 

From  certain  entries  in  the  account  of  the  Privy  Purse 
expenses  of  Henry  VII,  it  appears,  that  after  the  voyages 
of  the  Cabots,  an  intercourse  was  kept  up  for  several  years 
between  England  and  the  newly  discovered  regions.  These 
entries  are  too  remarkable  not  to  be  mentioned  here. 

On  Nov.  17,  1503,  the  king  paid  one  pound  to  "a  man 
that  brought  ha wkes  from  the  Newfound  island;"  on  April 
8,  1504,  two  pounds  to  a  priest,  "who  was  going  to  that 
island ; "  and  on  Aug.  25,  1505,  a  small  sum  to  a  man  who 
brought  "  wylde  cats  and  popyngays  of  x''  Newfound  island 
to  Richmond." 

The  king  had  before  made  similar  small  presen  s  to  persons 
who  had  been  out  with  the  Cabots,  namely :  "  Oi\  Aug.  10, 
1497,  10  pounds  to  him  that  found  the  new  isle."  Some 
have  supposed  that  John  Cabot  was  rewarded  in  this  manner ; 
others,  with  more  probability,  that  this  small  royal  present 
was  given  only  to  the  man  on  board  the  Matthew,  who  first 
discovered  land.  "  On  March  24, 1498,  To  Lanslot  Thirkill, 
of  London,  upon  a  prest  for  his  ship  going  toward  the  New 
Islande,  20  pounds  ;  on  April  1,  1498,  to  Thomas  Bradley 
and  Launcelot  Thirkill,  going  to  the  New  Isle,  30  pounds."! 

These  memoranda,  which  have  been  brought  to  light  by 
Mr.  Biddle,J  seem  pretty  clearly  to  prove  the  continuation 

•See  Biddle.l.  c.  p.  225, 

t  See  Anderson's  History  of  the  Colonial  Church,  vol.  1,  p.  8. 

I  See  Biddle,  Memoir,  p.  234. 


I 


PORTUGUESE  FISHERMEN  ON  THE  BANKS. 


187 


of  voyagea  between  England  and  Newfoundland  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixteenth  century. 

It  is  a  very  curious  circumstance,  that  the  country  in 
which  the  Cabots  started  their  idea  for  a  navigation  to  the 
north-west,  and  in  which  they  at  first  proclaimed  their  dis- 
covery of  the  rich  fishing-banks  near  their  New-found-Isles, 
did  not  at  once  profit  by  it  so  much  as  their  neighbors,  the 
French  and  the  Portuguese,  as  we  shall  hereafter  relate. 
During  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  we  hear  little 
of  English  fishing  and  commercial  expeditions  to  the  great 
banks  ;  although  they  had  a  branch  of  commerce  and  fishery 
with  Iceland.  Perhaps,  having  the  fish-market  of  this  north- 
ern country  at  their  disposal,  for  some  time  they  did  not  seek 
new  fishing-grounds.  "  It  was  not  until  the  year  1548,  that 
the  English  government  passed  the  first  act  for  the  encour- 
agement of  the  fisheries  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland,  after 
which  they  became  active  competitors  in  this  profitable  occu- 
pation."* 


2.  Portuguese  Fishermen  on  the  Newfoundland  Banks. 

Gaspar  Cortereal  undertook  his  enterprise  with  the  lofty 
intention  of  finding  the  rich  countries  of  the  east.  "  But," 
says  the  Spanish  historian,  Gomara,  "  he  found  no  passage." 

King  Emanuel,  having  heard  of  the  high  trees  growing  in 
the  northern  countries,  and  having  seen  the  aborigines  who 
appeared  so  well  qualified  for  labor,  thought  he  had  found  a 
new  slave-coast  like  that  which  he  owned  in  Africa ;  and 
dreamed  of  the  tall  masts  which  he  would  cut,  and  the  men- 
of-war  which  he  would  build,  from  the  forests  o^  the  country  of 
the  Cortereals.     But  if  he  had  made  an  experiment  with  his 


*  Memorial  volume  of  the  Popham  Celebration,  Aug.  29,  1862,  p.  38. 
Portland,  1863. 


T^^ 


3i 


I'll 


188 


POKTUGUESE  FISHERMEN  ON  THE  BANKS. 


American  Indians,  he  would  soon  have  known,  that,  as  labor- 
ers, they  were  not  to  be  compared  with  the  negroes  from 
Africa.  Aria  as  to  the  masts  for  his  men-of-war,  he  would 
also  have  found,  that  he  could  procuie  them  at  a  much 
cheaper  rate  from  the  Baltic,  or  some  other  European  country 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Portugal,  than  from  the  distant  land 
of  the  Cortereals,  where  no  harbors,  no  anchoring  stations, 
and  no  roads  existed,  and  no  saw-mills  had  been  erected. 

The  great  expectations  raised  by  the  Cortereals  had  no 
immediate  results.  But  another  discovery  of  Cortereal,  as 
well  as  of  Cabot,  had  revealed  to  the  Portuguese  the  wealth 
to  be  derived  from  the  fish,  particularly  cod-fish,  which 
abounded  on  that  coast.  The  fishermen  of  Portugal  and  of 
the  Western  Islands,  when  this  news  was  spread  among  them, 
made  preparations  for  profiting  by  it,  and  soon  extended  their 
fishing  excursions  to  tlie  other  side  of  the  ocean. 

According  to  the  statement  of  a  Portuguese  author,  very 
soon  after  the  discoveries  by  the  Cortereals,  a  Portuguese 
Fishing  Company  was  formed  in  the  harbors  of  Vianna, 
Aveiro,  and  Terceira,  for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  New- 
foundland and  making  establishments  upon  it.*  Nay,  already, 
in  1606,  three  years  after  the  return  of  the  last  searching  ex- 
pedition for  the  Cortereals,  Emanuel  gave  order,  "  that  the 
fishermen  of  Portugal,  at  their  return  from  Newfoundland, 
should  pay  a  tenth  part  of  their  profits  at  his  custom-houses."  f 
It  is  certain,  therefore,  that  the  Portuguese  fishermen  must, 
previous  to  that  time,  have  been  engaged  in  a  profitable  busi- 
ness. And  this  is  confirmed  Ly  the  circumstance,  that  they 
originated  the  name  of  "tierrade  Bacalhas"  (the  Stock-fish- 
country),  and  gave  currency  to  it ;  though  the  word,  like  the 

*  See  Peschel,  Geschichte  des  ZeitalterB  der  Entdeckungen,  p.  334.  Stutt- 
gart, 1858. 

t  See  Kuastmann,  Die  Eatdeckung  America's,  pp.  69  and  95. 


PORTUGUESE  FISHERMEN  ON  THE  BANKS. 


189 


cod-fishery  itself,  appears  to  be  of  Germanic  origin.*  The 
name  may  have  been  given  by  the  Portuguese  fishermen  at 
first,  to  what  the  king  of  Portugal  and  his  official  map-makers 
called  "  terra  de  Cortereal "  (Cortereal's  land)  ;  that  is  to  say, 
to  our  present  Newfoundland  ;  and  then  have  been  extended, 
with  the  progress  of  their  discoveries,  to  the  adjacent  coun- 
tries. The  nations,  who  followed  them  in  the  fishing  busi- 
ness, imitated  their  example,  and  adopted  the  name  "  country 
of  the  Bacalhas"  (or,  in  the  Spanish  form,  Baccallaos), 
though  sometimes  interchanging  it  with  names  of  their  own 
invention,  as  the  "  Newfoundland,"  "  Terre  neuve,"  etc. 

Enterprises  in  such  a  new  branch  of  activity,  must,  of 
course,  have  been  attended  with  great  difficulties  ;  some  pre- 
liminary explorations  must  have  been  necessary  to  find  the 
best  places  for  fishing,  the  most  convenient  harbors  for  refuge, 
the  easiest  coasts  for  watering,  for  repairs,  and  for  drying  the 
fish. 

The  Portuguese  Fishing  Company  probably  made  these 
experiments ;  and  their  first  fishing  voyages  were  undoubt- 

*The  cod-fiah  was  caught  on  the  coasts  of  Europe  from  time  immemo- 
rial, by  the  Scandinavians,  Germans,  Dutch,  and  English,  in  the  northern 
waters  of  the  continent,  and  toward  Iceland.  These  Germanic  nations  had 
long  called  it  by  the  name  of  "  Cabliauwe,"  or  "  Kabbeljouwe,"  and  with 
some  transposition  of  the  letters,  "Backljau."  The  name,  in  several 
forms,  had  been  used  long  before  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots  and  Corte- 
reals,  in  many  Flemish  and  German  books  and  documents.  The  root  of 
the  word  appears  to  be  the  Germanic  "  bolch,"  meaning  fish.  The  Portu- 
guese, who  had  no  cod-fish  on  their  coasts  in  Europe,  but  who  had  prob- 
ably known  it  before  the  Cortereals,  by  way  of  the  Netherlands,  adopted 
the  Germanic  name  in  the  above-mentioned  form  "  Bacalhao  "  (pronounced 
like  the  German  Backljau);  and  then  becoming  the  first  and  most  active 
fishermen  on  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland,  communicated  this  form  of  the 
word  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  That  the  name  should  nave  been  introduced 
by  the  Cabots,  is,  for  many  reasons,  most  improbable;  and  that IH6y  Should 
have  heard  and  received  the  name  from  the  Indians,  is  certainly  not  true ; 
though  both  these  facta  are  asserted  by  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo, 
Dec.  Ill,  cap.  6. 


(  !■ 


|l   ^' 


• 


i  • 


190 


PORTUGUESE  FISHERMEN  ON  THE  BANKS. 


edly,  at  the  same  time,  real  exploring  expeditions,  continuing 
the  work  commenced  by  the  Cortereals. 

It  is,  therefore,  matter  of  regret,  that  no  journals  of  the 
voyages  of  these  first  Portuguese  fishermen  have  come  down 
to  us,  and  that  we  know  so  very  little  of  the  beginning  and 
progress  of  their  fisheries.  Were  we  better  informed  on 
those  points  we  should  probably  find,  now  and  then,  exploring 
Portuguese  merchants  and  fishermen  on  shores  somewhat  dis- 
tant from  Newfoundland,  and  perhaps  also  on  the  coasts  of 
Nova  Scotia  and  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine  ;  and  we  might  be  able 
to  show  how  some  of  the  Portuguese  geographical  names,  so 
widely  scattered  on  all  the  old  maps  of  the  countries  about 
the  "  Golfo  Quadrado "  (the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence),  origi- 
nated. Mauy  of  them  probably  were  not  given  by  the  official 
expeditions  of  the  Cortereals,  but  came  gradually  into  use 
among  the  fishermen,  and  were  afterwards  adopted  on  the 
maps  and  in  the  books  of  geographers. 

A  Scandinavian  author  informs  us,  that  sometimes  in 
stormy  seasons,  during  the  sixteenth  century,  Portuguese 
fishermen  were  blown  off"  from  the  Newfoundland  Banks, 
and  driven  by  westerly  gales  to  the  unfriendly  shores  of 
Greenland.*  If  such  events  happened  with  westerly  storms 
on  the  coast  of  Greenland,  they  also  may  have  happened 
with  easterly  gales  on  the  coast  of  New  England,  although  no 
report  exists  of  such  cases.  The  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine 
lies  at  about  the  same  distance  south-west  of  Newfoundland, 
as  the  coast  of  Greenland  does  to  the  north-east.  The  Por- 
tuguese fishermen  may  thus  have  often  appeared  on  our  coast, 
and  become  acquainted  with  it. 

They  continued  their  expeditions  to  Newfoundland  and  its 
neighborhood  for  a  long  time.  They  were  often  seen  there 
by  later  English  and  other  visitors  during  the  course  of  the 


*  See  Kanstmann,  1.  c.  pp.  70  and  95. 


PORTUGUESE  FISHERMEN  ON  THE  BANKS. 


191 


sixteenth  century  ;  for  instance,  according  to  Herrera,  in 
1519 ;  *  again  by  the  English  in  1527  ;  f  and  .again  by  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert  in  1583.  This  English  navigator,  or  his 
historian,  praises  "  the  Portugal  fishermen "  he  met  there, 
for  their  kindness  "above  those  of  other  nations,"  and  for 
the  liberal  assistance  which  they  rendered  him.  "  They  pre- 
sented him  with  wines,  marmelades,  most  fine  ruske  and 
bisket,  sweat  oyles,  and  sundry  dilicacies."  |  He  states  also, 
that  the  Portuguese  had  made  a  very  interesting  settlement 
for  shipwrecked  seamen  upon  "  Sable  Island,"  that  danger- 
ous spot  in  the  vicinity  of  Nova  Scotia,  famous  for  shipwrecks 
and  disasters.  "  Some  Portugals,"  he  says,  "  above  thirty 
year  past,"  consequently  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  "put  into  the  same  island  both  neat  and  swine  to 
breed,  which  were  since  exceedingly  multiplied."  Gilbert 
and  his  men  thought  it  extremely  convenient  "  to  have  such 
a  store  of  cattle  in  an  island,  lying  so  near  unto  the  maine 
which  they  intended  to  plant  upon."§ 


*  See  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  5,  cap.  3. 

t  See  Purchas,  Pilgrims,  torn.  3,  p.  809. 

t  See  Hakluyt,  "  The  Principal  Navigations,"  etc.,  p.  687.  London,  1589 
[The  Portuguese  engaged  in  this  fishery  as  early  as  1501,  according  to  good, 
authorities,  and  perhaps  under  the  charter  of  Henry  VII.  In  1578,  they 
had  fifty  ships  employed  in  that  trade,  and  England  as  many  more,  and 
France  150.  In  1583,  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  found  in  the  harbor  of  St. 
John,  when  he  took  possession  of  the  island,  twenty  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  vessels,  and  sixteen  of  other  nations.  So  important  had  the  fishe- 
ries become  to  English  commerce,  that,  in  1626,  150  ships  were  sent  out 
from  Devonshire  alone.  How  singularly  has  the  prophetic  voice  of  the 
New  England  explorer,  Capt.  John  Smith,  been  fulfilled,  when,  in  his 
account  of  the  country,  he  says,  "  Therefore  honorable  and  worthy  coun- 
trymen, let  not  the  meannesse  of  the  word  Jishe  distaste  you ;  for  it  will 
afford  as  good  gold  as  the  mines  of  Guiana  or  Potassie,  with  lesse  hazard 
and  charge,  and  more  certainty  and  facility."— Ed.] 

§  See  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  691.  French  authors  say,  that  this  useful  estab- 
lishment on  Sable  Island  was  made  by  French  fishermen,  and  not  by  Por- 
tuguese. 


i 


11 


192 


SPANISH  VOYAGES  TO  NEWFOUNDLAND. 


From  all  these  reports  it  is  clear,  that  the  Portuguese, 
throughout  the  whole  course  of  the  century  with  the  history 
of  wiiich  we  are  occupied,  were  active  on  the  banks  and 
.shores  of  Newfoundland,  and  found  refuge  in  storms  in  its 
harbors,  and  even  in  those  as  far  north  as  Greenland,  and 
probably  also  as  far  south  as  Maine.  They  hod  thus  made 
themselves  prominent  and  useful  in  the  progress  of  the  explo- 
ration and  discovery  of  this  part  of  our  coast.  This  may  be 
considered  as  a  continuation  and  consequence  of  the  work 
commenced  by  King  Emanuel,  and  the  energetic  though 
unfortunate  brothers  Cortereal,  who  are  justly  celebrated  in 
the  geographical  history  of  the  north-east  of  America. 

The  discoveries  of  the  Portuguese  fishermen  have  been 
delineated  by  some  of  their  countrymen  on  charts  and  maps  ; 
some  of  which,  coming  to  our  time,  have  given  us  a  clearer 
knowledge  of  their  acts.  I  shall  reproduce,  in  subsequent 
pages,  some  of  these  charts,  and  examine  their  contents. 

3.  Voyages  to  Newfoundland,  proposed  by  Juajs"  Doene- 
Los,  Juan  de  Agramonte,  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
1500,  1511,  ANi,  1515. 

When  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of  Spain  heard,  in  1496,  of 
the  proposed  voyage  of  Cabot,  they  ordered  their  ambassador 
in  England,  De  Puebla,  to  notify  and  warn  the  king,  that  he 
could  not  engage  in  such  an  enterprise,  without  prejudice  to 
the  rights  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  And  when,  in  1498, 
Cabot's  discovery  had  been  actually  made,  and  possession  of 
the  country  taken  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  England,  the 
Spanish  ambassador  then  in  England,  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala, 
wrote  to  his  sovereigns,  that  he  had  protested  against  such 
acts  on  the  ground,  that  Newfoundland  was  already  in  pos- 
session of  their  Spanish  majesties. 

We  may  well  suppose  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns  would 


w. 


vi  .1 1  iivi 


SPANISH  VOYAGES  TO  NEWFOUNDLAND. 


193 


f 

le 
Ih 


not  content  themselves  with  a  mere  protestation  against  what 
they  considered  inroads  upon  their  territorial  riglits.  And 
indeed  the  Spanish  archives  furnish  evidence,  that  in  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  Spain  not  only  kept  her 
eyes  on  the  northern  regions,  but  had  planned,  if  not  exe- 
cuted, voyages  toward  them. 

In  the  year  1500,  when  the  king  of  Portugal  was  fitting 
out  Cortereal  for  his  voyage  of  discovery,  the  king  of  Spain 
summoned  to  his  court  Juan  Dornelos,  a  Spanish  navigator, 
to  plan  an  exploring  expedition. 

Navarrete,  the  Spanish  historian,  thinks  that  this  voyage 
of  Dornelos  was  projected  for  the  purpose  of  reconnoitering 
the  seas  and  countries  discovered  by  the  Cabots.  It  is 
uncertain  wliether  the  project  was  carried  into  effect.* 

In  the  same  year,  the  Spanish  navigator,  Hojeda,  was 
instructed  to  follow  the  track  of  the  English  discoverers  in 
the  north ;  but  whether  he  did  this,  or  what  were  the  results, 
we  have  no  information.!  <> 

Joanna,  of  Castile,  called  the  Insane,  daughter  of  Ferdi- 
nand of  Aragon,  gave  a  commission  and  letters  patent,  in 
1511,  to  Juan  de  Agramonte,  for  an  exploring  expedition  to 
the  north-west ;  but  whether  it  was  undertaken  and  with 
what  results,  no  memorials  remain  to  show.  The  instructions 
given,  and  the  preliminary  proceedings  are  too  interesting  in 
this  connection  to  be  omitted.  In  these  letters  it  is  recited, 
that  Agramonte  had  formerly  made  a  proposition  for  a  simi- 
lar enterprise  to  her  father.  King  Ferdinand,  and  received 
from  him  a  commission  for  a  voyage  of  discovery.  The  in- 
teresting points  of  this  commission  are  as  follows  : 

Agramonte  was  to  go  out  with  two  ships,  "  to  discover  a 

*  See  Navarrete,  Colleccion  de  los  viages  y  descubrimientos,  etc.,  torn.  3, 
pp.  41  and  77,  Madrid,  1829;  and  Biddle,  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  p.  236. 

t  See  upon  this,  Peschel,  Geschichte  des  Zeitalteis  der  Entdeckungen, 
p.  316,  note  2.    Stuttgart,  1858. 
13 


i 


r 


M 


194 


SPANISH   VOYAGES  TO  NEWFOUNDLAND. 


certain  new  land  within  tlie  limits  appertaining  to  tlio  queen 
of  Castile,  and  to  know  the  secret  of  this  country"  ("a  des- 
cobrir  cierta  tierra  nueva  en  los  liinitos  que  a  nos  pertenecen, 
para  ir  a  saber  el  secrete  de  la  tierra  nueva"). 

He  was  to  take  on  board  his  vessels  only  such  mariners 
and  seamen  as  were  subjects  of  the  queen,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  two  pilots,  whom  he  niitrht  take  from  the  mariners  of 
Brittany  in  France,  or  any  other  nation  well  accpiainted  in 
those  parts. 

lie  had  liberty  of  going  to  Brittany  to  engage  these  pilots ; 
and  might  then  bring  from  thence  to  Spain  wine,  meat,  meal, 
and  other  provisions  for  his  expedition,  without  paying  any 
duty  to  the  queen. 

He  was  allowed  to  start  for  Newfoundland  at  any  time 
convenient  to  himself,  and  might  go  to  that  part  of  it  which 
pleased  him  best;  but  should  take  care  not  to  invade  any 
portion  belonging  to  the  king  of  Portugal,  and  should  keep 
within  the  limits  pointed  out  by  the  agreement  between  the 
kinffs  of  the  two  countries. 

Agramonte  was  ordered  to  attempt  a  settlement  (pobla- 
cion)  in  the  new  country  in  the  name  of  the  queen  of 
Castile ;  and  if  he  succeeded,  he  should  be  made  hereditary 
chief  justice  of  the  colony  for  himself  and  his  heirs,  and 
should  designate  all  the  other  officers  of  the  new  country. 

If  he  brought  good  tidings  from  the  new  country,  and  if 
he  found  there  signs  of  gold  and  other  useful  things,  he 
should  be  declared  a  perpetual  officer  of  the  queen,  and 
should  have  a  good  salary  during  his  life.  On  his  return 
to  Spain,  he  was  required  to  have  all  the  gold  and  precious 
things  which  God's  pleasure  might  allow  him  to  bring  from 
Newfoundland,  accurately  registered  and  numbered,  and 
put  on  paper  before  a  royal  notary  of  the  Spanish  harbor  in 
which  he  should  happen  to  arrive.* 

*  See  Navarrete,  1.  c.  p.  122  seq. 


SPANISH   VOYAOKS  TO  NEWrOlJNDLAND. 


105 


if 

llie 

Irn 

)in 

Ind 

in 


We  may  add  to  those  interostin<;  di'talls  of  the  n<;reemcnt 
between  A«^ramoiite  and  Ferdinand,  eonHnned  by  Queen 
Joanna  in  October,  lall,  the  followin<>;  remarks: 

We  do  not  kiarn  in  wliat  year  A^ramonte  made  his  first 
proposition  to  Ferdinand,  and  obtained  his  first  comniission. 
It  was  probably  some  years  before  loll  ;  and  this  proves  that 
Spain,  after  the  titnj  of  Dornelos,  had  not  lost  sight  of  New- 
foundhmd. 

It  is  apparent  from  the  details  in  regard  to  offices  and 
other  subjects  in  the  commission,  that  the  princij)al  object 
of  the  voyage  was  to  make  a  Spanish  settlement  in 
Newfoundland.  This  royal  Spanish  commission  to  Agra- 
monte  reminds  us  of  another  well  known  royal  English 
commission,  given  at  a  later  date,  in  1588,  to  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  who  wasj  also  sent  out  to  make  a  plantation  in  New- 
foundland. 

Newfoundland  (la  tierra  nueva)  was,  at  that  time,  under- 
stood in  Spain  to  include  not  only  the  present  island  of  New- 
foundland, but  other  countries  which  had  been  seen,  or  might 
still  be  found  to  the  north,  west,  and  south  of  it.  The  royal 
commission  gave  warning  to  Agramonte  to  avoid  carefully 
those  parts  of  which  the  king  of  Portugal  had  taken  pos- 
session, and  to  go  only  to  those  sections  of  "  Tierra  nueva," 
which  fell  within  the  limits  of  Spain.  The  Cortereals, 
having  discovered  for  the  king  of  Portugal  the  east  coast 
of  Newfoundland  and  the  northern  regions,  those  sections  of 
country,  according  to  the  Spanish  charts  made  at  the  time, 
were  considered  as  under  the  dominion  of  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal. If  Agramonte  was  not  to  touch  those  parts,  his 
expedition  must  have  been  destined  to  some  more  southern 
and  western  section  of  "  Tierra  nueva,"  which  might  then 
be  seen  delineated  on  the  charts  of  Cosa  (1500)  and  Reinel 
(1510)  ;  and  it  is,  therefore,  not  improbable,  that  the  expedi- 


it) 

6 


196 


SI'ANiaiC   VOYA(}K8  TO  NEWFOMNDLAND, 


tion  was  really  tlostined,  cither  for  the  coasts  of  New  England, 
or  for  some  country  nearer  to  tlicni,  tlian  Newfoundland:  for 
instance,  to  tiie  "tierra  de  los  liretones"  (the  country  of 
the  Bretons).  To  this  country,  the  pilots  from  IJritta:iy, 
whom  A<;ramonte  was  to  take  with  him,  prohahly  would 
have  conducted  him  first  of  all. 

We  may,  tlun'efore,  with  a  certain  degree  of  prohahility, 
regard  this  enterprise  of  Agranionte  as  an  expedition  destined 
to  our  regions,  and  an  attempt  to  make  a  Sj)anish  settlement 
somewhere  along  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  often 
included  under  the  name  of  "tierra  de  los  Bretones." 

When  I  come  to  treat  of  the  navigators  of  lirittany  and 
Normandy,  I  will  show  that,  in  former  times,  they  were  in 
the  habit  of  eidisting  as  pilots  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
expeditions  to  distant  countries.  It  is  curious  to  learn  from 
our  document,  that,  in  loll,  tliey  had  become  so  expert  in 
long  voyages,  at  least  in  the  direction  of  the  north-east  of 
North  America,  that  the  government  of  Spain  deemed  it 
best  to  recommend  the  employment  of  these  pilots  from 
Brittany.  This  circumstance  proves,  that  as  early  as  1511, 
the  Britons  were  best  acquainted  with  the  coasts  comprised 
under  the  names  of  "Tierra  nueva"  and  "Tierra  de  los 
Bretones." 

From  all  these  formal  proceedings  and  preparations,  it 
would  be  natural  to  conclude  that  Agramonto  had  really 
undertaken  this  grand  voyage.  "  But  unhappily,"  says 
Navarrete,  "we  are  left  uninformed  respecting  the  results 
of  this  expedition.  No  Spanish  historian  speaks  of  them."* 
It  may  be,  that,  like  so  many  other  gallant  adventurers 
to  the  new  world,  he  perished  in  his  enterprise,  and  never 
returned  to  Spain. 

•  Navarrete,  1.  c.  p.  43. 


SPANISn  VOYAOER  TO  NEWFOnNDLANP. 


197 


But  notwitlistiiiuliiij:;  tlu>so  numerous  fiiilures,  Spain  did 
not  rolin<|uish  tlio  i<loii  of  northern  exploration. 

Sebastian  Cabot  had  been  in  the  service  of  Spain  since 
1512,  and  we  may  suppose  that  lie  would  favor  un<lertakin<^8 
to  exph^ro  still  further  the  field  of  his  first  discovery.  And 
wo  learn  from  the  first  chronicler  of  the  Spanish  discoveries^ 
Peter  Martyr,  that  in  the  years  following;  Af»rainonte,  S])ain 
continued  to  direct  her  attention  to  the  north-western  regions. 
Peter  Martyr  says,  in  a  letter  written  in  1615,  "  Cabot  is 
daily  cxpectint;  that  ships  will  be  furnished  to  him,  with 
which  he  at  last  may  discover  that  hidden  secret  of  nature  " 
(the  existence  of  a  north-west  passaf^e) ;  and  he  adds,  "I 
think  that  he  will  start  for  his  exploration  in  the  month  of 
March  of  the  next  year,  1510."* 

But  Ferdinand,  the  great  patnm  of  discovery  and  of  Cabot, 
died  on  the  23d  of  January,  151G.  This  event  seems  to 
have  put  an  end  to  this  contemplated  expedition  of  Cabot. 

That  the  Bretons  and  Normans,  in  their  fishing  expedi- 
tions, visited  countries  distant  from  their  fishing-grounds,  and 
made  discoveries  there,  appears  by  what  Herrera  occasionally 
relates.  This  Spanish  historian,  in  his  Annals  of  the  Spanish 
Navigations,  under  the  date  of  1526,  makes  the  following 
remarks : 

"  Nicolaus  Don,  a  native  of  Brittany,  wrote  this  year  to 
the  emperor,  that  in  going  with  thirty  mariners  to  the  fish- 
eries of  Bacallaos  he  had  met  with  stormy  weather,  and  been 
driven  to  a  country  which  belonged  to  the  emperor's  domin- 
ions ;  and  that  he  had  found  the  people  of  that  country  of 
good  manners  and  fashion,  and  that  they  wore  collars  and 
other  ornaments  of  gold."  From  this  and  other  signs,  which 
he  had  observed,  he  judged,  that  it  was  a  rich  country,  and 
he  proposed  to  the  emperor  to  enter  the  Spanish  service,  and 

*  See  the  Latin  extract  of  Peter  Martyr,  given  in  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  101. 


If 


^B    ■' 


108 


HI'ANIHH    V()YA(JKH  TO   NKWFOUNDLAND.' 


go  to  tint,  cotitjtry  for  traffic;  •^ivinji  to  his  iniiji'sty  tlio  fourth 
pfirt  (»f'  the  profit  of  liis  lirst  voya<i;(',  luid  then  hciii^  allowiul 
to  tnido  then',  as  the  ompcror's  vassal. 

Thu  t'liipiM'or  afkiiowli'difi'd  the  Fri'iichmaii's  K'tter  and 
thanked  him  for  his  ^ood-will,  "  kiiowiii;;  wry  wtdl,  that  if 
111!  should  deny  him  the  liccMise,  he,  nevertheless,  would  inako 
the  tratHckiiiM;  voya<i;e  without  license."  jfe,  thend'ore,  aii- 
Bwereil  said  Don,  that  he  approved  his  proposal;  that  ho 
nii<rht  come  with  his  companions  ;  iuul  that  he  should  havu 
the  despatches  which  ho  wished.* 

Tho  country  to  which  Don  was  driven,  and  which  ho 
thought  heloui^ed  to  the  kin<;  of  S[)ain,  could  not  liavo  heon 
on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  or  north  of  it;  hecauso  tho 
Bretons  must  have  known  that  these  reo;ions,  since  tho  timo 
of  tho  ('ortereals,  wore  considered  as  helon;;ing  to  the  domin- 
ions of  l*ortu;^al.  Neither  could  it  have  heen  directly  west 
of  Newfoundjand,  or  around  tho  Gulf  of  Canada,  or  in  Nova 
Scotia  (the  so-called  country  of  the  IJrotons)  ;  for  hero  a 
Frenchman  would  have  known  himself  to  he  in  the  domin- 
ions of  his  own  country. 

Wo  should,  therefore,  look  for  this  country  somewhoro 
south-west  of  Nova  Scotia,  toward  Norumbe<j;a  and  Flor- 
ida, tho  latter  of  which  was  decidedly  under  tho  S})anish  rule. 
As  a  vessel  from  tho  groat  banks  would  not,  probably,  bo 
driven  very  far  to  tho  south-west,  we  may  justly  conclude 
that  the  country  which  Don  had  found,  was  tho  coast  of 
Maine,  or  some  part  of  Now  England ;  and  that  tho  golden 
ornaments  of  which  ho  spoke,  existed  only  in  his  imagina- 
tion. 

At  all  events,  this  affair,  incidentally  mentioned  by  Her- 
rera,  proves  that  the  Bretons,  and  other  fishermen  of  the 

•  See  Herrera,  Historia  Qenoral,  etc.,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  10,  caj).  U.    Madrid, 
1601. 


FUENCU   VOYA0E8  AFTKIl  COHTEUEAL. 


1U9 


Itiitiks,  wore  Koiuctiinos  drivi-n  to  diHtaiit  i'ountrlcs ;  nnd  tliut 
tlioy  trafficked  with  tin;  Jihori^fiiu's.  I  siiy  **  sometimes,"  l)ut 
wo  mi^^Iit  say,  '*  very  ofton."  For  one  sueli  ciise,  which  eiuuo 
to  the  kiiowh'd;^!'  of  Ilerrera,  we  may  well  siii)|)oh(»  there) 
were  many  whicdi  escaped  the  knowh-dge  of  liimsidf  and 
other  historians. 

4.   FrBVCH    VoYiVOKS    TO    TIIK    NoHTII-KAHT    OK    AmKIUCA, 
AKTKU    CaIIOT    AND    (\>KTKUKAr,. 

Soon  after  the  ex|)K)rin;i  expediticms  of  the  Cahots  and 
Cortereais,  there  appeared  in  onr  waters  tiio  ships  and  mari- 
ners of  anotlier  nation,  whicii,  next  to  Knjfland,  has  been  tho 
most  prominent  actor  in  the  discovery  and  coh)ni/,ation  of  tiio 
northern  portion  of  America,  and  particularly  of  tho  Stato 
of  Maine. 

Tho  inhabitants  of  tlio  little  harbors  of  Normandy  and 
Brittany,  the  crreat  peninsulas  of  France,  stretching  out,  liko 
Great  Britain,  toward  the  west,  and  washed  by  the  waves  of 
tho  Atlantic  Ocean,  have  been  fishermen  and  mariners  from 
a  remote  time.  Tho  people  of  Brittany  were  a  colony  from 
Great  Britain  ;  and  the  French  Normans  had  in  their  veins 
tho  blood  of  the  Scandinavian  Northmen,  whoso  heroic  spirit 
and  love  of  the  sea  they  inherited.  No  wonder,  then,  that 
they  should  follow  the  footsteps  of  their  forefathers  to  tho 
north-cast  of  America.  All  that  tho  French  Normans  ac- 
complished there  may  bo  considered,  in  a  certain  degree,  as 
a  continuation  of  the  enterprises  of  tho  old  Northmen  in  theso 
regions.  And,  to  a  certain  degree  also,  this  general  remark 
may  be  applied  to  all  that  was  afterwards  accomplished  for 
the  discovery  and  settlement  of  North  America  by  tho  Eng- 
lish ;  who  wore  in  part  descendants  of  the  old  Northmen. 
The  entire  activity  of  the  nations  of  Northern  Europe  from 
the  old  Northmen  down  to  the  present  settlers  of  English 


i 

i 


a 


li 


:^( 


K 


200 


FEENOH  VOYAGES  AFTER  CORTEREAL, 


blood  in  New  England,  is,  in  this  respect,  one  and  the  same 
series  of  connected  undertakings. 

The  names  of  the  ports  of  Dieppe,  Honfleur,  St.  Malo, 
Brest,  La  Roohelle,  etc.,  were  mentioned  in  the  maritime 
history  cf  France  long  before  Columbus.  From  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  modern  age  of  discovery,  many  expeditions  had 
been  undertaken  from  several  of  these  ports  to  the  Canary 
Islands,  and  to  southern  points  of  Africa  ;  in  which  direction 
the  French,  under  the  command  of  their  captains,  Bdthen- 
court  of  Rochelle,  Cousin  of  Dieppe,  and  Gonneville  of  Hon- 
fleur, became  the  rivals,  and  in  some  cases  the  leaders  of  the 
Portuguese  and  Spaniards.* 

These  inhabitants  of  the  western  coast  of  France  were  also 
among  the  first  who  profited  by  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots 
and  Cortereals,  and  who  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  Portu- 
guese fishermen  toward  the  north-west  cod-fish  country. 

The  harbors  of  Brittany  and  Normandy  were  about  mid- 
way between  Bristol  and  Lisbon,  and  from  both  sides  the 
news  of  the  English  and  Portuguese  expeditions,  and  the  fame 
of  "  Bacallaos  "  and  "  Labrador,"  must  soon  have  reached 
them.  But  they  had  no  enterprising  king  at  the  head  of 
their  affairs,  like  Emanuel  of  Portugal,  or  even  Henry 
VII,  of  England.  Indeed,  they  had  scarcely  any  king  at  all ; 
for  the  kings  of  the  interior  of  France  had  only  just  then 
begun  to  extend  their  dominion  toward  the  coasts  of  the  At- 
lantic. 

The  fishermen  and  merchants  of  Brittany  and  Normandy 
were  obliged,  therefore,  to  act  for  themselves.  Their  ports 
were  almost  independent  communities  in  which  everything 
was  left  to  private  enterprise.  Great  official  expeditio  % 
favored  by  a  powerful  government  and  royal  favor,  became 

*  See  the  work,  L.  Estancelin,  Recherches  sur  les  voyages  et  d^couver- 
tas  des  navigateura  Normands,  p.  160.    Paris,  1832. 


FRENCH  VOYAGES  AFTER  CORTEREAL. 


201 


possible  in  France  only  at  a  later  date,  when  Francis  I.  had 
brought  the  whole  kingdom  under  one  government. 

But  instead  of  an  enterprising  king,  those  ports  had  their 
associations  of  fishermen  and  merchants,  and  other  commercial 
institutions.  In  some  of  them,  as  in  Dieppe  in  Normandy, 
hydrography  and  cosmography  had  been  cultivated  at  an 
early  date.*  Dieppe  also  possessed,  in  the  first  quarter  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  such  intelligent  and  enterprising  ship- 
owners and  merchants  as  the  celebrated  Angos,  father  and 
son,  who  became  v/idely  known  in  the  history  of  navigation 
and  discovery. f 

The  first  voyages  of  the  Bretons  of  St.  Malo,  and  the  Nor- 
mans of  Dieppe  to  Newfoundland,  are  said  to  have  occur- 
red as  early  as  1504 ;  only  one  year  after  the  last  Portu- 
guese searching  expedition  for  the  Cortereals.  The  first 
French  fishing  voyages  were,  without  doubt,  real  exploring 
expeditions.  And  as  everything  was  then  new  to  them,  it  is 
much  to  be  regretted  that  no  reports  of  their  discoveries  have 
been  preserved.  They  probably  visited  places  of  which  the 
Portuguese  had  not  taken  possession  ;  and  we  therefore  find 
them  at  the  south  of  Newfoundland,  and  especially  at  the 
island  of  Cape  Breton,  to  which  they  gave  the  name,  still 
retained, — the  oldest  French  name  on  the  American  north- 
east coast. 

Two  years  later,  in  1506,  Jean  Ddnys  of  Honfleur,  a  very 
expert  and  able  navigator,  is  mentioned  "  in  very  good  old 
memoirs," — so  they  are  called  by  Charlevoix,  the  historian  of 
Canada,^ — as  having   explored,  in  company  with   his   pilot 


ii.. 


*  See  M.  L.  Vitet,  Histoire  des  anciennoa  villes  de  France,  torn.  2,  p.  51. 
Paris,  1833. 

t  [So  powerful  were  these  illustrious  merchants,  that  when  some  of  their 
ships  were  captured  by  the  Portuguese,  they,  single  handed,  blockaded  the 
mouth  of  the  Tagus,  made  large  reprisals,  and  compelled  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal to  make  reparation  for  their  losses. — Ed.] 

t  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  vol.  1,  p.  4.    Paris,  1744. 


I[ 


i  \ 


202 


FRENCH  VOYAGES  AFTER  CORTEREAL. 


Camart,  a  native  of  Rouen,  the  "  Golfo  Quadraclo  "  (Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence).*  He  is  also  said  to  have  made  a  chart  of 
the  gulf,  and  of  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  of  Canada. 
This  is  not  altogether  improbable  ;  for  the  mariners  of  Hon- 
fleur  and  Dieppe  were  early  accustomed  to  make  charts  and 
maps.  "  The  very  oldest  charts,  preserved  in  the  Depot  de 
la  Marine  at  Paris,  were  traced  by  them ; "  f  though  in  this 
great  mass  of  interesting  documents  and  maps,  the  map  of  Jean 
Ddnys  has  not  yet  been  discovered.  On  the  charts  of  the 
first  years  of  the  sixteenth  century  we  find  no  other  trace  uf 
these  French  discoveries  ;  unless  it  may  be  that  occasionally 
the  entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  laid  down,  and 
also,  quite  regularly,  a  fair  representation  of  Cape  Breton, 
which  may  be  ascribed  to  the  French. 

A  man  with  the  Portuguese  or  Spanish  name,  "  Velasco," 
is  said  by  French  authors  to  have  made  a  voyage  to  the  St. 
Lawrence  with  some  Frenchmen,  at  the  same  time  that 
Ddnys  was  in  tliose  regions.  J  This  is  not  unlikely  ;  for  the 
chronicles  of  the  French  seaports  assert,  that  from  time  imme- 
morial, Spanish  merchants  were  settled  in  these  ports ;  and 
that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  adventurers  of  St.  Malo  and 
Dieppe,  in  long  voyages,  to  have  on  board  an  expert  Spanish 
or  Portuguese  pilot,  or  at  least  "factor"  and  "interpre- 
ter." §  Velasco  might  have  been  such  a  pilot  in  the  service 
of  a  Frenchman.  Besides,  we  should  be  inclined  to  believe 
In  reports  of  early  French  voyages  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  even 
if  they  were  not  strictly  proved  by  official  and  authentic  docu- 

*  The  same  French  captain,  Jean  D(5nys,  is  also  mentioned  in  the  history 
of  Brazil,  as  having  made,  in  the  year  1504,  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  that 
part  of  South  America. 

t  See  Vitet,  Histoire  de  Dieppe,  p.  61.    Paris,  1853. 

t  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  p.  4.    Paris,  1744. 

§  See  Vitet,  1,  c  p.  63. 


FRENCH  VOYAGES  AFTER   CORTEREAL. 


203 


ments  ;  because  this  basin  must  have  attracted  not  only  fish- 
ermen, but  navigators,  wlio  were  looking  for  a  passage  through 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  would  be  inexplicable  if  this  basin 
had  really  been  as  much  neglected  by  the  fishermen,  as  it 
appears  to  have  been  by  the  map-makers  in  nearly  all  the 
charts  before  Cartier,  1534.  For  this  latter  neglect  we  may, 
however,  account  by  the  loss  of  the  original  charts  and  au- 
thentic documents,  which  we  have  so  much  reason  to  lament. 

The  Italian  historian,  Ramusio,  to  whom  we  owe  nearly  all 
the  few  notices  we  have  of  the  early  undertakings  of  the 
Normans  and  Bretons,  mentions  still  another  navigator  of 
Dieppe,  whom  he  calls  "  Thomaso  Aubert."  According  to 
him,  this  Aubert  went  out  as  commander  of  a  ship,  "  La 
Pens(ie,"  belonging  to  Jean  Ango,  the  merchant  and  ship- 
owner of  Dieppe  above-mentioned ;  who  was  the  father  of 
the  still  more  famous  Ango,  Viscount  of  Dieppe. 

What  parts  of  the  north-east  Aubert  visited  and  explored, 
Ramusio  does  not  state.  But  his  voyage  was  remarkable  for 
bringing  to  France  the  first  aborigines  from  the  country  after- 
wards called  Canada.*  Some  of  these  Canadian  Indians  were 
portrayed  in  Dieppe,  and  appear  amongst  other  figures,  in  an 
old  piece  of  masonry  or  bas-relief,  still  preserved  in  the  church 
of  St.  James  in  Dieppe. f 

Ten  years  after  Aubert,  in  1518,  or  perhaps  a  few  years 
later,  a  similar  voyage  to  the  same  regions  was  undertaken  by 
the  "  Siear  Baron  de  Ldry,"  an  enterprising  man ,  "  who 
had  directed  his  mind  and  courage  to  hio;h  thino;s,"  and  who 
desired  to  establish  a  French  settlement  on  the  other  side  of 
the  ocean.  He  embarked  many  men  and  cattle  on  board  of 
one  or  two  vessels,  and  commenced  his  voyage.     But  having 

*  See  Ramusio,  1.  c.  torn.  3,  fol.  423,  F. 

t  See  a  description  and  copy  of  this  bas-relief  in  Vitet,  Histoire  de 
Dieppe,  p.  112  seq. 


I 


204 


FRENCH  VOYAGES  AFTER  CORTEREAL. 


encountered  storms  and  unfavorable  weather,  he  was  diverted 
from  his  enterprise,  and  put  into  Sable  Island,  where  he 
landed  tlie  cattle,  and  returned  to  France.* 

We  have  no  records  by  which  to  determine  what  names  the 
French  gave  to  the  countries  discovered  or  visited  by  them. 
That  given  by  the  patriotic  Portuguese,  "the  country  of 
Cortereal,"  would  not  be  acceptable  to  them  ;  and  it  is  prob- 
able, that  they  adopted  the  less  exclusive  English  name, 
introduced  by  Cabot,  "  The  new  i8?e,"  or,  "  The  new  found 
land,^^  which  they  translated  "  La  terre  neuve.^*  Perhaps, 
also,  the  name,  *'  Bacallaos,"  derived  from  the  most  impor- 
tant product  of  the  region,  came  into  use  among  them,  and 
was  translated  by  them,  "ia  terre  des  molues;^*  and  because 
the  Bretons  from  Brittany  were,  at  first,  the  most  prominent 
in  this  branch  of  trade,  and  were  the  principal  explorers  and 
visitors  of  the  southern  section  of  Cortereal's  country,  the 
name,  ''^ Terre  des  Bretons"  (the  land  of  the  Bretons)  came 
into  general  use  among  the  French,  as  well  as  among  other 
nations.  On  maps  of  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
we  see  this  name  extended  over  a  large  tract  of  country, 
including  Nova  Scotia  and  a  large  portion  of  New  England. 

According  to  the  great  French  captain  whom  Ramusio 
quotes,  and  who  wrote  his  discourse  on  the  early  French 
navigators  in  1537,  it  appears  that  at  this  time,  of  all  these 
names,  the  most  common  among  the  French  was  "  La  Terre 
Neuve."  He  says,  that  "La  Terre  Neuve"  extends  north- 
ward to  60°  N.,  and  southward  to  40°  N. ;  and  adds*,  that 
many  also  called  it,  and  particularly  the  southern  section  dis- 
covered by  Verrazano,  "  La  Terre  Francaise  "  (the  French 
country).  This  latter  may  have  been  an  official  name, 
whilst  "La  Terre  Neuve"  was  probably  the  popular  name 
among   the   fishermen  and  in  the  sea-ports.     This   French 

*SeeDL.vezac,  iuKouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages,  torn.  3,  p.83.    1864.  ' 


>lii 


f  f 


FRENCH  VOYAGES  AFTER  CORTEREAL. 


205 


captain  also  mentions  thus  early  the  Indian  name  "No- 
rmnbega ; "  to  which  he  gives  about  the  same  extent  of 
country  as  to  "  La  Terre  Francaise,"  consequently  including 
under  this  term  the  State  of  Maine."* 

The  enterprise  of  the  fishermen  and  merchants  of  Dieppe, 
Honfleur,  St.  Malo,  Nantes,  La  Rochelle,  etc.,  commencing 
about  1504,  was  the  introduction  of  a  long  series  of  undertak- 
ings of  great  political  and  social  importance.  The  Bretons 
and  Normans  of  France  went  over  from  the  banks  to  the  con- 
tinent, from  fishing  to  planting.  They  carried  the  race,  the 
language,  the  religion,  the  customs,  and  also  the  traditions  and 
songs  of  Western  France  to  North-eastern  America,  where, 
for  a  long  time,  they  outstripped  the  English,  the  Portu- 
guese, and  the  Spaniards,  and  became  for  many  years  more 
influential  than  all  their  rivals. 

As  we  shall  show  hereafter,  they  exerted  a  very  important 
influence  on  the  discovery  and  settlement  ^of  the  State  of 
Maine ;  which,  as  adjoining  to  the  French  settlements,  was 
for  a  long  time  the  battle-ground  for  the  conflicting  claims  of 
the  English  and  French. 

I  may  point  again  to  the  remarkable  circumstance  already 
alluded  to,  that  the  French  Normans  may  be  said  to  have 
followed  on  the  same  track,  or  oceanic  high-road,  on  which 
their  ancestors,  the  Scandinavian  Northmen,  had  entered ; 
and  that  they  advanced  their  settlements,  like  them,  from 
Helluland  in  the  north,  along  the  coast  of  Markland,  until 
they  had  reached  Vinland. 

*Ramusio,  torn.  3,  fol.  423.  Compare,  also,  the  translation  of  this  dis- 
course in  Estancelin,  Recherches  des  voyages  des  Norinands,  pp.  219,  223, 
224.    Paris,  1832. 


",v' 


n 


'■ 


206 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1617. 


5.  As  EvGLisii  Voyage  to  the  Noutk-wrst,  satd  to  have 

HEKS    UVDERTAKKN    UXDER    THE     COMMAND    OF     SEBAS- 
TIAN Caijot  AND  Siu  Thomas  Pkut,  in  1517. 

Richard  Eden,  the  first  English  collector  of  travels  and 
voyages,  published  in  1553  a  translation  of  the  "  Universal 
Cosmographie,"  written  in  Latin  by  the  German,  Sebastian 
Munster. 

In  the  dedication  of  this  translation,  address  xl  to  the 
Duke  of  Northumberland,  once  Lord  High  Admiral  under 
Henry  VHI,  Eden  incidentally  observes,  that  "  King  Henry 
Vni,  in  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign,  furnished  and  set  forth 
certain  shippes  under  the  gcvernaunce  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
and  one  Sir  Thomas  Pert ;  but  that  the  faint  hart  of  this 
latter  mentioned  person  was  the  cause,  that  that  voyage  toke 
none  effect." 

This  incidental  remark  of  Eden  is  all  the  original  evidence 
we  have  on  this  so-called  expedition  of  Cabot  in  1517,  by 
which  great  discoveries  are  said  to  have  been  made  under 
Henry  VHI. 

No  original  author  of  the  time  of  Henry  VIH.  has  alluded 
to  this  enterprise.  StoAv,  in  his  Chronicle  of  England, 
though  he  mentions  the  first  expedition  of  the  Cabots  in 
1497,  and  other  English  maritime  undertakings,  has  nothing 
about  an  enterprise  in  1517.  Neither  does  Lord  Herbert, 
in  his  elaborate  life  and  reign  of  Henry  VHI,  mention  such 
an  expedition.  Nor  does  the  well-informed  Portuguese  au- 
thor, Antonio  Galvano,  who  wrote  his  history  of  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  world  in  1555,  and  who  accurately  enumerates 
all  the  Spanish,  Portuguese,  English,  and  French  expedi- 
tions up  to  that  year,  make  any  mention  whatever  of  a  voyage 
of  Cabot  in  1517. 

Nevertheless,  Hakluyt,  Purchas,  nay,  nearly  all  the  sub- 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1817. 


207 


soquent  authors  down  to  the  modern  hiograplior  of  Cabot, 
Mr.  Biddle,  give  credence  to  the  statement  of  Eden,  and  have 
constructed  upon  his  short  and  incidental  remark  a  grand 
maritime  undertaking,  whicli  they  alleixe  to  have  been  exe- 
cuted  by  Cabot,  though  they  greatly  differ  with  respect  to  tho 
region  supposed  to  be  visited. 

Hakluyt  coiniects  the  statement  of  Eden  with  an  English 
yoyagn  to  the  south, — the  West  India  Islands  and  toward 
Brazil,* — mentioned  Ly  Herrera  and  Oviedo. 

Ilerreia,  under  the  date  of  loll),  relates  t)iat  an  English 
vessel  appeared  suddenly  off  Porto  Rico,  wh  >re  her  com- 
mander communicated  with  the  Spaniards,  and  spoke  to  them 
about  the  route  and  object  of  his  voyage. f 

Oviedo,  on  the  contrary,  places  this  event  off  Porto  Rico, 
in  the  year  1527.  J 

Ramusio  has  given  a  translation  of  Oviedo,  in  which  he 
erroneously  puts  the  date  of  that  event  in  1517  instead  of 
1527,  as  it  is  given  in  all  the  original  Spanish  editions  of 
Oviedo. 

Hakluyt  did  not  know  of  the  statement  of  Herrera,  and 
consulted  only  the  translation  of  Ramusio,  in  which  the  date 
is  erroneously  given.  Finding  there  1517  mentioned  as  the 
year  in  which  "  the  English  ship  was  said  to  have  appeared 
off  Porto  Rico,"  and  finding  at  the  same  time  the  above 
report  of  Eden  about  an  expedition  furnished  by  Henry  VIII, 
Hakluyt  thought  that  both  expeditions  were  the  same ;  and 
so  he  adopts  and  enters  in  his  great  work,  "A  voyage  of  Sir 
Thomas  Pert  and  Sebastian  Cabot,  about  the  eighth  year  of 
King  Henry  VIII,  to  Brazil,  St.  Domingo,  and  San  Juan  de 
Porto  Rico." 


*  See  Hakluyt,  vol,  3,  p.  591.    Ed.  London,  1800. 
t  See  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  5,  cap.  3. 
t  Oviedo,  Hist.  General,  lib.  19,  cap.  13. 


i 


I 


208 


ENOLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1817. 


That  tliis  construction  was  founded  on  erroneous  premises 
lias  been  clearly  shown  by  Mr.  Biddle  in  chapter  14th  of  his 
Memoir,  entitled,  "Ilakluyt's  error  with  regard  to  the  voyage 
of  1517."*  He  proves  there  that  lierrera,  in  liis  date  of 
1519,  and  Ramusio,  in  the  date  of  1517,  were  mistaken  ;  and 
that  the  date  of  Oviedo  of  1527  is  the  true  one,  and  should 
be  adopted  ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  appearance  of  an 
English  vessel  off  Porto  Rico  in  1527  can  liave  no  connec- 
tion with  an  English  expedition  said  to  have  sailed  in  1517. 

Mr.  Biddle  proves  further,  that  the  report  of  the  Spanish 
authors  on  the  said  English  vessel,  must  be  connected  with 
a  subsequent  liinglish  expedition  made  in  the  year  1527,  of 
which  he  speaks  afterwards. 

In  destroying  tlie  theory  of  such  an  expedition  of  Cabot 
to  Porto  Rico  and  Brazil  in  1517,  adopted  by  many  au- 
thors after  Hakluyt,  Mr.  Biddle  builds  up  his  own  theory  of 
the  voyage  of  1517  mentioned  by  Eden,  which  has  been 
adopted  by  many  distinguished  authors  after  him,  as  Hum- 
boldt, Tytler,  and  Asher.  He  thinks  it  certain,  that  an  expe- 
dition in  tlie  year  1517  was  made  from  England,  and  also  that 
it  was  commanded  by  Sir  Thomas  Pert  and  Sebastian  Cabot. 
But  he  is  convinced  that  it  went  to  the  north-west ;  and  he 
adopts  the  opinion,  that  it  was  in  this  expedition  tliat  Sebas- 
tian Cabot  reached  the  latitude  of  07^°  N.,  and  explored 
Hudson's  Bay,  and  not  in  the  expedition  of  1498.  To  render 
this  theory  plausible,  he  constructs,  in  a  most  ingenious  and 
inventive  manner,  a  chain  of  hypotheses,  which  appear  to  me 
to  have  but  slender  support. 

And  first,  it  seems  to  me  that  Eden  does  not  distinctly 
state  that  an  expedition  actually  sailed  from  England.  He 
says,  that  Henry  VIH.  "furnished  and  set  forth  certain 
shippes ; "  and  then  adds,  "  that  this  voyage  took  none  effect^'' 

*  See  Biddle,  Memoir,  p.  110. 


ENQLISII  VOYAGE   OF  1017. 


209 


In 


from  tlio  fiiint-lieartedness  of  one  of  tho  originators  of  tho 
voyaf^e,  Sir  Tiiomas  Pert,.  Mr.  Biddlo,  thinkin;^  that  the 
expedition  aallod,  gives  to  tlie  words,  "  tho  voyage  took 
none  cfFect,"  the  interpretation,  tliat  tlie  object  and  aim  of  the 
voyage  were  not  reached,  because  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  in  tho 
decisive  moment,  showed  a  want  of  courage  to  go  further  with 
Cabot.  But  it  appears  to  mo,  that  the  words  "  the  voyage 
took  none  effect,"  miglit  also  signify,  tliat  the  whole  expedition 
failed  from  tho  beginning,  and  that  it  did  not  sail  at  all.  Sir 
Thomas  Pert  may  have  shown  "  a  faint  heart "  in  the  outset. 
Being  a  Vice-admiral,  ho  was  perhaps  a  wealthy  man,  and 
may  at  the  beginning  have  ftivored  the  enterprise  with  his 
influence  and  money  ;  but  despaired  at  the  eleventh  hour  of 
its  success,  and  refused  it  his  assistance. 

But  if  we  suppose  that  the  expedition  actually  sailed,  and 
that  it  readied  the  coast  of  America,  the  next  question  is, 
whether  it  is  likely  that  Sebastian  Cabot  was  one  of  the 
commanders.  The  dedication  of  Eden  to  the  translation 
of  Sebastian  Munster's  work  appears  so  to  state.  But  we 
will  for  the  moment  put  this  statement  aside,  and  proceed  to 
show  the  difficulties  which  we  have  to  encounter,  in  order  to 
bring  Sebastian  Cabot  to  England  at  the  right  time  in  tho 
beginning  of  1517. 

That  Cabot,  in  the  year  1515,  was  still  in  Spain,  and  that 
he  was  in  a  very  comfortable  position  there,  we  learn  from 
Herrera  and  Peter  Martyr.  The  first  tells  us,  that  Ferdi- 
nand gave  him,  in  the  said  year,  the  title  and  salary  of  captain 
and  cosmographer.*  And  the  second  relates,  that  he  (Peter 
Martyr)  had  been  sitting  with  Cabot  as  a  member  in  the 
Council  of  the  Indies,  that  Cabot  was  his  good  friend,  and 
that  he  saw  him  often  at  his  house.   And  further  he  says,  that 

♦  "  Mando  aaentar  salario— de  Capitan  y  Gosmugrafo  a  Sebastian  Gaboto." 
Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  1,  cap.  12. 

14 


V 

'  K 


!' 


210 


ENOLISH   VOYAOE   OF  mi. 


I- 


Cabot  intondod  to  try  for  Spain,  wliat  wo  now  call  a  north- 
west |)assa<;o ;  that  Spanish  vossols  were  fittin;^  out  tor  him  ; 
and  that  iio  prohahl)*  would  sail  in  the  month  of  March,  1510, 
in  tho  service  of  the  kin<i;  of  Spain.* 

Mr.  Biddle  admits  this,  ajid  calls  tlio  position  of  Cabot  in 
Spain  a  "  dignilied  and  im|)ortant  station."!  We  cannot, 
therefore,  conceive  why,  occupying;  this  distinfruished  posit*  -n, 
he  should  have  suddoidy  left  Spain.  No  Spanish  author  tells 
us,  that  Cabot  at  this  time,  or  sliortly  after,  had  left  Spain. 
J'eter  Martyr,  who  so  often  speaks  of  him,  gives  no  sup- 
port to  this  supposed  voyage  of  Cabot.  Nor  does  Ilerrera ; 
although  in  his  great  work  he  follows  him  in  all  his  changes  and 
enterprises,  even  furnishing  the  details  of  the  corriispondenco 
which  the  king  of  Spain  had  with  England,  and  especially 
with  Lord  Willoughby,  in  1512,  to  induce  Cabot  to  enter 
his  service  ;  and  relating  all  tlie  advantages  and  emoluments 
heaped  upon  him  successively  by  the  kings  of  Spain  ;  as,  for 
example,  in  1512,  his  invitation  from  England,  his  title  of  cap- 
tain, great  salary,  and  residence  at  Seville  ;  in  1515,  his  title 
and  salary  of  captain  and  cosmographcr,  and  membership  in 
the  Council  of  the  Indies, — favors  conferred  bv  Ferdinand  ;  in 
1516,  the  fitting  out  of  shi])s  for  him  ;  in  1518,  title,  salary, 
and  station  of  pilot  major  (chief  of  the  hydrographic  bu- 
reau),— granted  by  Charles  V. 

As  no  Spanish  author  speaks  of  his  leaving  Spain  in  the 
year  1516  or  1517,  so  neither  does  any  English  author  inform 
us  of  his  arriving  in  England,  and  entering  the  service  of 
Henry  VIII. 

Mr.  Biddle  thinks  that  Cabot  quietly  remained  in  Spain 
until  after  the  death  of  Ferdinand,  which  occurred  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1516  ;  and  suggests  that  on  the  death  of  the 

*  Peter  Martyr,  De  rebus  Oceanicia,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  6. 
t  Biddle,  1.  c.  p.  100. 


ENOUSIT   VOYAOE  OF  1517. 


2U 


kinof,  Cnbot,  being  a  forcifjincr  and  ronij)arativoly  a  stranfjor, 
may  have  boon  viewed  vvitli  dislike  ami  jealousy  by  the  Span- 
iards, and  sul)ie('ted  to  harsb  treatment,  which  ForcUnand  did 
not  permit  diirintj;  his  hfe. 

After  the  (h'ath  of  Ferdinand  and  before  Charles,  the  now 
kinc;,  arrived,  there  was  an  interreo;num,  and  mueh  mis- 
govornmont  in  Sjjain.  It  was  certainly  not  a  flourishing 
time  for  the  "  Spanish  natives."  On  the  contrary  it  is 
well  known,  tliat  the  native  Spaniards  were  much  oppressed 
during  this  period  by  the  lielgians,  and  other  foreign  favorites 
of  the  new  king,  who  resorted  in  great  numbers  to  the  king- 
dom. The  native  interest  was  not  in  the  ascendant  after 
Ferdinand's  death.  We  hear  at  this  time  only  the  complaints 
of  the  native  Spaniards,  and  of  some  of  them  leaving  their 
country  in  disgust  for  the  West  Indies.* 

But  even  if,  during  that  interregnum,  some  foreigners  may 
have  left,  Cabot  would  certainly  have  been  one  of  the  last. 
He  has  boon  described  by  every  biographer,  and  also  by  his 
contemporaries,  as  a  man  of  gentle  and  modest  manners.  He 
must  have  had  many  friends  oven  among  native  Spaniards, 
and  was  useful  to  them  by  his  knowledge  and  experience,  and 
liad  no  doubt  a  great  and  influential  party  in  the  Council  of 
the  Indies.  None  could  expel  him  from  this  CoiTncil  except 
for  misdemeanor,  of  which  Cabot  was  never  accused,  even 
by  the  bisliop  Fonscca;  upon  whom  foreign  authors  have 
heaped  reproaches  without  reason,  and  whom  Mr.  Biddle 
calls  an  "  intriguer  of  infamous  notoriety ; "  f  thus  leading 
lis  to  infer  that  he  may  have  been  the  cause  of  Cabot's  re- 
turn to  England. 

Cabot's  friend,  Peter  Martyr,  was  also  a  foreigner  ;  but  we 
never  find  him  complaining  of  "  Spanish  jealousy  of  foreign- 


♦  See  Robertson's  Charles  V,  for  the  year  1516. 
t  Biddle,  1.  c.  p.  102. 


I 


t 


r 


212 


EN(aJ8ir  VOYAGE  OF  1017. 


«» 


era.  '  On  tlio  contrary,  at  the  vry  tiino  wlien  Cubot  is  sup- 
posed to  Imvc  left  Spain,  in  the  autuinn  of  ir)l(j,  IV'ter 
Martyr  wrote  a  very  subini.ssive  ami  respectful  letter  to 
C'liarles,  in  which  ho  dedicated  to  him  his  lirst  three  decailes.* 
lie  was,  though  a  foreigner  and  of  Italian  extractior  '••) 
Cabot,  all  the  time  (juietly  taking  his  seat  in  the  Council  .lo 
Indies. 

Cabot,  with  whom  Peter  Martyr  sympathized  in  so  many 
respects,  shared  probably  his  sentiments  toward  tho  new 
prince  ;  and  probably,  like  Peter  Martyr,  so  far  from  looking 
forward  with  despair  to  the  expected  and  often  announced 
arrival  of  Charles  in  Spain,  was  full  of  hope  for  promotion 
from  this  young  and  enterprising  sovereign.  That  he  rightly 
cherished  such  hopes,  was  proved  soon  after  the  arrival  of 
Charles  in  1518,  by  the  promotion  of  Cabot.  It  appears 
therefore  very  improbable,  that  he  should  have  lef*  Mio 
country  just  at  the  time  when  so  many  in  Spain  were  1  j; 

to  this  rising  sun.     He  might  well  expect  that  he  should  imd  • 
employment  under  the  new  king;  and  in  this  lu)  was  not 
disapj)ointed. 

Mr.  Biddle  suggests,  that*tlic  particular  occasion  for  Cabot's 
"feeling  slighted"  and  leaving  Spain,  was  the  preferment  of 
the  cosmograplier,  Andres  de  St.  Martin,  to  the  place  of 
pilot  major.  Charles,  in  a  letter  dated  Brussels  tho  18th 
of  November,  1516,  had  commanded  the  bishop  Fonseca,  to 
"  inquire  ''nto  tho  capacity  and  fitness  of  the  said  Andres  de 
St  Martin  for  the  place  of  pilot  major,  which  the  said 
person  had  claimed."  Mr.  Biddle  says  that  Cabot,  feeling 
himself  slighted  by  this  proceeding,  returned  to  England. 

It  would  have  been  a  hasty  action  on  his  part,  to  leave  hia 
dignified  station  because  his  sovereign  took  the  liberty  to 

*  See  tliia  dedicatory  letter  in  Peter  Martyr's  "  De  rebua  Oceanicis,"  at 
,tbe  beginning. 


ENOURTf  VOYAOR  OF  IBIT. 


213 


**rnqnirc^'  whctlior  a  nn'taln  otlior  (MTson  was  fit  for  the  place 
of  pilot  major.  It  would  a|)p<'ar  loss  mo,  if  wo  wore  siiro 
that  (^ul)ot  at  that  timo  had  applied  for  the  station,  and  also 
that  it  was  really  eonferred  on  Andres  de  St.  Martin,  who  was 
himscdf  a  forei^^ner,  from  Franee.  liut  hoth  these  j)oints  are 
very  unoertain.  Ilerrera  says,  that  Andres  de  St.  Martin,  a 
few  years  after  this,  went  ont  with  Majrcdlan  as  one  of  his 
pilots.*  It  is  very  imjjrohahlc  that  a  man,  who  held  the 
office  of  pilot  major  in  Spain,  would  leave  that  place  and  go 
out  in  a  position  so  inferior,  l^'rom  the  circumstance  tliat 
Cahot  really  ohtained  the  office  of  pilot  major  in  ir)l8,  it  is 
prohahle,  that  the  ap[)lication  of  St.  Martin  in  1510  was 
rejected  ;  and  that  from  the  beginning,  the  place  was  kept 
open -for  Cahot.f 

Is  it  therefore  probable,  that  Cabot  slioukl  have  "  felt 
slighted"  and  lef^  the  country,  when  he  had  the  best  hopes  of 
obtaining  the  des  vd  position  ? 

But  if  he  actuii  '  left  S)  lin — and  Mr.  Biddlo  agrees  in 
this  opinion — ho  could  not  have  departed  until  the  king's 
letter,  dated  Brussels,  the  18th  Nov.,  ir)lG,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  have  annoyed  him  so  much,  had  become  known 
in  Spain.  We  must  allow  some  weeks  for  the  reception  of 
the  letter  after  its  date  ;  and  several  more  for  the  contents  to 
have  reached  (^abot,  before  he  relinquished  his  office.  To 
those  who  know  the  tedious  and  protracted  forms  which  delay 
the  settlement  of  official  accounts  in  Sj)ain,  this  time  will  not 
seem  unreasonable  for  closinji  his  affiiirs  and  transferring  him- 
self  to  England.  We  cannot,  therefore,  suppose  that  he 
could  have  arrived  in  England  before  the  end  of  the  year 
1516. 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  4,  cap.  9. 

t  Humboldt,  Kritische  Untersuchungen,  vol.  3,  pp.  120,  121,  where  he 
enutnorates  all  the  pilot  majors  of  Spnia  until  Cabot  leaves  the  place  opea 
from  151G-1518. 


J 


214 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OP  1517. 


We  can  find  no  satisfactory  reason  why  Cabot  should  have 
lefl  a  comfortable  and  dignified  position  in  Spain,  from  which 
nobody  intended  to  remove  him,  and  in  which  he  had  a 
hopeful  prospect  of  fiivor  from  the  youthful  sovereign,  to  go 
to  England  at  that  time.  For  we  are  expressly  informed,  that 
in  1512,  "  no  account  was  made  of  him"  in  that  country; 
and  that  the  authorities  had  permitted  him  without  regret,  to 
enter  the  service  of  the  king  of  Spain,  considering  it  "  a  thing 
of  little  moment"  to  retain  him.* 

After  his  /ages  of  1497  aud  1498,  Cabot  had  'Seceived 
little  encouragement  from  Henry  VII ;  and  Henry  VIII. 
dismissed  him  in  1512  to  Spain,  as  being  of  "  no  account." 
We  cannot  therefore  believe,  in  the  absence  of  all  authentic 
information,  that  this  king  had  changed  his  mind,  and  had 
invited  him,  in  1516,  to  return  to  England.  Cabot  himself, 
in  his  famous  unversation  with  a  distinguished  gentleman, 
intimates  no  such  thing.  He  only  says,  that  finding,  after 
his  first  voyages  under  Henry  VII,  no  further  patronage  in 
England,  he  went  over  to  Spain  ;  and  then,  without  mention- 
ing any  other  invitation  from  England,  or  any  voyage  in  1517, 
he  relates  his  further  employments,  and  particularly  his  expe- 
dition to  the  River  La  Plata  in  1526. f 

But  iiot withstanding  this,  Mr.  Biddle  makes  Cabot  return 
to  England,  where,  as  I  have  showed,  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  arrive  before  the  end  of  1516. 

The  expedition,  of  which  he  is  said  to  have  shared  the  com- 
mand, Is  stttced  by  Eden  to  have  been  "  set  forth  "  by  Henry 


Vni,  in  the  eighth  ye 
the  time  of  its  beginning, 


of  his  reign  ;  which,  reckoning  from 


on  the  22d  of  April,  1509,  would 


be  from  the  22d  of  April,  1516,  to  the  22d  of  April,  1517.$ 


*  See  the  authorities  for  this  in  Biddle,  I.  c.  p.  100. 
t  See  Eamusio,  vol.  1,  fol.  374.   Venetia,  1613. 
}  Lord  Herbert,  1.  c.  p.  2. 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1617. 


115 


The  expedition  must,  therefore,  have  been  "  set  forth,"  at 
the  latest,  in  the  month  of  March,  or  beginninjr  of  April, 
1517 ;  and  this  leaves  to  Cabot  only  about  three  months  for 
persuading  Henry  VIII.  to  a  new  undertaking,  and  for  all 
the  preparations  necessary  for  such  an  expedition.  This 
rapidity  of  action  rendered  indispensable  by  this  brief  term, 
and  particularly  the  fact,  that  there  was  then  no  great  choice 
of  ships  in  England  ready  furnished  for  service,  are  strong 
circumstances  against  this  voyage. 

Mr.  Biddle,*  speaking  elsewhere  of  a  subsequent  expedition, 
and  wishing  to  prove  that  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Thorne 
to  Henry  VIII,  at  the  beginning  of  1527,  could  have  had 
no  influence  in  promoting  an  expedition,  which  left  the 
Thames  on  the  20th  of  May  of  that  year,  says  it  is  "  absurd 
to  suppose,  tliat  four  or  five  months  would  have  been  a  suffi- 
cient space  of  time  for  forwarding  such  a  letter  to  the  king ; 
for  considering  and  adopting  the  suggestions  of  this  letter ; 
for  resolving  on  the  course  of  the  intended  expedition  ;  for 
selecting  the  commanders  and  the  vessels  suitable  for  such  an 
enterprise  ;  and  for  completing  all  the  other  arrangements  so 
as  to  admit  of  this  early  departure."  And  yet,  in  this  case, 
he  thinks  four  months  and  a  half  quite  sufficient  for  a  letter, 
written  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  in  Brussels  on  the  18th 
of  November,  1516  to  be  carried  to  Spain,  and  forwarded 
to  the  proper  authorities  there ;  for  Cabot  to  take  it  into  con- 
sideration, and  to  go  through  all  the  preliminaries  for  leaving 
his  important  office ;  for  settling  his  accounts  ;  for  his  return- 
ing to  England  without  invitation,  and  making  all  prepara- 
tionii  necessary  for  a  long  and  expensive  expedition  to  a 
remote,  savage,  and  little  known  country,  so  as  to  admit  of 
his  departure  in  the  month  of  March,  or  in  the  beginning  of 
April. 

•Ffjmoir,  p.  200. 


I 


216 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1617. 


(-  •■     ■] 


'      I 


Eden,  the  only  autliority  for  this  voyage,  does  not  say  to 
what  region  it  was  destined,  nor  at  what  part  of  tlie  new 
world,  if  any,  it  arrived.  Neither  Spanish  nor  Portuguese 
authors  mention  the  arrival  of  these  ships  on  coasts  known 
to  them.  Mr.  Biddle  thinks  that  they  must  have  gone  out  to 
the  sav.age  regions  of  the  north-west.  He  strives  to  make 
this  probable  by  referring,  amongst  other  tilings,  to  the  well- 
known  letter,  written  in  1527  by  Master  Robert  Thorne, 
addressed  to  Henry  VIH,  to  urge  him  to  renew  the  search 
for  a  north-west  passage.  This  letter  alludes,  in  the  most 
general  terms,  to  the  discovery  of  Newfoundland  made  "of 
late  by  his  Grace's  servants,"  and  says,  that  "  the  king  has 
taken  in  hand"  the  northern  discovery,  and  has  made  proof 
of  it,  without  finding  the  commodity  thereby,  which  he  had 
expected.* 

Mr.  Biddle  thinks,  that  these  expressions  cannot  allude  to 
any  other  voyage  than  that  which,  according  to  Eden,  was 
"  fret  forth  under  Cabot  and  Pert;"  and  that,  consequently, 
this  voyage  must  have  gone  to  and  reached  the  north-western 
countries.  I  admit  that  all  this  is  possible,  if  this  voyage  took 
place  at  all.  But  Thorne  might  have  used  these  expressions 
in  the  same  manner  if  no  such  voyage  had  been  under- 
taken, having  in  mind  no  other  than  the  expeoltions  to  New- 
foundland under  Henry  VII,  though  seemingly  attributing 
them  to  the  tima  of  Hanry  VIII.  The  "  king,"  Henry  VIII, 
might  be  said  to  have  taken  northern  discovery  in  hand,  when 
the  "  king,"  Henry  VII,  commenced  it.  The  Englishmen 
who  discovered  Newfoundland  under  Henry  VII,  were  still 
living  under  Henry  VIII,  and  were  his  servants  and  sub- 
jects ;  and  so  without  adopting  a  north-western  voyage  of 
1517,  it  is  quite  true,  that  England  and  her  king  had  not 


*  See  this  letter  in  Hakluyt,  "  Divers  Voyages." 
Society,  p.  27  seq. 


Edition  of  Hakluyt 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1517. 


217 


found,  in  the  expeditions  before  made  to  the  north-west,  all 
the  advant.ages  expected. 

The  evidences  which  Mr.  Biddle  adduces  to  prove  that  an 
expedition  was  undertaken  and  executed  to  the  north-west 
in  1517,  appear  to  me  extremely  weak.  But  they  are  much 
weaker  in  proving  that  Cabot  was  concerned  in  any  such 
voyage. 

Mr.  Biddle  also  asserts, — and  this  without  having  any  au- 
thority or  even  the  slightest  probability  for  it, — that  it  was 
on  this  voyage  of  1517,  and  not  on  the  voyages  of  1497  or 
1498,  that  Cabot  reached  the  latitude  of  67i°  N. ;  and  he 
further  says,  that  it  was  on  this  voyage  of  1517  that  Cabot 
entered  into  Hudson's  Bay,  "and  gave  English  names  to 
sundry  places  therein." 

The  only  thing  which  induces  him  to  think  so  is  the  date, 
"  the  11th  of  June,"  which  Ramusio  gives,  as  does  also  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert,  in  a  quotation  from  a  map  of  Cabot,*  as 
the  time  when  Cabot  reached  the  said  latitude,  and  which 
does  not  agree,  he  says :  1.  with  the  date  of  the  24th  of 
June,  on  wJiich  he  is  said,  by  the  best  authorities,  to  have 
reached  the  continent  of  America  in  1497  ;  nor  2.  with  the 
date  of  "  the  month  of  July,"  which,  by  Peter  Martyr,f  and 
Gomara  J  is  said  to  have  baen  the  time  of  his  great  struggle 
with  the  ice  in  67i°  N.  Mr.  Biddle  therefore  argues,  that 
since  the  date,  lltli  of  June,  does  not  agree  either  with 
the  date  of  the  voyage  of  1497,  or  with  that  of  1498,  there 
must  have  been  another  voyage  made  by  Cabot,  to  which  that 
date  may  belong ;  and  that  must  have  been  the  voyage  of 
1517. 

To  this  reasoning  we  may  answer  as  follows  :  All  the  au- 


♦  See  Hakluyt,  Voyaf.es,  vol.  3,  p.  16.    London,  KiOO. 

t  See  Peter  Martyr,  Do  orbe  novo,  p.  232.    Parisiis,  1587. 

I  See  Gomara,  Uistoria  de  las  ladias,  fol.  20.    Saragossa,  1553. 


218 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1517. 


tliorities  referred  to,  Peter  Martyr,  Gomara,  and  Ramusio, 
differ  only  with  respect  to  the  month,  and  not  tlie  year 
or  the  voyage,  in  which  tlie  ice  and  the  high  latitude  were 
reached.  They  all  ascribe  these  events  to  Cabot's  voyage 
made  by  command  of  Henry  VII.  in  1498,  and  have  not  the 
slightest  allusion  to  a  voyage  made  by  command  of  Henry 
VIII.  in  1517. 

And  even  their  difference  with  respect  to  the  month  is 
^  erhaps  only  apparent. 

The  words  of  Cabot's  map,  according  to  Gilbert,  run  thus : 
Cabot  affirmed  "  that  he  sayled  very  fare  westward,  with  a 
quarter  north,  on  the  north  side  of  Terra  de  Labrador,  the 
eleventh  of  June,  until  he  came  to  the  Septentrional  latitude 
of  67^","  etc.  From  this  it  appears,  that  the  date  of  the 
11th  of  June  may  as  well  be  given  to  his  sail  along  the 
coast  of  Labrador,  as  to  his  arrival  there.  He  does  not  say 
that  he  came  on  the  11th  of  June  to  67i°  N. 

Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  according  to  my  interpretation,  may 
as  well  be  quoted  as  giving  the  time  of  Cabot's  arrival  in  this 
high  latitude  to  the  month  of  July. 

In  regard  to  Ramusio,  he  quotes,  probably  from  memory,  a 
letter  which  Cabot  had  written  him  many  years  before  ("  gia 
molti  anni  sono").  Writing  from  memory  about  an  old 
letter,  received  many  years  before,  he  might  easily  err  with 
respect  to  the  exact  date. 

Moreover,  Peter  Martyr,  who  often  conversed  with  Cabot 
and  had  him  at  his  house,  may  well  be  credited  for  his 
date  of  the  month  of  July.  And  Gomara,  who  was  a  con- 
temporary of  Cabot,  and  lived  and  wrote  in  the  same  country 
in  which  Cabot  himself  lived  for  a  long  time,  is  not  an  un- 
worthy witness  for  the  month  of  July. 

The  map  of  Cosa,  made  from  Cabot's  first  charts,  so  far 
as  the  north-east  coast  of  America  is  concerned,  may  be  cited, 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OP  1517. 


219 


if  not  for  the  date  of  July,  at  least  for  the  voyage  of  1498. 
Tliis  map,  made  in  1500,  shows  this  cast  coast  as  high  as 
67i°  N.,  and  even  beyond  it. 

And  last,  but  not  least,  the  11th  of  June  appears,  for  still 
other  reasons,  to  be  a  very  (questionable,  if  not  an  impossible 
date,  for  a  voyage  in  the  high  latitude  claimed  for  it. 

Mr.  Biddle  says,  that  it  was  on  occasion  of  this  voyage  of 
1517,  that  Cabot  arrived  through  Hudson's  Strait  at  Hud- 
son's Bay,  discovered  open  water,  and  sailed  into  it,  giving 
English  "  names  to  sundry  places  therein."  He  relates  fur- 
ther, on  the  authority  of  Ramusio,  that  Cabot  was  there 
"sanguine  of  success,"  and  hopeful  of  going  directly  to 
Catayo,  "  if  he  had  not  been  overruled  by  the  timidity  of  his 
associates,"  and  particularly  by  the  faint  heart,  nay,  "  malig- 
nity" of  the  master  of  the  other  ship, — according  to  Mr. 
Biddle,  Sir  Thomas  Pert, — who  would  go  no  further.* 

If  Cabot  had  been  in  67^°  N.,  near  the  entrance  of  Hud- 
son's Bay,  he  would  have  been  under  the  arctic  circle,  in  the 
midst  of  the  so-called  "  Frozen  Strait,''  or  "  Fox  Channel," 
near  Southampton  Island.  Now  I  believe  that  it  is  without 
precedent  in  the  whole  history  of  maritime  discovery,  for  a 
navigator  to  sail  unobstructed,  cheered  by  the  gi'eatest  hope 
of  success,  and  everywhere  surrounded  by  open  water,  on 
the  11th  of  June,  old  style,  in  67i°  N.,  in  Fox  Channel, 
north  of  Hudson's  Strait.  In  these  regions, — the  coldest  and 
most  obstructed  of  all  the  arctic  regions, — the  11th  of  June, 
even  according  to  the  old  style,  is  only  the  end  of  winter ; 
and  at  that  time  navigation  there  is  impossible. 

I  will  remind  the  reader  of  the  state  of  things  encoun- 
tered in  these  regions  by  some  of  the  old  navigators,  at  dates 
not  far  from  those  assigned  to  this  voyage  of  Cabot : 

Hudson,  in  1610,  passed  the  entrance  of  Hudson's  Strait 

*Biddle,l.c.  p.  117-119. 


220 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OP  1517. 


i 


i  '    i 


) 


after  tlie  beginning  of  July,  and  arrived  at  the  entrance  of 
Hudson's  Bay  in  tlie  beginning  of  August. 

Bylot,  in  1615,  could  not  reach  those  regions  into  which 
Mr.  Biddle  puts  Cabot  on  the  11th  of  June,  before  the  12th 
of  July,  O.  S.,  and  then  he  was    still  two  degrees  south  of 

eir  N. 

Plawkbridge,  in  1616,  reached  the  same  regions  in  the  be- 
ginning of  August.  On  the  10th  of  that  month,  O.  S.,  he  was 
at  Seahorse  Point  at  not  quite  65°  N.,  and  could  not  go  higher 
than  this  latitude. 

James,  in  1631 ,  was  not  free  of  ice  before  the  3d  of  July ; 
and  then  began  to  approach  the  opening  of  Hudson's  Bay. 

Parry,  in  the  year  1823,  was  beset  by  ice  in  the  northern 
part  of  Fox  Channel  during  the  entire  month  of  July,  N.  S.; 
and  then  in  the  midst  of  a  broad  and  thick  field  of  ice  was 
floated  down  the  entire  length  of  Fox  Channel. 

By  comparing  still  other  dates,  if  necessary,  I  could  render 
it  certain,  that  a  visit  to  those  localities  "on  the  lltli  of  June  " 
must  be  rejected  as  impossible,  whatever  written  or  printed 
authorities  may  affirm ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  whole 
structure  built  upon  that  date  by  Mr.  Biddle,  must  fall  to  the 
ground.  I  am  convinced,  that  modern  as  well  as  ancient 
navigators  would  think  it  a  strange  thing,  that  poor  Sir 
Thomas  Pert  should  be  reproached  with  "timidity,"  a  "faint 
heart,"  nay,  with  a  particular  "malignity,"  because,  on  the 
11th  of  June,  he  did  not  like  to  sail  beyond  67i°  N.,  in  Fox 
Channel,  which,  at  that  time,  is  a  perfectly  unbroken  wilder- 
ness of  ice. 

Mr.  Biddle,  and  the  authorities  quoted  by  him,  and  the 
authors  who  follow  him,  tell  us  that  Cabot,  after  returning 
from  his  discovery  of  Hudson's  Strait  to  England,  found  there 
no  support  for  a  renewed  effort.  The  enterprise  was  consid- 
ered "  a  failure."     The  horrible  "  sweatine-sickness  "  which 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OF  1517. 


221 


raged  in  England  from  July  to  December,  1517,  and  "  the 
attention  which  the  king  paid  to  the  affairs  of  the  conti- 
nent, left  no  time  to  think  of  the  prosecution  of  a  precarious 
enterprise."*  They  furtiier  say,  that  Cahot,  "  languishing  in 
inactivity,"  went  over  again  to  Spain,  cheered  by  the  new  and 
more  auspicious  aspect  of  affairs ;  and  that  he  was  received 
th^re  with  open  arms  and  made  pilot  major.f 

I  think  that  these  sujiffestions  contain  more  than  one  im- 
probability  and  contradiction. 

That  a  discovery  of  Hudson's  Strait  and  Hudson's  Bay,  if 
it  had  been  made  in  1517,  should  have  been  considered  in 
England  as  "  a  failure,"  is  so  contrary  to  all  probability,  that 
it  scarcely  needs  a  reply.  It  is  quite  certain,  that  if  the  dis- 
covery had  really  been  made,  it  would  have  been  trumpeted 
through  the  country  ;  or  at  least  have  been  communicated 
to  the  king's  ear,  as  a  most  precious  secret.  Everybody 
would  have  said  that  the  thing  had  been  done,  that  the  short 
route  to  Cathay  had  really  been  found,  that  only  one  effort 
more  was  wanting  to  arrive  on  the  "  backside  of  the  northern 
countries."  Henry  VIH.  would  certainly  have  found  time 
to  give  attention  to  such  a  discovery,  which,  if  true,  might 
have  made  him  a  most  powerful  sovereign.  And  the  "  sweat- 
ing-sickness "  which  ended  in  December,  1517,  about  the 
time  when  Cabot  must  have  returned,  would  certainly  not 
have  hindered  him  from  fitting  out  another  expedition  in  the 
spring  of  1518. 

To  suppose  that  the  expedition  of  1517,  with  the  dis- 
coveries ascribed  to  it,  should  have  been  considered  as  "  a 
failure,"  is  in  plain  contradiction  to  what  is  said  in  Ilamusio 
of  Cabot's  own  views,  when  he  reached  the  above  latitude ;  of 
his  cheerfulness  and  hope  ;  his  being  "  sanguine  of  success ;  " 


*Bid(lle,  1.  c.  p.  120. 
tibid. 


222 


ENGLISH  VOYAOE  OP  1517. 


and  Ills  conviction  that  he  '*  joth  could  and  would  have  gone 
to  Cathay,"  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  revolt  of  his  crew,  or, 
as  Ilakluyt  and  Biddle  think,  for  the  "  faint-heartedncss  of 
Sir  Thomas  Pert."  From  these  views  of  Cabot  it  might  rea- 
sonably be  inferred,  that  Henry  VIII,  a  shrewd  man,  would 
have  sent  back  the  "  sanguine  "  adventurer  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible to  the  same  regions,  to  finir.h  the  business  ;  and  would 
have  kept  at  home  his  former  "  faint-hearted "  companion, 
the  often-mentioned  Sir  Thomas  Pert. 

If  Hudson's  Strait  and  Bay  had  been  seen  free  and  open 
by  Cnbot  in  1517,  Robert  Thorne,  in  his  letter  to  Henry 
VIII.  in  1527,  to  oncourao-e  him  in  a  north-western  enter- 
prise,  would  certainly  not  have  made  use  of  such  general  and 
faint  expressions  regarding  a  "  discovery  of  the  Newfound- 
land," as  we  have  quoted  above.  He  would,  no  doubt,  have 
mentioned  the  names  given  by  Cabot  in  Hudson's  Strait ; 
his  chart  of  the  Strait ;  and  would  have  adopted  a  much 
more  demonstrative  and  decisive  tone. 

As  to  this  supposed  invitation  from  the  Emperor  Charles 
to  Cabot,  and  this  alleged  coirespondence  about  his  recall  to 
Spain  in  1517,  we  have  not  the  slightest  indication  of  it  in 
the  old  authors  ;  though  they  speak  in  detail  about  such  a 
correspondence,  in  which  Ferdinand  invites  him  to  Spain,  in 
1512  ;  while  such  negotiations  would  have  been  far  more 
necessary  now,  when  Cabot  is  supposed  to  have  seen  opened 
before  him  so  great  a  thing  as  "  the  way  to  Cathay." 

What  we  know  for  certain  is,  that  Cabot,  after  having  been 
nominated  pilot  major  in  1518,  was  occupied  in  Spain  with 
the  quiet  duties  of  his  station  ;  that  is  to  say,  examining 
pilots,  signing  their  patents  and  instructions,  revising  and 
arranging  charts,  and  attending  to  the  transactions  regarding 
the  boundary  between  Spain  and  Portugal.  We  find  no  evi- 
dence whatever  that  he  was  anxious  to  return  to  that  region, 


ENGLISH  VOYAQE  OF  1517. 


22.S 


■where  ho  is  snid  to  have  "  seen  the  way  to  Cathay  openly 
spread  out  before  him;"  or  that  tlie  Emperor  Cliarles  invited 
or  ordered  him  to  make  a  new  attempt  in  that  direction  ;  as 
he  certainly  woidd  have  dime,  if,  in  IT)!?,  Cahot  had  made 
the  discovery  ascribed  to  him  by  Mr.  Biddle.  When  Cabot's 
personal  friend,  Gomez,  is  sent  out  in  152o,  Cabot  gives  no 
advice  that  he  should  be  sent  to  Hudson  s  Strait.  And 
when  he  himself  goes  out  actum  in  152G,  we  see  him  sail  to 
the  south  of  America,  and  not  to  Hudson's  Strait  in  the 
north ;  which,  if  he  had  seen  it  in  1517,  he  must  have  be- 
lieved to  be  at  least  as  good  a  route  as  Magellan's  Strait. 

The  events  and  proceedings  here  referred  to  are  so  con- 
trary to  what  we  should  expect  from  Cabot,  after  his  supposed 
discoveries  in  1517,  that  it  is  quite  evident  that  these  discove- 
ries could  not  have  been  made. 

The  results  of  these  observations  may  be  summed  up  in 
the  following  points : 

There  is  no  satisfactory  proof  that  Cabot  really  left  Spain 
in  the  year  1516  or  1517. 

It  seems  to  bo  inconceivable,  that  a  dignified  councillor  of 
the  Indies,  having  left  his  seat  in  Seville  without  any  palpable 
reason,  and  having  either  actually  shown  to  England,  the 
rival  of  Spain,  or  at  least  attempted  to  show,  the  short  route 
to  Cathay,  for  which  everybody  was  then  searching,  should 
have  been  rejected  in  England,  and  received  back  into  Spain 
with  open  arms,  with  honor  and  reward. 

It  appears  to  be  much  more  probable  from  all  we  know,  to 
suppose  that  Cabot,  after  1512,  remained  quietly  in  Spain, 
and  continued  his  fortunate  career,  from  one  high  station  to 
another,  in  the  offices  of  that  country. 

Against  th!"  opinion  we  have  the  single  statemen';  of  Eden, 
incidentally  mace  in  the  dedication  of  his  boo'v,  where  1  e 
speaks  of  an  English  voyage  "  set  forth  "  in  the  year  1517, 


224 


ENGLISH  VOYAGE  OP  IfllT. 


"under  the  governance  of  Sehasiiun  Cabot."  If  Kdon,  a 
most  worthy  author,  really  wrote  tluis,  he  certainly  nujst  have 
believetl,  that  Cabot  had  been  en<;a<;ed  in  this  expedition. 
No  attempt  that  we  know  of  has  been  made,  by  diplomatic  or 
biblio/rraphical  researches,  to  render  it  doubtful,  whether 
Eden  indeed  wrote  what  he  is  said  to  have  written. 

It  is  proved  by  good  evidence  and  admitted  by  all  parties, 
that  if  any  expedition  was  made  in  1517,  it  cannot  havo 
been,  as  Ilakluyt  supposes,  tho  expedition  which  the  Span- 
iards saw  off  Porto  llico. 

It  is  just  as  much  out  of  tho  question  to  suppose,  tliat,  if 
an  exj)edition  was  made,  it  could,  on  tho  11th  of  Juiu;,  havo 
reached  the  waters  in  tho  vicinity  of  Hudson's  IJay  in  G7i° 
N.,  according  to  tho  representations  of  Mr.  IJiddle. 

It  would  appear  more  probable,  that,  if  an  expedition  sailed 
for  the  western  regions  in  1517,  it  must  have  reached  some 
more  southern  part  of  the  east  coast.  All  the  great  expedi- 
tions for  tho  west,  made  contemporaneously  or  subsequently, 
were  directed  to  the  coasts  of  the  United  States  ;  namely,  the 
Spanish  expeditions  of  Ayllon,  in  1520-1526 ;  the  French 
expedition  of  Verrazano,  1524  ;  of  Gomez,  1525  ;  and  the 
English  of  1527  ;  of  all  which  we  shall  treat  in  subsequent 
pages. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  have  found  the  true  explanation  of  tho 
expedition,  supposed  to  have  been  made  in  the  year  1517. 
But  the  difficulties  and  questions  suggested  above  with  regard 
to  the  explanation  of  Mr.  Biddle  and  others,  are,  I  think, 
worthy  of  consideration  ;  and  so  long  as  they  are  not  solved, 
we  must  put  down  this  undertaking  as  at  least  doubtful. 


[Note. — Tlfc  very  able  arguments  of  Mr.  Biddle* and  Dr.  Kohl  on  oppo- 
site sides  of  the  question,  still  leave  us  in  doubt  whether  Cabot  undertook 
a  voyage  to  the  North  American  coast  in  1517,  or  not.    It  appears  to  us 


ENCiLISir   VDVAfiK   OV  ir.17. 


oor, 


that  tlio  W(i«lit  (if  ivruunwMit  indlimM  to  tlin  Hltl»t  of  Dr.  Kohl.  It  \n  «triit)K« 
that  Hiicli  coiitrailiftDry  HtatoincntH  hIiohM  ««xiNt  of  lnii)ortaiit  traiiKactloiiH 
onMiniiiK  vvilliiii  tlfty  yearn  from  tlu'  tiiim  «tf  tlio  writers  vvlio  rejutrtod 
tlioiii.  TIh!  Name  ol)M(!urity  haiij^s  over  tlie  doiiu'Mtie  eomcrns  of  tlie  prin- 
cipal natioiiM.aH  over  their  foreinii  voyaKes;  whieh  liiilieatoH  ({reat  eareleHH- 
noHS  or  iiKli'lViTeiiee  in  tho  pnsHorvation  of  fac^tu.  We  And  a  iloenment  of 
the  time*  of  i'Mward  VI,  in  tiie  State  Paper  Otllce  at  I/omhrn,  whiih  »how«, 
tlnit  oven  duriiij;  Cahot's  life,  in  IT).')!,  lie  was  in'tlanpT  of  loHlnj;  certain 
ri|{hta  by  the  Iomh  of  evidence.  It  Hayw:  "TonchInK  Hehastinn  Cahot'a 
matter,  conceridnn  wldch  th«  Venitian  ambassador  hiis  also  written,  ho 
has  recomniiinded  the  same  to  the  Sei;,'nory,  an<l  in  their  presence  deliv. 
ercd  to  one  of  their  Hecretaries,  Itaptista  Hamusio,  whom  (.'abot  pnt  in 
trust,  sucli  ovideneeH  as  cnmo  to  hlH  hai\dH.  The  Sei;,'nory  were  w(dl 
pleased  that  one  of  their  Hubjects,  by  service  and  virtue,  should  <le.serve 
tho  council's  nood-will  and  favor;  and  altliouKii  tliis  matter  is  over  fifty 
yearH  old,  and  by  tho  death  of  uivu,  decayinj;  of  liouses,  and  peri.shinR  of 
writings,  as  w(dl  nn  Ids  own  absence,  it  were  hanl  to  come  to  any  assured 
knowled^c^  thereof;  they  have  commamled  TJamusio  to  enseandi  with  dili- 
gence any  way  and  knowlefl^e  iiosslble,  that  may  stand  to  the  said  Sobaa- 
tlau's  profit,  and  obtainhiK  of  rl^jht." 

Tin)  various  reports  wo  have  of  Htirring  events  whlcli  occurred  in  tho 
brillia  contemporaneous  rel{^n8of  Francis  I,  Charles  V,  and  Henry  VIII, 
cease  to  malte  us  wonder  that  Sir  Walter  UaleiKh  should  burn  his  MS. 
history,  Hoein^  the  contradictions  M'hicli  occurred  under  his  own  observa- 
tion; or  that  Sir  Robert  Waljiole  sliould  have  instructed  his  sons  to  "read 
anything  but  history,  for  that  is  suro  to  be  false."— El>.] 


15 


2'vfc 


APPKNDACJK   TO   CIIAITKU   VI. 


CHARTS  OF  IIIK   FIRST  FRKNCII  DISCOVKRIIW   IN   "TKRRK  NEUVE." 


1.  On  Map,  No.   11,  ok  Nkw  Fiian(;k,  coMt'osKn  iiv  tiik  Italian 

C'OHMOCJUAl'IIKK,  JaCOMO   1)1   OAHTALDI,   IN    1550. 

Tiik  colchriitod  collector  of  oivrly  voyagoa,  Oiovaiiiii  llaltiHta  lia- 
miisio,  liaH  {^ivun  in  tliu  tltird  voluino  of  liiH  groat  work,  bottidcH  a 
general  map  of  tho  entire  continent  of  North  America  (p.  455),  Home 
maps  of  particular  parts  of  it;  for  example,  of  Brazil  (p.  427)  and  of 
New  Franco  (p.  4'24).    Of  the  latter  we  give  a  copy  in  our  map,  No.  11. 

On  tlie  history  of  these  maps  the  Ibllowing  remarks  are  made  by 
llamusio,  in  the  discourse  prefixed  to  his  tliird  volume,  addressed  to 
his  excellent  and  learned  friend,  Ilioronimo  Fracastoro.* 

Fracastoro,  he  says,  had  urged  liim  in  a  letter  to  compose  four  or 
five  tables  (tavoli),  depicting  "  in  imitation  of  Ptolemy,"  all  tlio  coun- 
tries and  coasts  of  the  now  world,  so  far  as  tliey  had  become  known, 
and  in  the  man/er  in  which  tlio  Spanish  pilots  and  captains  had  traced 
them  on  their  cliarts.    He  adds,  that  Fracastoro  had  sent  to  him  at  the 
same  time  all  the  necessary  materials,  which  he  had  received  from  the 
illustrious  imperial  iiistoriographer,  Gonzalo  Oviedo;  and  that,  be- 
ing willing  to  comply  with  so  reasonable  a  request,  he  had  directed 
Master  Jacomo  di  Oastaldi,  an  excellent  cosmographor,t  to  make  first 
a  reduced  map  of  the  whole  of  the  new  world,  and  then  to  divido  it 
into  four  parts.    Gastaldi  did  this  with  the  utmost  care  and  dilir'        ; 
80  that  now  all  industrious  readers  may  see  and  learn  hnw  fn 
help  of  his  Excellency  Fracastoro,  these  things  had  b' 
the  world.    "  Because  they  know  in  Spain  and  also 
sio  goes  on  to  say  to  his  iriend,  "  the  great  p!  aim  a 

which  you  take  in  this  new  part  of  the  worl(l  aich  yo<    your- 


*  See  this  discourse  in  Hamuslo,  vol.  8,  p.  2.  seq.    Yeiietla,  1C66. 

t  Jaoomo  dl  Uastaldl  (also  called  Jaoopo  Gastaldo)  was  a  native  of  VUlnfVanoa  in 
piedmont.  He  had  made  maps  aud  obsorrations  for  an  edition  of  the  work  of  Ptole- 
my publljbed  In  the  vear  1548  by  Andrea  Mattloli  in  Venice. 


1 


'•1 

if: 


// 


a  J  CZZcU^ 


N?XI 


TRAMONTANA 


PARTE     INCO  GN  I  T A 


PONENTE 


f    LA    NVOVA    FRaNCIA    /^#^ 


I'i 


-^^s:j^>%i.^'^:. 


New  France  b>  ti^c  Italian  Jacomo  di  G 


N?XI, 


Voido  alU  Urra 
nu«va 


', ■  . .'t^ ,  »; : . . ..  ■  "^■.■■-    ;j..^._j. ■■  Yiulo  all 

iftaldi  in  about  \\)C  jcar   15:fO. 


f- 


I 


i 


i 


1: 


CHARTS  OP  THE  FRENCH  DISCOVERIES. 


227 


self  repeatedly,  with  your  own  hands,  have  made  designs;  so  all 
the  litemry  men  of  those  countries  send  every  day  to  you  some  new 
discovery  made  there,  and  brought  to  them  by  pilots  or  captains  com- 
ing from  those  parts.  Amongst  these,  particularly,  is  the  above-men- 
tioned illustrious  Gonzalo  Oviedo  from  the  Island  of  Spagniola,  who 
every  year  presents  you  with  some  new-made  chart.  The  same  is  also 
done  by  some  excellent  Frenchmen,  who  have  sent  you  from  Paris  re- 
ports of  New  France,  together  with  several  draughts,  which  will  be 
put  in  this  volume  in  their  place." 

Ramusio  then  says,  that  he  had  introduced  these  maps,  such  as  they 
wore,  not  because  he  thought  them  to  be  perfect  and  complete,  but 
because  he  wished  to  satisfy  the  desire  of  Italian  students,  entertain- 
ing the  hope  that,  in  some  time  to  come,  they  would  be  improved. 
He  concludes  his  discourse  with  these  words :  "  The  benevolent  readers 
may  take  the  little  which  I  have  the  great  pleasure  to  present  to  them, 
and  may  be  sure,  that  if  something  better  had  come  to  my  hands,  I 
should  have  felt  a  much  greater  pleasure  in  giving  it  to  them.  And  this 
is  all  that  I  have  to  say  about  my  newly  constructed  geographical 
maps." 

The  discourse  of  liamusio  is  dated,  "  Venice,  20th  June,  1553,"  at  the 
time  when  he  probably  had  collected  all  the  materials  for  his  third 
volume.  As  this  would  take  him  some  time,  we  may  put  the  date  of 
the  composition  of  these  maps  at  about  1550,  though  they  were  not 
published  by  Ramusio  until  155G,  the  date  of  the  first  edition  of  his 
third  volume.  • 

The  general  map  of  America,  here  given  by  Ramusio,  is  a  very  accu- 
rate production,  the  result  of  the  study  of  Spanish  original  maps  and 
reports  of  the  time.  It  is  one  of  the  best,  most  complete,  and  correctly 
printed  of  the  maps  published  near  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry. It  has  even  the  latest  discoveries,  made  in  1542  by  the  expedition 
of  Cabrillo  to  California,  as  high  up  as  about  40°  N.  I  have,  however, 
not  given  a  copy  of  this  map,  because  it  does  not  contain  much  that  ia 
connected  with  our  subject. 

The  map  of  New  France,  of  which  I  give  here  a  reduced  fac-simile, 
concerns  us  more  nearly.  It  represents  Newfoundland,  Labrador, 
Nova  Scotia,  a  part  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  the  west  a  fragment  of 
the  coast  of  Maine.  It  has  no  Indications  of  longitude  and  latitude, 
and  no  scale  of  miles.  Ramusio  gives  this  map,  and  also  his  other  four 
special  maps,  as  illustrative  of  a  short  description  of  the  countries  and 
coasts  discovered  by  the  French,  to  which  he  gives  the  title:  "Dis- 
course of  a  great  French  sea-captain  of  Dieppe,  on  the  navigations 
made  to  the  West  Indies,  called  New  France,  from  the  40**  to  the  47° 


1 


228 


CHARTS  OF  TlfE  FRENCH  DISCOVERIES. 


;.,: 


■!! 


I 


^ 


N."  Ho  does  not  mention  the  name  of  his  "  {jroat  French  sea-captain ; " 
but  it  is  for  several  reasons  certain,  that  tlio  famous  Jean  Parmentier 
of  Dieppe,  wlio  in  152!)  made  a  long  voyage  to  Sumatra  <and  other  coun- 
tries, is  meant ;  and  it  is  pretty  certain,  that  the  discourse  was  written 
by  Pierre  Crignon,  Parmentier's  companion  and  eulogist.*  Wo  infer 
from  the  contents  of  the  discourse,  that  it  must  have  been  written  in 
1539,  though  not  printed  until  155(5.  The  author,  Crignon,  enumerates  all 
the  old  French  sea-captains  known  to  have  gone  out  on  discoveries  to 
New  France  before  Cartier;  namely,  Jean  Denys,  Thomas  Aubert,  and 
Giovanni  do  Verrazano.  He  says,  that  thirty-five  years  ago  the  Bretons 
and  Normans  commenced  their  navigation  to  those  parts ;  tliat  about 
thirty-three  years  ago,  Jean  Denys  made  his  voyage;  and  that  fifteen 
years  ago,  Verrazano  was  on  that  coast.  The  Bretons  and  Normans 
commenced  their  voyages  to  New  France,  as  is  generally  thought,  in 
1504 ;  Jean  Denys  sailed  in  1.50() ;  Verrazano  in  1524.  Thus  all  these 
statements  concur  in  fixing  1539  as  the  year  in  which  the  discourse 
was  composed. 

A  short  time  before,  in  15.34  and  1535,  Jean  Cartier  had  made  two  of 
his  remarkable  expeditions  to  New  France.  But  no  mention  whatever 
is  made  of  these  voyages  by  our  author.  This  extraordinary  omission 
of  these  most  important  French  discoveries  in  a  discourse,  in  which  all 
the  previous  explorations  are  mentioned,  is  hard  to  account  for.  Was 
the  discourse  perhaps  written  in  some  distant  part  of  the  world,  which 
the  news  from  France  liad  not  reached  ?  Or  did  the  author  really  write 
his  discourse  before  Cartier's  voyage  in  1534,  and  soon  after  Parmen- 
tier's expedition  of  1529  ?  and  did  he,  in  a  later  year,  1539,  when  he 
wrote  his  discourse,  alter  the  above-mentioned  dates,  forgetting  then 
to  include  Cartier's  discoveries  ? 

However  this  may  have  been,  the  appended  map  of  New  France 
agrees  veiy  well  with  the  contents  of  the  discourse.  It  gives  the  re- 
gions there  described,  and  in  the  manner  in  which  they  are  described, 
and  yet  has  no  trace  whatever  of  Cartier's  discoveries.  It  appears  de- 
cidedly to  have  been  constructed  upon  materials  and  after  originals 
which  existed  before  the  time  of  Cartier.  Perhaps  the  chart  of  Ver- 
razano was  in  part  used  in  its  construction.  But  Verrazano  saw  all 
the  coasts  here  depicted,  on'-,  on  a  very  rapid  sail.  He  could  not,  for 
instance,  have  on  his  chart  aiiy  trace  of  a  great  river  in  the  interior  of 
Canada.  It  seems  evident,  that  the  author  of  our  map  must  have  used 
some  delineations  still  older  than  those  of  Verrazano ;  perhaps  a  copy 

*  See  for  this  R.  H.  Major's  lutroduct'on  to  his  worlt,  "  Early  Voyages  to  Terrft 
Australis,"  p.  vi. 


\^ 


'^\ 


CHARTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  DISCOVERIES. 


229 


of  the  map  of  the  French  captain,  Joan  Denys,  said  to  have  been  made 
in  the  year  1500;  in  tlie  same  manner  as  hv.  evidently  ised  old  Portu- 
guese maps  for  the  country  of  Labrador  and  the  higher  latitudes.  The 
map,  upon  the  whole,  appears  to  give  us  tliat  chartograiihical  picture 
of  New  Franco,  which,  having  been  collected  from  several  early  sources, 
was  current  in  France  before  Cartior;  from  which  circumstance  the 
map  has  groat  interest  for  our  subject.  It  may  servo  as  a  substitute 
for  the  lost  maps  of  Denys,  and  some  other  old  French  navigators. 

The  map  is  all  the  more  interesting,  because  the  eminent  cosmogra- 
pher  Fracastoro,  so  often  mentioned  in  tlio  history  of  the  discovery  of 
America,  had  so  much  to  do  with  it,  and  partly  procured  the  materials 
for  its  construction.  And,  indeed,  since  Fracastoro  employed  himself 
in  his  old  age  in  the  country-seat  near  Verona,  to  which  ho  had  re- 
treated, in  composing  maps,  and  "  used  to  lay  down  upon  globes  the 
new  discoveries  "  as  they  camo  to  his  knowledge,  and  then  liberally 
communicated  all  that  ho  had  collected  to  his  protego  Rainusio ;  we 
may  conclude  that  all  the  maps  contained  in  Ramusio  are,  to  a  certain 
extent,  the  productions  of  Fracastoro ;  *  though  they  were  completed 
and  prepared  for  publication  by  Gastaldi. 

I  will  now  endeavor  to  give  .an  analysis  of  this  map. 

In  the  north,  the  map  shows  a  coast  running  for  a  long  way  east  and 
west  with  the  name  "  Terra  de  Labrador,''  and  with  the  Portuguese 
arms.  It  is  the  same  country  which  wo  have  seen,  on  our  former 
maps,  with  the  same  configuration ;  and  is,  inobably.  our  present  Green- 
land. 

On  the  south  of  this  country,  separated  from  it  by  a  broad  strait 
(Davis'  Strait),  there  lies  a  large  group  of  great  and  small  islands.  The 
northernmost  of  these,  named  "  Isola  de  demoni"  (the  island  of 
demons),  is  separated  fi-om  the  rest  by  a  long  narrow  strait,  on  which, 
at  the  eastern  entrance,  is  written  "  golfo  di  castelli"  (the  gulf  of  the 
castles),— the  old  name  usually  given  to  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  which 
separates  Newfoundland  from  our  present  Labrador.  From  this  it  is 
evident,  that  the  large  "island  of  demons"  is  intended  to  repre- 
sent a  portion  of  our  present  Labrador;  and  the  group  of  smaller  isl- 
ands at  the  south,  our  Newfoundland.  The  name  "Terra  nuova"  is 
given  to  one  of  the  larger  of  these  islands.  The  "  island  of  demons  " 
is  unmistakably  designated  by  the  small  devils  flying  about  it.    This 


HI 


5J! 


Ui 


*  Fracastoro  lived  only  a  few  weeks  after  the  date  of  the  above-mentioned  dis- 
course, addressed  to  him  by  Ramusio  on  the  20th  of  June,  1553.  He  died  on  the  8th  of 
August,  15E3,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one  years.  See  Tiraboschi,  Storia  de  la  Literatura 
Italiaua,  torn.  7,  pp.  1150, 1451. 


230 


CIIAHTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  DISCOVERIES. 


name  is  very  often  found  on  old  maps,  applied  to  a  small  Island  at  tho 
entrance  of  Davis'  Strait. 

Alonf(  tho  east  coast  of"  Terra  nuova,"'wefind  some  names  attached 
to  it  by  tho  Portupueso  navigators  after  tho  time  of  the  Cortercals : 
"  Monto  do  trigo,"  *  "  Bonne  visto,"  "  Uaccalaos,"  "  C.  do  speranzo,"  and 
far  south-west,  tho  famous  "C.  do  ras"  (Capo  Race). 

The  distance  from  Citim  Race  to  the  eastern  entrance  of  the  Strait  of 
Belle  Isle  ((Jolfo  de  Castelli)  is  about  six  degrees  of  latitude,  or  about 
four  hundred  Kuglish  miles  in  a  direct  line.  This  measure  may  supply 
the  Avant  in  this  map  of  a  scale  of  miles  and  degrees. 

West  of  IVewfouudland  wo  find  on  om*  map  the  (Julf  of  St.  Lawrence; 
not  broad  and  spacious  enough  at  its  mouth,  but  with  a  northern  chan- 
nel far  too  long  and  large.  This  northern  channel,  ruuTiing  down  from 
Davis'  and  Hudson's  Straits,  is  however  very  remarkable.  It  is  an  in- 
dication of  our  Ungava  Bay,  into  which  a  Portuguese  explorer  had 
probably  looked,  without  discovering  that  it  was  closed  at  the  south. 

Far  to  the  west  lies  a  large  country,  called  "  Parte  incognito."  From 
this  region  a  large  river  runs  in  an  eastern  direction,  which  undoubt- 
edly represents  the  first  notions  which  Bretons  and  Normans  had 
gained  respecting  the  great  river  of  Canada.  The  river  has  two  mouths, 
with  a  groat  island  between  them,  perhaps  the  island  of  Anticosti. 
Several  other  rivers  run  into  it.  The  whole  of  this  river-system  looks 
as  if  it  had  been  drawn  by  an  Indian  on  the  sand  for  Denys,  perhaps, 
or  Aubort,or  some  other  Frenchman,  by  whom  it  had  been  transferred 
to  paper. 

From  Newfoundland,  the  southern  coast  of  tho  continent  runs  east 
and  west.  A  small  part  of  it  in  the  east,  with  the  name  of  Cape  Bre- 
ton attached  to  its  southern  headland,  is  cut  off  from  the  rest  by  an 
arm  of  the  sea, — our  island  of  Capo  Breton  and  Gut  of  Canso.  The 
country  extending  west  is  called  "  Terra  de  Nurumbega,"  which,  by 
the  shore  line,  is  about  five  hundred  miles  long,  and  ends  in  a  rectan- 
gular cape, — doubtless  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Sable. 

Nova  Scotia  is  represented  as  having  three  large  ports  on  its  south 
coast ;  one  at  the  west,  filled  with  many  small  islands,  called  "  Port  du 
Refvige"  (the  harbor  of  retreat);  another  named  " Port  Royal ; "  and 
the  easternmost,  "  Flora."  It  is  difficult  to  identify  these  names  with 
modern  harbors.  The  deepest  and  largest  bays  on  this  south  coast 
are :  tho  harbor  of  Halifax,  Margaret's  Bay,  and  Malone  Bay ;  and  pos- 


■ 


*  This  name  and  its  position  at  no  great  distance  soutli  of  the  "  Golfo  di  Castrlli  " 
render  it  certain,  that  liunstmann  is  wrong  in  charging  the  author  of  this  map  with  a 
mistalce  in  placing  wliere  he  does  the  name  "  Golfo  di  Castelli."  See  Kunstmann,  Die 
Entdeckung  America's,  p.  95.    Compare  our  map  of  llomem,  No.  21. 


CHARTS  OF  THE  FHKNCH   DISCOVEHIES. 


231 


■" 


sibly  theao  wore  meant,  having  boon  often  vinited  by  the  flsbormen  and 
coaHtcrs  of  Brittany  and  Normandy.  Tlioy  may,  pcrliaps,  liavo  l)cen 
Burvoyod  by  Verrazano,  and  drawn  on  IiIh  charts.  Hero  the  name,  "  La 
Nuova  Francia,"  is  written  in  very  largo  letters,  indicating  probably 
that  this  name  is  meant  for  tlio  entire  country.  The  name,  "  Terra  do 
Nurnnd)ega,"  is  written  in  smaller  letters,  and  appears  to  be  attached 
only  to  the  peninsula  of  Nova  Scotia.  Crignon,  however,  the  author  of 
the  discourse  which  this  map  is  intended  to  illustrate,  gives  to  this 
name  a  far  greater  extent.  He  says :  "  Going  beyond  the  capo  of  the 
Bretons,  there  is  a  country  contiguous  to  this  cai)e,  the  coast  of  which 
trends  to  the  west  a  quarter  south-west  to  the  country  of  Florida,  and 
runs  along  for  a  good  five  hundred  leagues;  which  coast  was  discov- 
ered fifteen  years  ago  by  Master  (Hovanni  da  Verrazano  in  tho  name 
of  the  king  of  Franco  and  of  Madame  la  Ilegcnte;  and  this  country  is 
called  by  many  "  La  Francese,"  and  even  by  the  Portuguese  them- 
selves ;  and  its  end  is  toward  P'lorida  under  78°  VV.,  and  ;58°  N.  Tho 
inhabitants  of  this  country  are  a  very  pleasant,  tractable,  and  peace- 
ful people.  The  country  is  abonndhig  with  all  sorts  of  fruit.  There 
grow  oranges,  almonds,  wild  grapes,  and  many  other  fruits  of  odorife- 
rous trees.  The  country  is  named  by  tho  inliabitants,  •'  Nurumbega;" 
and  between  it  and  Brazil  is  a  great  gulf,  in  which  are  the  islands  of  tho 
West  Indies,  discovered  by  tho  Spaniards."*  From  this  it  would  ap- 
pear that,  at  the  time  of  tho  discourse,  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  as  far  as  Florida,  was  designated  by  the  name  of  Nurumbe- 
ga. Afterwards,  this  name  was  restricted  to  New  England;  and,  at  a 
later  date,  it  Avas  applied  only  to  Maine,  and  still  later  to  tho  region 
of  tho  Penobscot. 

In  the  west  of  Nova  Scotia  there  is  a  large  and  broad  bay,  probably 
the  entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Further  west  we  como  to  tho 
coast  of  Maine,  at  once  recognized  by  its  characteristic  feature, — a  long 
chain  of  small  islands;  and  then  to  another  bay  filled  with  islands, 
which  I  take  to  be  our  present  Passamaquoddy  Bay.  It  is  liere  called 
"  Angoulesme"  (Angoulcme),  a  name  often  used  by  the  French  discov- 
erers. Into  this  bay  a  river  runs  from  the  north  (the  St.  Croix),  which 
the  author  of  this  map  supposes  to  be  a  branch  ot  the  great  river  of  the 
north.    So  much  for  the  coast-line. 

The  interior  of  these  countries  is  filled  with  objects  and  pictures 
partly  imaginary  and  partly  real ;  with  scenes  of  Indian  life,  and  birds 
and  other  animals  moving  about  among  the  trees.  The  great  group  of 
islands  (Terra  nuova)  has  but  few  trees,  thus  answering  to  the  old 


'  \ 


h 


•  See  this  description  of  Nurumbega  in  Ramusio,  vol.  3,  fol.  423  F. 


232 


CHARTS  OF  THE  FRENCH  DISCOVERIES. 


Scandinavian  donomlnation  of"  Ilollnland  "  (land  of  tho  Hat  stones). 
On  tlio  contrary,  tho  country  of  Nova  Scotia  (Terra  do  Nuruniboj^a) 
and  Maino  is  described  as  full  of  largo  trees  and  thick  forests,  thus  an- 
swering to  tho  "  Markland  "  (tho  land  of  tho  woods)  of  tho  old  Scandi- 
navians. 

Among  tho  animals  on  tho  continent  wo  see,  now  and  then,  a  large 
boar  or  a  running  rabbit;  and  on  tho  islands  of  Newfoundland  various 
sorts  of  land-  and  water-fowl. 

These  scenes  from  tho  life  of  tho  Mlcmacs  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  of  tho 
Abnakis  of  Maine,  aro  as  pleasant,  peaceful,  and  agreeable,  as  the 
Indians  themselves  aro  represented  in  tl»<3  discourse  of  tho  groat 
French  captain.*  Some  of  them  are  seen  sitting  by  the  shore,  embra- 
cing each  other,  and  admiring  nature.  Some  appear  to  bo  sleeping; 
others  conversing  about  their  alfairs  under  the  roofs  of  their  huts. 
Some  arc  hunting  tho  boar,  or  bearing  a  good-sized  deer.  Little  chil- 
dren amuse  themselves  with  shooting  at  birds.  Some  have  hung  up 
their  lish  between  two  trees,  just  as  the  traveler  sometimes  sees  done 
at  the  present  day  in  tho  west  of  Canada.  Cheerful  groups  are  walking 
leisurely  or  dancing  on  tho  turf.  No  scenes  of  violence  or  destruction 
anywhere  appear;  no  signs  of  cannibalism,  depicted  so  di'oadfuUy  on 
many  old  maps  of  South  America.  In  tho  foreground  near  Cape  Race 
a  cross  appears,  surmounted  by  a  crown,  denoting  possession  taken  by 
some  one  of  the  Christian  powers  of  Europe. 

In  short,  everything  is  represented  in  accordance  with  the  descrip- 
tions and  views  of  tho  great  French  captain  Parmentier,  of  tho  amiable 
Italian  cosmographer  Fracastoro,  and  also  of  the  contemporary 
French,  who  are  well  known  to  have  been  friendly  to  the  Indians  of 
Canada,  and  disposed  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  them. 

In  the  front  of  all  these  coasts  and  countries,  winding  like  a  snake, 
there  runs  a  long  and  narrow  sand-bank;  denoting,  as  I  think,  tho 
lishing-grounds  of  these  regions,  and  the  extent  of  the  right  to  use 
them  claimed  by  the  French  fishermen. 

In  the  centre  of  this  bank,  and  south  of  Cape  Breton  and  the  Gut  of 
Canso,  there  appears  a  square  figure  called  "  Isola  della  rena  " — better, 
della  arena — (the  sandy  island).  It  is  at  the  same  distance  from  the 
coast,  and  in  the  same  position  as  the  pi-esent  "  Sable  Island,"  long  ago 
known  to,  and  dreaded  by,  the  Portuguese  and  French  fishermen. 
The  French  (or  Portuguese)  had  left  here  some  swine  for  the  assistance 
of  their  wrecked  mariners,  and  these  swine  had  so  rapidly  increabed, 
that  they  swarmed  through  the  whole  island. 


*  "  Gli  habitatori  di  questa  terra  sono  gente  trattabili,  amichevoli  e  piacevoll." 


C: 


!i 


1 


o 

•  «-* 
O 


> 


■I 


Tho  Hca 

■01l-(l()<rH,  I 
ClinoUH,  l>'| 

in  ciUcJiiii 
poiirH  will 
turra  iiiiov 
iii^',  ill  the 

till)  lli^rli  II 

gucHU  iinn 

Tho  iCHi 
tho  tiitiu  ]) 

Tlio  (!(>a 
tier,  niid  Ii 
iaii  (u)iit('ii 
tied  by  til 
dosijfiiatiMl 
its  (lisUii;: 
bo  co-oxtc 
liarboTH,  H 
which  thui 
cd  with  th 
often  in  si; 
lishonnun 

2.  On  Ma 

Girolam 
Vitorbo,  M 
Italian  cuii 
of  Jacoino 
llo  comix) 
well-knt)sv 
of  Gastah 
died  in  tii 

Rnscclli 
sitioni  u  ii 
(Universal 
Ptolemy), 
art  of  diav 
the  couutr 
which  the 


^^^^ 


rilAUTH  OF  TFIK  FIIKXCII  DI8C0VERIKH. 


288 


TIio  Hoa  on  tliiH  nmp,  according  to  tlio  domt'rlpMon  of  Caltot,  Ih  full  of 
Hca-(lo<rH,  NOiiJH,  Npoutlii^  whaluH,  fO(l,  aii(i  oMkm-  llsh.  ImliiiiiM  in  tiioir 
canouH,  Fiuiicli  iiiul  I'ortuj^uoHo  in  tlii'ir  humi  Kliips  and  bttatH.uro  l)nMy 
in  uat(;liin^  tlioni.  In  tlio  Honth-oaHtcrn  cornor  of  tho  map  a  vohmuI  ap- 
poaiK  witli  tilt)  Kronth  liliim  upon  tliu  Hails,  and  tlio  niotlit,  "  vado  alia 
torra  iniova"  (I  ),'o  to  tlio  now  country).  A  Hiniilar  Kri-nch  vdhsoI  Ih  Hail- 
ing, in  tliu  Hoiitli-wuHt  Hcction  of  tho  map,  alon^  tlio  coast  of  Maine.  In 
tho  U'mh  ncM'th  toward  I\>abradoi-,  thoro  is  anothor  shii)  with  tho  I'oitu- 
KuuHo  arniH  un  hor  HallH. 

Tho  roHults  of  tho  examination  of  this  1  y  ir^oi..  '•\f^  map,  from 
tho  timo  piocodinjj  Carticr,  may  ho  Hnnnn>  th's: 

Tho  coast  of  Maino  was  known  to  tho  i^.vixl  Frt.ich  capt..ttn  Parmon- 
tior,  and  his  lopoitor  Ciifriion;  to  Kiunusio,  Fracastoro,  and  fhcir  Ital- 
ian contemporaries;  and  to  the  French,  before  ('artier.  It  was  inclu- 
ded by  tiiom  under  tlio  name  of  "Terra  do  iViinimbej,M; "  and  was 
(!esij,'iiatod  on  their  maps  by  the  numerous  islands,  which  constitute 
its  dist^iii^uishin;^  feature.  Thoir  lisliin;(-tirounds  were  claimed  to 
bo  co-extensive  with  this  (Mtast,  and  they  knew  at  leiist  ono  of  its 
harbors,  spacious  and  tilled  with  islands,  l'assama<pu»ddy  IJay,  to 
which  thoy  fj.ivo  the  name  of  "  Auf^oulesmo."  They  were  also  actiuaint- 
ed  with  tho  ontranco  of  tho  Bay  of  Fiindy.  Tlio  French  ships  camo 
often  in  sij^lit  of  this  coast.  IJeyond  it  toward  tho  south-west,  their 
lishormon  did  not  often  go,  and  know  but  little. 


•  I 


2.  On  Map,  No.  lii,  or  "Teuiia  Nukva"  hy  Ciuolamo  Ruscelli, 

1501. 

Girolamo  Kuscelli  was  a  learned  Italian,  a  "  Pliilologns,"  from 
Vitorbo,  who  lived  jiartly  in  IJome,  partly  in  Venice,  tlio  two  s'oat 
Italian  centers  for  the  study  of  cosmoj;rai)hy.  lie  was  a  contem})orary 
of  Jacomo  di  G.istaldi,  and  is,  by  some,  called  '*  Gastaldi's  successor." 
llo  coini)osed  several  linj^uistic  and  literary  works,  and  publislied  his 
well-known  translation  of  Ptolemy,  in  l.")()l,  at  Venice,  wiiero  the  works 
of  Gastaldi  and  Ilamusio  had  for  tho  most  part  been  issued,  lluscelli 
died  in  that  city  in  the  year  15(50. 

Kuscelli  added  to  his  Italian  Ptolemy  a  work  with  tho  title  "  Espo- 
sitioni  e  introduttioni  universali  sopra  tutta  la  geogralia  di  Tolomoo" 
(Universal  expositions  and  introductions  to  tho  entire  Geography  of 
Ptolemy),  which  contains  remarks  on  mathematical  geography,  and  tho 
art  of  drawing  maps  and  charts;  also  a  series  of  maps,  delineating  all 
the  countries  of  the  world.  I  give  here  No.  XXXII.  of  these  maps,  to 
which  tho  author  has  given  the  title:  "Tiei-ra  Nueva."    Ho  comprises 


2U 


CHARTS  OF   TIIR  FHENCTT   DISrOVKRIF^fl. 


unil(>r  tlilH  namo  tho  following  rountrlcH:  "Tlorrn  <U>\  I^abrndor," 
"TiiMiii  «U'l  naciiliiitM,"  mill  "  Tiiuni  do  NiinimlHMj;,"  iiiitl  iii-arly  tlio 
wholu  uiist  count  of  thu  Uiiilod  StatitH,  uh  far  down  uh  "  La  Florida,"  in 
about  40°  N. 

II(*  <|iiof('M  no  iiiithoriti«>H  for  liin  map;  but  it  Ih  nviilcMit  tbat  lio  iiHcd 
tlio  saino  Hoiircos,  as  (iaHtaidi  liad  used  for  liis  map  of  I'mO,  wliirli,  uh  I 
havo  Kliown,  woni  vury  antMiuit,  tal<(Mi  pioitably  from  tlu)  lliHt  Hl^clcliuii 
and  ciiai'tH  brouKlit  liomo  from  "  IVrro  \uuvo"  by  tbo  Froncli  I'dvcn- 
ttu'ors  and  (iHliornuMi.  I'urliaps  also  KiiHcitili  Himply  copied  tlio  work 
of  Ills  coiiiitryiiiaii  and  fiiciid  (!aHtaldi,  l*>aviii;{  out  now  and  Hum  a 
name,  or  t'ii.in^in^  it,  and  adding  liure  and  there  anotluM'.  1  rnrniHli 
tliiH  map  partieularly  toHliow,  that  the  HyHtem  of  (iastaldi,  aH  contained 
in  KamuMio,  did  not  remain  isolateti,  Init  found  a  (M)ntcinporano(niH 
roHponse,  and  was  copit^l  l»y  others.  For  the  j;roat»u'  part  of  the  con- 
tents of  this  map,  I  may  refer  to  what  1  have  said  on  the  iiiiip  of 
(Jastaldi,  Xo.  11. 

Labrador,  Newfoundland,  tbo  groat  rivor  of  Canada,  and  tbo  sovoral 
barbors  of  Nova  Scotia,  are  all  drawn  and  namud  by  UusculH  in  tbo 
same  manner  as  by  (Jastaldi. 

'I'lie  liarl)orof  "  .Viij^ouli'ine"  (l'assam;iipioddy  May)  has  also  the  samo 
form.  At  tbo  Hoiith-wost  of  it,  Uuscielli  places  another  jirotty  broad 
inlet,  probably  Ponobscot  Hay.  Tbo  coast  runs  down  with  a  bend 
to  a  prominimt  pointed  cape,  called  "(J.  doS.  .Maria"  (prol)al>ly  ('apo 
Cod).  I  have  befoi'o  observed  (p.  .')!)),  that  the  namo  "  C.  do  S.  Maria" 
Jjad  been  {;iven  by  the  Spaniards  to  another  capo  on  our  coast,  proba- 
bly Capo  Ann;  but  by  the  later  inap-makorti  tbo  samo  namo  is  somo- 
timos  applied  to  (^ipo  (^)d. 

But  I  liiid  on  this  map  an  entirely,  now  namo — '' Larcadia"— wbicb  I 
havo  not  observed  on  any  prior  map.  It  is  a  namo  of  Indian  oripn; 
and  was  probably  applied  by  French  llshormen  to  tbo  coast  south-west 
of  tbo  (Julf  of  St.  Lawronco.  It  is  well  known  tbat  this  name,  which 
in  tbo  bof^inninjf  bad  no  dednito  limits,  was  afterwards  restricted  by 
tbo  B'rench  to  Nova  Scotia  and  its  vicinity;  includiii}^  also  a  part  of  tbo 
present  State  of  Maine.  Tho  namo  is  variously  written,  ''  L'Arcadie," 
"  L'Accadie,"  "  la  Cadio,"  antl  otherwise.  On  tho  map  under  discussion 
tlio  name  stands  on  the  coast  of  Maine  exactly  in  tbo  midst  between 
Passamaijuoddy  and  Penobscot  Bays.  "  The  word  is  said  to  be  derived 
from  tho  Indian  '  Acpioddiauki,'  or  '  Aquoddio,'  meaning  the  fish 
called  a  'pollock.'"* 

•  According  to  Mr.  I'arkman,  Pioneers  of  France  In  the  New  World,  p,  220. 
[Aocording  to  another  authority,  Porter  C.  lillsg,  a  thorough  student  of  the  Indian 


riFAKTa  OP  THE  FIIKNCH  DTSrOVEniEH. 


2nr) 


Tho  iihori^itiiil  niimo  j^ivon  on  this  m;ip  to  Vovii  Scotia  ivml  tlio  iu«IkI>- 
borliootl  li;iM  iU'in  pociiliiirity,  tliat  iiisli'iul  of  ImiriK  wrltt.«ii,  iih  iutoimI- 
In^  to  itH  IiKliiiii  otytiioIoKy  It  Mlioiild  lio,  "  Nonimlirf/rt  "  or  '*  NttrmnlM'c," 
it  is  writtoii  "  NuruiiihfTf/;"  bIiowIu^  Unit  tlio  Itiiliiiti,  iih  \v<>11  at-  tlio 
Gortniui  ^(Mi(rrii[ili<M-H,  woro  riMiiinthMl,  Ity  tlilH  Ahiiiiki  word,  of  tlio 
fiuiioiis  (>«irni;iii  town  of  "  XiiiuiiihiMx"  In  it  Nimilar  iiianiior  tlio 
Iruliiin  niiiiio  "  l'(trniiinliii(!n"  In  South  Atnciicii  Ihih  boon  HoniutiniuH 
Oirmanlzod  to  "  FttrniiinhiirK"  (FiMdinaiid's  town). 


dlnlpotn,  Acntflf  In  a  pum  Mlrtnac  worrl.  mnanlnij  "  plnoi'."    Tn  Nora  Scotia  and 

MlklllC,  It  l'4  lltl'tl  liy  llll>  llllllllIM  III  ('11111111)41111111  Witll  ntlllT  WoriN,  IIM  III  I'i'Htlim    lll'lldif, 

aii<l  III  KtiMwiiilii,  I'liHriiliiiii-driKlIf,  now  l'ii*<Miiiniii|iii)i|(ly,  inciiiiliif;  llid  "pliico  of  llin 
pollouk."  (it>'4ii«>r,  III  liirt  "  Ki'xoiiroox  ot'Novii  Mcotlu,"  pp.2,  <'il,  kIvoh  IIm>  Hnnu>  in)-«n- 
tiiK,  llliintrutinl  III  tlio  wortN,  AnylislinH-itknilf,  a  ii/ncc  vhivr  /^tij/tiHliiiDH  riiiiilf ; 
Sni/ahfii-iiradf,  i/niinnl-iiut-ii/iirr,  now  ShulifiuicHilir,  Tlio  origin  .iC  iifiiilir  lit  dliki, 
land  nr  iilncc,  with  dit,  \\  purtiolo  uf  udinlrutlon,  uditcd ;  trnnHlate<l  by  Uulo,  voila! 
there!  Implying  abundance.— V4\i.\ 


\ 


CHAPTER    VII. 

FIRST   SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  ALONCJ  THE  EAST  COAST  OP 
FLORIDA  B^ROM  'JOLUJVIBUS  TO  AYLLON,  14'J2  to  1J20. 


Pf; 


1.   Intuoductory  Remakks. 

The  earliest  di'^covori^s  of  the  North  Vmcricaii  continent 
by  Europeans  were  made  on  the  great  north-eastern  ])enin- 
sula,  Newfoundland,  the  most  eastern  projection  of  which  is 
the  point  nearest  to  Europe  ;  and  was  reached  on  the  old 
liigh'vay,  by  the  int'^rmediato  stations,  Faroe,  Iceland,  and 
Greenland. 

Then  followed  the  discovery  pf  the  West  India  islands, 
toward  which  the  navigation  was  comparatively  easy  by  help 
of  the  trade-winds  and  the  equatorial  current. 

From  both  these  northern  and  southern  regions  the  more 
central  parts  of  the  coast  ivere  reached,  and  by  degrees  more 
thoroughly  explored. 

The  State  of  Maine,  being  a  part  of  the  north-eastern 
peninsula,  was  usually  reached  from  that  quarter  ;  and  its 
early  a  ^overy  Is  more  intii^ately  connected  with  that  of 
NewfouiiUiand,  Nova  S  "'tL.,  Canada,  and  other  northern 
divisions,  than  ,vith  that  of  the  West  India  islan:'.s  and  Flor- 
ida. Accordingly,  t^^*^  voyagv  ;  of  the  Northmen,  the  Cabots, 
the  Cortereals,  and  others,  are  much  more  connected  with  the 
discovery  of  Maine,  than  those  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  Ayllon, 
De  Soto,  and  their  successcrb  at  the  south,  who  scarcely 
reached  our  coast. 


SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLORIDA,  1492— IMO.       237 


Some  of  tlieso  soiitliorn  expeditions  in  tlieir  progress,  at  last 
came  very  near  to  onr  northern  coasts  ;  and,  as  I  shall  show, 
were  at  least  intended  for  them,  liringing  up  the  chain  of 
discovei/  to  as  high  a  latitude  as  ahout  40°  N.,  they  serve 
to  settle  the  question,  how  tiie  coast  of  Maine  was  interlinked 
with  tlic  entire  coast-line,  and  what  position  it  occupied  there. 
They  also  gave  names  on  tiie  south  of  Maine  to  certain  bays, 
cap?s,  and  rivers,  which  are  found  on  tiie  Spanish  charts. 
We  should  not  be  able  to  understand  these  charts,  and  to 
show  on  them  what  belonged  to  us  and  what  not,  without 
taking  some  notice  of  the  southern  voyages  and  their  results. 

A  review  of  them,  therefore,  will  be  necessary,  and  a  short 
review  will  suffice,  to  point  out  the  most  i- .portant  steps  in 
the  progress  of  this  branch  of  the  history  of  discovery,  which 
relates  to  the  south-eastern  coasts  of  North  America. 


Hi 


> 


;    i 


2.  Columbus  axd  xnii;  East  Coast  of  tiik  United  States. 

Columbus,  sotting  out  on  his  first  voyage  in  September, 
1492,  from  the  island  of  Gomara,  followed  at  first  a  strictly 
western  course  in  about  28°  N  ,  near  and  along  the  northern 
limits  of  the  northern  ;rade  winds. 

If  he  had  kept  on  this  track  to  the  end,  he  would  have 
reached  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States  in  28^°  N., 
about  the  latitude  of  Cape  Canaveral  in  Florida.  But  during 
the  latter  half  of  his  voyage,  at  the  end  of  September,  when 
about  midway  in  the  Atlantic  Oceai>,  he  began  to  change  his 
course  a  little  to  the  south,  and  so  touched  the  neAV  world 
in  about  the  latitude  oi  the  southern  end  of  our  east  coast. 

The  Indians  of  the  small  Lucayan  islands,  with  whom  he 
first  came  in  contact,  had  from  ancient  times  a  more  intimate 
intercourse  with  their  southern  neighbors, — the  inhabitants  of 
the  larger  Antilles, — than  with  those  at  the  north, — the 
inhabitants  of  Florida  and  the  east  coast  of  the  United 
States. 


i 


238        SPAXISII  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLORIDA,  1492—1520. 

They  were  connected  with  the  south  by  a  chain  of  islands 
and  low  banks,  whose  channels  were  navigable  for  canoes  ; 
and  were  arawn  in  that  direction  by  old  traditions,  that  their 
paradise  lay  in  those  magnificent  countries,  the  high  moun- 
tains of  which  they  could  see  from  some  parts  of  the  Lucayan 
Archipelago.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  separated  from 
the  east  coast  of  North  America  by  a  deep  strait  and  the 
swift  current  of  the  Gulf-stream,  which  would  be  likely  to 
sweep  away  their  canoes,  and  be  to  them  an  object  of  dread. 
Besides,  the  flat  and  less  attractive  countrv  of  Florida  was 
nowhere  in  sight  from  their  native  islands. 

When  therefore  Columbus  made  inquiries  of  the  poor 
islanders  after  larger  and  more  beautiful  countries,  and  took 
some  of  them  on  board  as  pilots,  they  conducted  him  to  the 
south  ;  and  in  this  manner  turned  him  off  from  our  east  coast ; 
so  that  during  the  rest  of  his  hfe,  he  continued  to  be  occupied 
with  the  exploration  of  the  southern  regions,  and  gave  little 
attention  to  the  northern. 

On  his  first  homeward  voyage  in  January,  1493,  he  ap- 
proached the  great  section  of  the  ocean,  which  lies  along  the 
east  coast  of  North  America,  more  nearly  than  at  any  other 
time.  His  course  was  in  a  north-east  direction,  somewhat 
parallel  with  our  east  coast,  but  at  a  distance  from  it,  for 
nearly  four  hundred  leagues  ;  passing  not  far  to  the  east  of 
the  Bermudas,  and  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  south 
of  the  southern  end  of  the   great   Newfoundland   ]5anks.* 

Though  Columbus  never  saw  this  east  coast,  vet  he  was 
convinced  that  there  was  a  great  continental  land  lying  in  this 
direction,  at  the  north-west  of  his  islands.  He  however  be- 
lieved until  his  death,  as  many  did  aftei  Iiim,  that  this  great 
continent  was  the  easLern  coast  of  Asia,  and  that  the  islands 

*  See  this  track  laid  down  on  the  chart  of  Columbus'  voyages  by  Na- 
varrete  in  his  "  CoUeccion  de  los  viages  et  descubrimientos,"  torn.  1,  p.  352. 


i 


SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLORIDA,  1492-1520.       239 

visited  by  him  were  situated  not  far  eastward  from  tliat  con- 
tinent. 

On  his  second  voyage  to  the  west  he  sailed  alonn;  the  south 
shore  of  Cuba,  June,  1494,  in  a  west-north-west  direction. 
Arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  its  western  extremity,  he  turned 
back,  declaring  his  conviction,  that  the  country  was  not  an 
island,  but  a  part  of  the  great  Asiatic  continent. 

As  unhappily  not  one  of  the  numerous  charts  which  Co- 
lumbus constructed  has  been  preserved,  we  cannot  say  what 
may  have  been  his  exact  idea  in  regard  to  the  distance,  trend- 
ing, and  confin;uration  of  that  eastern  continental  coast.  His 
first  view  may  have  been,  that  in  these  particulars  it  resembled 
the  coast-line  drawn  on  the  globe  of  Martin  Behaim,  in  1492, 
running  north-east  of  Zipangu  (Japan),  supposed  by  Colum- 
bus to  be  the  same  with  his  Isla  Espt-nola  (St.  Domingo). 

It  is  probable,  although  it  is  nowhere  directly  stated,  that 
Columbus  became  acquainted,  at  a  later  time,  with  the  dis- 
coveries of  the  Cabots  and  Cortereals  made  nine  and  six  vears 
before  his  death.  This  is  rendered  indeed  quite  certain,  so 
far  at  least  as  the  discoveries  of  Cabot  are  concerned,  from  the 
fact,  that  these  had  been  already  depicted  on  the  celebrated 
map  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  the  pilot  and  companion  of  Co- 
lumbus. 

The  east  coast  of  North  America  is  drawn  by  Cosa  on  this 
chart,  in  accordance,  dpubtless,_with  the  vTews^pf. Columbus  ; 
that  is,  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  West  India 
islands,  with  a  trending  from  the  south-west  to  the  north-east. 
On  one  point,  however,  Cosa  differed  from  Columbus,  namely, 
in  representing  Cuba  as  an  island,  and  not  as  a  peninsula,  as 
Columbus  continued  to  regard  it,  probably  during  his  life. 

Similar  representations  were  made  in  various  ways  on  maps 
made  long  after  the  death  of  Columbus.  His  last  two  voyages 
were  occupied  in  explorations  much  further  south,  which  have 
no  special  relation  to  our  subject. 


■  s 


0         SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLORIDA,  14!)2-1520. 


' 


8.    EXPEDITIOX    OP    POXCR    DE    LeON    FROM    PoRTO    RiCO    TO 

THE  East  Coast  of  Florida  in  1513. 

For  tlio  reasons  abovo  stated,  the  more  northern  rerrions 
were  for  several  years  nej^lected  by  Columbus  and  his  follow- 
ers ;  and  even  the  northern  side  of  Cuba,  which,  arcordinfrly, 
was  sui)i)()sed  by  them  to  be  continental  with  Asia,  until  it 
was  circumnavigated  by  Sebastian  de  Ocampo,  in  1508,  when 
its  insular  character  became  generally  known. 

Soon  after  this  voyage  of  Ocampo,  the  Spaniards  began  to 
iiCf'vch  more  eagerly  after  the  regions  north  of  Cuba.  The 
Indians  of  Cuba  and  of  the  Lucayan  islands  related  a  tradi- 
tion, that  there  was,  in  that  direction,  a  groat  country,  which 
they  named  "  Cautio,"  in  which  there  was  a  wonderful  foun- 
tain, having  power  to  restore  youth  and  strength  to  those 
who  bathed  in  its  waters.  A  similar  story  was  told  of  an 
island,  called  "  Bimini,"  said  to  lie  in  the  north-western  part 
of  the  Lucayan  Archipelago. 

It  is  probable  that  Ocampo  brought  home  from  his  circum- 
navigation of  Cuba,  the  first  accounts  of  these  traditions,  and 
spread  them  among  his  countrymen,  the  Spanish  settlers. 
And  probably  soon  after,  private  adventurers  and  explorers 
may  have  undertaken  voyages  in  search  of  this  fountain  of 
Bimini,  and  the  country  of  Cautio. 

Some  years  later,  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  the  cor.  peror  and 
governor  of  Porto  Rico,  influenced  by  these  glowing  tradi- 
tions, determined  to  seek  this  fabled  fountain  to  restore  his 
shattered  frame ;  and  on  the  3d  of  March,  1513,*  sailed 
with  three  vessels  to  the  north-west,  having  as  chief  pilot, 

•Nearlj  dll  former  authors  have  phioed  this  voyage  in  the  year  1512. 
But  Pescliel,  in  his  "  Geschichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckunsen,"  p.  521, 
has  proved  tliat  this  year  is  an  impossible  date,  and  that  instead  of  it  the 
year  1513  must  be  adopted. 


/ 


n 


n 


01 

C 


SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLORIDA,  14fl2— IMO.       241 

Antonio  do  Alaminos,  a  wry  liitollijicnt  and  skillful  man, 
■\vlio  afterwards  distinguished  liinjself  by  several  important 
discoveries. 

De  Leon,  sailing  at  first  alonjf  the  eastern  coasts  of  the 
Lucayan  Arehii)ela;j;(),  arrived  on  the  14th,  at  "Guanahani," 
the  first  American  island  <liscoverod  by  Columbus.  No 
Spanish  navioator,  so  far  as  we  know,  since  the  discovery  of 
Columbus  in  1402,  jiad  reached  this  his  north--westorn  ne  phis 
ultra.  Ponce  de  FiCon  now  passed  it,  crossed  the  track  of 
Columbus,  and  advanced  still  further  to  the  north-west. 

On  the  27th  of  March,  -which  was  Easter-day,  commo'^ly 
called  in  S])ain,  "  Pascua  Floridrv"  (Flowery  Easter),  he 
discovered  land  in  about  20°  N.  He  sailed  along  t];e  coast 
for  two  days  iu  a  north-westerly  direction,  looking  for  a  liar- 
bor,  until  on  the  second  day  of  April,  lie  came  to  anchor  at  a 
place  in  38°  8'  N.,  probably  near  the  present  St.  Augustine. 
Here  he  went  on  shore,  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  the  king  of  Sj)ain  ;  and,  thinking  it  to  be  a  large 
island,  lie  called  it  "  La  Florida,"  as  well  because  he  had  dis- 
covered it  on  the  above-mentioned  festival  day,  as  also  from 
its  flowery  aspect.* 

The  next  day,  Friday,  he  still  cojitinued  his  course  to  the 
north-west ;  but  on  Saturday,  changing  his  mind,  he  returned 
along  the  coast  in  a  southerly  direction  ;  disa])pointed,  per- 
haps, in  the  object  of  his  search,  and  desirous  of  ascertaining 
what  connection  there  mi<>lit  be  between  Florida  and  Cuba. 

He  continued  on  his  southern  course  until  the  20tli  of 
April,  baffled  by  the  strong  current  of  the  Gulf-stream,  and 
making  little  progress.  lie  occasionally  landed  and  gave 
names  to  several  places  ;  for  instance,  to  a  place, — discovered 
on  the  8th  of  May,  in  latitude  28°  15'  N.,  probably  Cape 
Canaveral,  as   indicated  on   subsequent  Spanish   maps, — he 


16 


*  See  Herrera,  Dec.  I,  lib.  9,  cap.  10. 


\ 


242       SPANISH  EXI'KDITIONS   IN  FLORIDA,  Um-ir.'M. 


gave  the  name  "  Cabo  do  Corricntcs,"  so  called  from  the 
stren<>tli  of  the  currents  which  rendered  it  ditlicult  for  him  to 
pass,  though  sailing  with  favoring  winds  and  all  his  sails  set. 
In  about  25°  N.,  he  saw  the  coast  turning  westward,  and 
there  descried  a  long  chain  of  rocky  reefs  and  islets  of  various 
forms,  which  appeared  to  his  Spanish  imagination  like  mar- 
tyrs lying  upon  their  grates  ;  and  which  he  therefore  called 
','_liOS__Martyres  "  (the  ^Martyrs),  our  present  Florida  Keys. 

Ilavino;  reached  these  kevs,  De  Leon  turned  to  tlie  north, 
entered  upon  other  waters  quite  new  to  the  S|)aniiirds,  and 
came  upon  the  western  coast  of  his  "  island  F'orichi,"  along 
which  he  sailed  some  distance  to  the  north,  perhaps  as  far  as 
the  present  "  Charlotte  Bay."  From  this  })oint  he  again 
turned  south,  and  on  his  home  route  came  in  sight  of  the 
"  Tortugas  "  (the  Tortoises)  ;  where,  having  Cuba  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Florida  on  the  other,  he  was  able  to  determine  the 
distance  between  those  two  countries.  After  cruisiu";  in  the 
Lucayan  Archipelago,  he  arrived  at  Porto  Rico  in  the  month 
of  September  or  October.* 

After  this  expedition,  De  Leon  went  to  Spain,  Avhero  the 
king  gave  him  the  title  of  "  Adelantado  de  la  isla  de  Bimini  y 
la  Florida,"  together  with  the  government  of  these  newly  dis- 
covered provinces,  with  a  commission  to  establish  a  colony 
there.  De  Leon  was  accordingly  the  first  European  gov- 
ernor appointed  for  the  North  American  continent.  For  the 
next  few  years,  however,  he  was  so  occupied  with  expeditions 
against  the  troublesome  inhabitants  of  the  Caribbean  islands, 
"that  he  could  not  profit  by  his  commission."  But  in  the 
year  1521,  he  began  to  arm  and  avail  himself  of  his  com- 
mission in  Florida.  With  the  remainder  of  his  fortune  he 
fitted  out  two  vessels,  and  sailed  again  to  that  country  ;  at 
this  time  visiting  only  its  western  coast,  and  accordingly  fur- 

*  There  are  some  doubts  about  this  date. 


SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  IN  FLOIIIDA,  H'J'i-ir/JO.       243 


nisliiiin;  notliinn;  of  interost  to  our  subjt'ct.  On  tliis  liis  last 
expedition  lio  was  mortally  wouiulcd  in  a  battle  with  the 
Indians  of  Florida;  and  died  in  Cuba,  leaving  a  son,  tlie'lieir 
of  his  titles  to  the  great  country  discovered  by  him  in  the 
north. 

The  Spanish  name  "  Florida,"  which  Do  Leon  gave  to  this 
new  coiuitry,  remains;  while  the  Indian  names,  "Cautio" 
and  "Bimini"  were  soon  forgotten.  The  name  of  Fh)rida 
was  extended  by  degrees  further  north  with  the  progress  of 
Spanish  discovery  and  power  in  that  direction.  New  Eng- 
land, and  even  Labrador,  were  at  last  inckuk'd  under  the 
name  of  Florida.  Nearly  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, the  name  of  North  America  was  little  used  by  Sjjanish 
authors.* 


M'. 


r:i 


I 


4.    Voyage   of   Antonio   de   Alaminos   from   Vera   Ckuz 
Tnuouc.u  TUE  Bahama  Channel  to  Spain  in  1519. 

Before  and  after  the  expedition  of  De  Leon  in  1513,  nu- 
merous private  excursions  were  made  to  the  coasts  of  Florida 
and  the  Lucayan  islands,  from  St.  Domingo  and  Cuba. 
Among  the  adventurers  was  a  certain  Diego  Miruelo,  who 
had  })receded  De  Leon,  and  was  now  found  by  him.  to  his 
astonishment,  making  on  his  own  account  a  second  expedi- 
tion to  Florida,  in  151G.  This  Miruelo  brought  home  speci- 
mens of  gold,  which  increased  the  fame  of  this  country  among 
the  Spaniards.! 

We  are  not  told  to  what  part  of  Florida  Miruelo  w^ent ; 
but  probably  it  was  not  to  the  east  coast.  The  Gulf  of 
Mexico  at  this  time,  and  in  subsequent  years,  attracted  the 

•Among  these  authors  is  the  well-known  historian,  Barcia,  in  liis  great 
history  of  Florida. 

tSee  Garcilasso  de  la  Vela's  work  upon  De  Soto,  lib.  1,  chap.  2;  and 
Barcia's  "Ensayo  Chronologico,"  p.  2.    Madrid,  1723. 


m 


1  i 


5 


244        SI'ANIHH    KXI'EIJITIONS  JN    FLO  I!  IDA,    14!l'_'- IWO. 


' 


.'ittcMitioii  of  (Miti'r|)i'islii<^  Spiiiiiai'ds  more  tlian  any  otlior 
rciiioii.  Tlu'  ;j;r('!it  naval  expeditions  of  Conlova,  1517; 
Grijaha,  1")1S;  and  (/ortcs,  1 ")!!»,  were  directcMl  to  tliat  medi- 
terraiu'an  sea  of  North  Anieriea.  The  east  coast  was  nes;- 
Jected  Wu-  nine  years  after  Ponce  (h'  licon's  voyaec-  in  IAUj. 
iJut  from  these  n;nlf  expeditions  thei'c  procee(h'd  a  voya<fe, 
which  exi-rted  an  ini])ortant  inHuence  upon  the  i'xph)ratioii 
of  this  east  coast. 

Cortes, — iKniiiii'  ohtaine(l  on  liis  cruise  ah)n«j;  the  coast 
of  New  Spain  soini'  favoralth*  accounts  from  the  interior, 
and  huilt  thi'  fortress  of  N'era  Ci-ii/,  and  wisliinn;  now  to 
send  repoi'ts  of  his  successful  j)roi;ress  to  the  kin<i  of  Spain, 
by  the  sliortest  ])ossihle  route, — (K-spatclied,  in  a  fast-sailiii<i; 
vessel,  his  skiUful  pilot,  Antonio  de  Ahnninos.  He,  as  has 
heen  said,  had  hcen  llie  clilef  ]»ilot  of  J  )e  Leon,  in  l.")l.'')  ; 
and  liad  conductc'(l,  in  tliis  ca])acity,  the  suhsiwpient  expedi- 
tions of  Cordova,  (Jrijalva,  and  Cortes  to  the  Culf  of  Mexico, 
and  liad  tlierehy  acquired  <rreat  know]ed<re  and  exj)erienco  of 
those  waters. 

Alaniinos  knew  the  cast  coast  of  Florida  as  ]iio;h  as  1;.)°  N., 

—    ■■'■■■•  -^  O  ' 

and  had  observed  witli  Do  Leon  the  strong  northern  current 
along  that  coast.  He  did  not  know  with  certainty  what  was 
the  state  of  things  beyond  this  point  to  the  east,  on  the  route 
to  Spain.  No  one,  probabl}',  except  perhaps  Sebastian  Cabot 
in  1498,  had  sailed  in  that  direction,  and  he,  probably,  only  as 
far  south  as  oG°  N.,  in  about  the  latitude  of  (jibraltar.  It 
could  not,  therefore,  be  known  at  that  time,  whether  the 
islands  which  appeared  on  the  inaj)  of  Cosa  so  j)lentifully  scat- 
tered over  those  -waters  as  high  np  as  40°  N.,*  might  not  be 
barred  with  reefs  and  banks  ;  or  whether  the  jiassage  in  that 
direction  might  not  be  blocked  by  some  peninsula,  projecting 
from  the  northern  continent  far  to  the  south  and  the  east. 


*  See  Cosa's  Chart,  our  No.  5. 


KXPEDITION   OF  DK  AYLLON,  1520. 


24r) 


But  Aliituinos,  liavinji  obsiTvccl  the  stroni;  ciirrcMits  in  tho 
niiluiiuii  (MmniR'l,  ilid  not  think  it  possjlilo  that  such  (»i)struc- 
tions  ('(nild  exist.  "  1I(>  th()un;ht,"  says  Ili-rrora,  ''that  those 
currents  would  conchu-t  liiui  sonu'wliere  into  dccj)  and  open 
water."  Accordinii'Iy  he  nuuh'  trial  of  a  passane  throutfli 
the  Bahama  (>haniu'I,  and  Moated  (h)\vn  tlu*  ({ult-streani  into 
the  broad  Atlantic  Ocean;  ther(!bv  proviu"];  the  existcuu'o  ot* 
a  navi<j;al)K'  passan;e  in  this  direction,  from  Cuba  aiul  tho  Gulf 
of  Mexico  to  Spain. 

The  exact  latitudes  of  Alaminos'  tracdv  ari'  nowhere  re- 
ported. We  are  only  told,  that,  in  sailing  throu;;h  the 
Bahama  Chanmd,  "  ln'  put  himself  to  the  north"  (fne  ineti- 
endo  se  al  iiorte),  and  that  in  this  direction  he  found  the 
broad  ocean  (hallo  el  espacioso  mar)  ;  and  that  in  pursuing 
his  voynife  lie  touched  the  island  of  Terceira.* 

From  this  it  is  evident,  that  he  sailed  ah)n<f  a  fjreat  section 
of  the  Gulf-stream,  and  may  be  considered  as  the  real  dis- 
coverer of  tliis  current,  runninn;  alonj;  the  entire  cast  coast  of 
North  America,  and  exertino;  an  important  influence  on  its 
commercial,  as  well  as  fTeoorajjliical  and  |)()litical  history,  lie 
probably  j)assed  near  the  liermudas,  though  he  is  not  known 
to  have  seen  them.  In  tliis  manner  he  completed  the  dis- 
covery of  the  section  of  the  ocean  lyin<^  between  the  tracks 
of  Cabot,  Columbus,  and  Ponce  de  Leon,  Avhicli,  until  his 
voyage,  had  remained  vuitraversed  and  unknown. 

5.   Till':  FiKST  Spanish  Expkdition  of  Lucas  Vasquez  de 
Ayllox  to  Ciiicora  (thu  Coast  of  Carolixa),  1520. 

The  Spanish,  slave-trading  voyages  to  the  Lucayan  Archi- 
pelago, in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  had  depopu- 

*  See  Bernal  Diaz,  Historia  Verdadera,  cap.  54-50;  and  Heirora,  Dec.  II, 
lib.  6,  cap.  14. 


I 


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i':xi'ioi)rn()N  ok  dk  ayllon,  iaso. 


liitcMl  Olio  isliuid  after  lUiotluM'.  As  tlio  (Iciniind  for  lahorors 
ill  tlic  iiiiiifs  and  plantations  of  Kayti  and  (hiha  contiinicd, 
till'  slav(*-ti'adi'rs  soiiirlit  other  countries  not  yet  visited,  and 
at  last  extended  their  search  to  the  coast  of  the  "  Northern 
Indies." 

Ill  tlio  year  liViO,  several  wealthy  j^lanters  of  St.  Doinin^^o 
fitted  out  two  vessels  in  the  harbor  of  La  Plata,  and  de- 
spatched th(  111  to  the  Lncayan  islands,  for  the  purpose  of 
*'  pr()('iiriiij£  hands."  Anioni!;  these  owners  or  adventurers 
(annadores),  were  the  Sjianisl*  civil  o^jrtcers  l)ien;()  Cahallero, 
Ortiz,  de  ]\Iatieiu,'(),  and  Jjucas  Vascpiez  de  Ayllon  ;  tiie  last 
a  literary  man,  a  <:;raduate  (licenciado)  and  jii<l<j;<'  (oidor). 

'^riie  Jnd;i;e  Ayllon,  appai'ently  the  most  wealthy  and  active 
in  the  company,  with  the  help  of  his  associates,  paid  all  the 
expenses  of  the  exp.Mlition.  The  name  of  the  ooininander  we 
do  not  learn,  only  occasionally  a  Captain  Jordan  is  jiiontioned 
as  the  conimander  of  one  of  the  sTnps.  He  may  have  been 
the  commander  of  both  ships,  and  the  expi'dition  may,  there- 
fore, pr()j)erly  be  called  "('aj)t!iin   Jordan's  voya<2;e."* 

The  chief  pilot  of  the  expedition  was  I)ii'n;o  Miruelo,  the 
same  who  has  already  been  mentioned  as  liavinc^  made  recon- 
noiteriiiii  expeditions  on  his  own  account  to  the  no.tli,  in 
1,')\'\  and  loll),  and  who  was  therefore  well  accpiainted  with 
the  naviifation  of  the  Lucayan  islands  and  with  parts  of 
Florida. 

The  two  vessels  sailed  from  St.  Dominijo  some  time  in 
1520.  Tliev  touched  at  several  Lucavan  islands  ;  but  finding 
them  depo])ulated,  and  determining  "not  to  return  Avith 
empty  ships,"  they  directed  their  course  further  north,  to  try 


*TIin  only  Spanisli  aiitlinr  who  iiiakcs  Ayllon  himself  go  with  the  expe- 
dition, is  Barcia,  1723.  The  older  authorities,  Gomara,  Oviedo,  Herrera, 
do  not  mention  him. 


KXPKDITION    OK   I»E    AYFJ.ON,   in20. 


247 


their  fortune  on  tlic  coasts  discovered  hy  I'onco  de   Leon, 
whose  track  tliey  foMowed.* 

Ill  this  direction  they  lell  in  with  a  coast  "  in  82°  N.," 
nccordin;^  to  Gomara  and  lli-rrera,  or  "  in  88"  N.,"  accord- 
in<;  to  Oviedo.  And  ^oini;  on  shore,  i\wy  called  a  cape  in 
the  nei^hhorhood  *' Caho  (le  SanhiJUidi:iiiL^  (cape  of  St. 
ITelena),  hecanso  thev  liad  discoxcred  it  on  tiie  dav  of  that 
saint,  the  l(Sth  of  An^^nst.  A  river,  which  was  near,  was 
called  "  Kio  .Jordan,"  after  the  ahove-nientioned  Captain 
Jordan.  The  country,  as  they  understood  from  the  aborigi- 
nes, was  called  "  ('liicora.''      ^^ 

1  will  not  examine  liei'e  the  donhtfid  ])oints  connected  with 
these  dates  and  names.  This  helon^s  to  a  special  history  of 
the  coast  of  Carolina.  I  will  onlv  state,  that  we  shall  find 
several  of  these  names  on  charts  hereafter  introduced,  and 
shall  use  them  as  waymarks. 

A3dlon's  men  do  not  a])pear  to  have  fj;iven  much  time  to 
exploration,  'J'heir  voya«2;e  was  nothing  hut  a  slave-huntin<i; 
cxj)e(lition.  They  remained  for  that  purpose  in  the  harbor 
where  they  liad  come  to  anchor,  went  on  shore,  cauj^ht 
some  of  the  natives,  to  whom  tlu'y  crave  Kuro})ean  trinkets, 
and  dresses  made  in  the  Castilian  fashion  ;  who  were  then 
dismissed  amon;]j  their  countrymen  as  decoys. 

JNfany  poor  Indians,  upon  this,  came  on  board  the  ships  in 
cheerful  groups,  to  receive  similar  presents ;  and  when  the 
decks  were  covered  with  them,  the  treacherous  Spaniards  un- 
furled their  sails,  and  turned  their  prows  toward  the  south. 
But  this  crime  was  luiprofitable  ;  and  was  finally  avenged  on 
the  cruel  perpetrators.  One  of  the  returning  sliips  foundered 
at  sea,  and  the  guilty  and  guiltless  perished  together, — the  first 

*H(;rrer.a,  1.  c,  "nave^aroii  por  la  noticia  qu(!  se  tenia  do  la  navigacion 
do  Juaii  I'ouco  do  Leon."  "  Some  will  have  it,"  says  Herrera  further 
"  that  they  were  only  carried  away  to  the  north  by  a  storm." 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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248 


EXPEDITION   OF  DE  AYLLON,  1520. 


shipwreck,  probably,  on  tlie  coast  of  Carolina.  The  greater 
part  of  the  Indians  on  board  the  other  ship  died  from  sorrow 
and  <,n-i('f,*  sickness  and  hmij^er,  refusin<j;  to  eat  what  the 
Spaniards  offered  them.  However,  one  yonng  Indian  at 
least  reiriained  alive,  to  whom  the  Si)aniards  oave  tlie  name, 
"  Francisco  Chicora."  He  ac(inired  the  Spanish  lann;uage, 
and  afterwards  related  to  Ayllon  many  wondei'fnl  things  of 
the  beauty  and  riches  of  Chicora.  Ayllon,  whose  imagination 
was  inflamed  by  these  reports,  and  who  was  now  desirous  to 
try  the  concpiest  of  this  country,  carried  his  Indian  to  S])ain,f 
with  the  design  of  proj)osing  to  the  government  to  undertake 
an  exi)edition  on  a  grander  scale. 

But  these  transactions  and  the  preparations  for  this  new 
expedition  occuj)ied  several  years  ;  and  meanwhile  this  east 
coast,  in  its  northerly  section,  had  been  readied  and  explored 
by  the  Spanish  expedition  of  Gomez  in  1525,  as  wxdl  as  by 
the  French  expedition  of  Verrazano  in  1524,  of  which  I  sliall 
treat  in  the  following  chapter. 


*■' — (le  tristeza  y  pesii(liinil)re." 

tl't'tcr  Martyr,  1.  <;.  Doc.  Ill,  cap.  2,  has  a  most,  interesting  chapter  on 
this  Indian  from  Carohna.  Once  he  had  him  and  liis  master  Ayllon  at  his 
table  in  Seville,  and  communicates  to  liis  readers  the  conversation  which 
ho  then  hold  with  them  al)out  "  Cliicora."  Ainong  other  tinners,  he  men- 
tions, probably  for  the  lirst  time,  the  sweet  potatoes  ("Batatas")  of  that 
region. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

KXPEDITIONS  TO  THK  EAST  COAST  OF  NORTH  AMKIUCA 
UNDER  THE  EUENCH,  BY  VEIIUAZANO— THE  Sl'ANJAUDS, 
BY  GOMEZ,— AND  THE   ENGLISH,  BY   RUT. 


1.  ExPKDiTiox  OF  Giovanni  da  Vkkrazano  in  1524. 

No  exploring  expeditions  liad  been  undertaken  to  tlie  new 
world  officially  by  the  French  government  prior  to  1")23. 
All  had  been  left  to  private  enterprise.  But  in  that  year, 
the  first  French  voyage  for  "  the  discovery  of  the  new  coun- 
tries "  was  commenced,  under  the  patronage  of  Francis  I, 
the  brilliant,  enlightened,  and  powerful  sovereign  of  France. 

Four  ships  were  fitted  out,  under  the  command  of  Gio- 
vanni da  Verrazano,*  a  citizen  of  the  same  nationality,  which 
had  furnished  commanders  for  the  Spanish  and  English  expe- 
ditions to  the  new  Avorld, — an  Italian  of  Floreiice^  He  had 
previously  navigated  the  eastern  parts  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean,— the  same  waters  in  which  Columbus  had  gained  his 
experience  ;  and  having  entered  the  service  of  the  king  of 
France,  he  liad  been  employed  at  times  in  cruising  against 
the  Spaniards. 

The  expedition  of  1524  appears  to  have  been  partly  des- 
tined as  a  hostile  cruise  against  the  Spaniards.     But  explora- 

*  I  write  this  name  here  as  it  is  written  in  the  work  of  Raniusio,  tliough 
Italians,  Tiraboschi,  for  instance,  write  it  Verrazani.  To  adajjt  the  name 
to  the  English  reader,  we  shall  in  the  following  pages  call  him  John  Verra- 
zano. 


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250 


EXPFCDITION   OF  VEUHAZANO,  ir,'24. 


tion  and  discovery,  more  particularly  the  search  for  a  passage 
to  Catliiiy,  were  the  princi[)al  objects  of  the  royal  commission 
then  received  by  Verra/.ano,  as  lie  himself  says,  in  his  letter 
to  the  kino;.*  In  this  letter  we  regret  that  we  have  not  a 
more  full  account  of  the  instructions  or  orders  given  to  him 
by  Francis  I.f 

From  several  circumstances  soon  to  be  mentioned,  it  ap- 
pears ])rol)able,  that  at  first  he  sailed  from  France  in  the 
autumn  of  1')'2'-).  The  expedition  seems  to  have  met  with 
unfavorable  weather,  and  to  have  encountered  great  tem- 
pests on  the  northern  coasts  (nclle  spiagge  settentrionale). 
Two  shij)s  were  separated  from  the  fleet ;  and  what  became 
of  them  we  are  not  informed.  AV^ith  the  two  other  ships, 
"  La  Daupliine  "  and  "  La  Nt)rmande,"'  in  a  damaged  condi- 
tion, Verrazano  entered  a  port  of  Brittany  to  repair.  AVhat 
"  northern  coasts  "  these  were  is  not  clear.  Some  think  that 
this  first  attempt  was  designed  for  a  long  exploring  expedi- 
tion, and  that  "  the  northern  coasts "  were  some  northern 
part  of  America  already  reached  by  Verrazano  in  1523.  Ver- 
razano says,  in  his  letter   to  the   king,  that  he  had  made  a 


i 


piji     * 


i  I 


*  Ilamiisio,  vol.  3,  p.  420  seq.  Venetia,  1503.  Verrazano  speaks  of  the 
four  shiiis  wiiicli  wore  sent  by  the  orders  of  the  king  across  the  ocean,  to 
discover  lusw  lands  (li  qiiattro  legni  die  vostra  Maesta  mando  per  oceano 
a  disc-oprir  nuove  torre);  and  furtlier  says  (in  the  appendix  to  the  copy  of  his 
letter,  lattdy  discovered  in  the  jSIaf;liabecchian  library  in  Florence,  edited 
by  G.  Cogswell,  Esq.,  in  the  collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New 
York,  second  series,  vol.  1,  p.  52  (New  York,  1841),  that  it  was  his  inten- 
tion ''to  reach  in  this  voyage  Cathay  on  the  extreme  coast  of  Asia." 

t  Herrera  (Dec.  Ill,  lib.  6,  cap.  i))  says,  that  Francis  I,  the  rival  of 
Charles  V,  had  a  desire  to  emulate  him  also  in  respect  to  west(irn  disc-ov- 
ery.  He  relates,  that  Francis  bad  uttered  the  expression,  that  "  he  did  not 
think  God  had  created  those  new  countries  for  the  Castilians  alone." 
Herrera  thinks,  also,  that  the  expedilion  was  sent  out  especially  for  the 
discovery  of  a  north-west  passage,  and  of  a  route  to  the  Moluccas;  "  a  sub- 
ject which  at  that  time  occupied  the  cosmograpbers  and  navigators  of  all 
sea-faring  nations." 


RXPEDITION  OF  VERUAZANO,  1524. 


251 


report  to  liiin  on  this  first  unfortuiuite  atti'inpt  iit  exploration  ; 
but  tliis  re[)ort  has  unhappily  not  come  down  to  us. 

After  havin<r  repaired  his  vessels,  Verra/ano  sailed  again, 
well  ecpiippL'd  for  a  cruise  along  the  coasts  of  Spain.* 

He  went  as  far  south  as  the  island  of  Madeira.  From  this 
place  he  resolved  to  proceed  to  the  west,  hut  with  only  one 
of  his  vessels,  "  I^a  Dauphine."  As  to  what  became  of  "La 
Normande,"  we  have  no  account. 

On  board  the  ''  Dauphine  "  he  had  fifty,  pi-obably  picked, 
men  ;  {uid  she  had  provisions  for  an  eight  months'  cruise, 
"  arms  and  other  warlike  munitions  and  naval  stores." 

On  the  17th  of  January,  lo21,  he  parted  from  the  "  Islas 
desiertas,"  a  well-known  little  gronp  of  islands  near  Ma- 
deira, and  sailed  at  first  westward,  running  in  twenty-five 
days  five  hundred  leagues, f  with  a  light  and  pleasant  easterly 
breeze  along  the  northern  border  of  the  trade  winds,  in  about 
30°  N.  His  track  was  consequently  nearly  like  that  of  Co- 
lumbus on  his  first  voyage. 

On  the  14th  of  February,  J  he  met  "with  as  violent  a  hur- 
ricane as  any  ship  ever  encountered."  liut  he  weathered  it, 
and  pursued  his  voyage  to  the  west,  "  with  a  little  deviation 
to  the  north;"  wdien,  after  having  sailed  twenty-four  days 
and  four  hundred  leagues,  he  descried  a  new  country  which, 
as  he  supposed,  had  never  before  been  seen  either  by  modern 
or  ancient  navigators.     The  country  was  very  low. 

From  the  above  description  it  is  evident,  that  Verrazano 
came  in  s'uj\\t  of  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States  about 

*  Herrera  (Dec.  HI,  lib.  0,  cap.  0)  say.s,  that  ho  sailed //oni  Dieppe  on  the 
17th  of  Jamiaiy,  whitih  jirobahly  is  not  correct. 

t  Raninsio,  1.  c;  Herrera,  1.  c. ;  and  also  Hakliiyt,  in  his  "Divers  Voy- 
ages," edited  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  London,  1850. 

X  So  tlie  Ma^liaheeclnan  Manuscript  (1.  c.  p.  50)  lias  it.  Ramusio  and 
the  "Divers  Voyajjes"  have  the  20th  of  February,  which  appears  less 
probable. 


;  •* 


•  ;ii  ; 


!«•; 


i 


:  .!■ 


EXIMCniTION  OF  VEIIUAZANO,  1524, 


the  10th  (.f  Marcli,  1524.  He  pliiccs  his  land-full  in  ^,4°  N.,* 
vvliicli  is  tlio  latitude  of  Cape  Fear,  a  prominent  peninsula 
projecting,  with  its  islands  and  banks,  far  into  the  ocean,  and 
was  })rol)ably  the  first  land  seen  by  him. 

He  first  sou<i;lit  a  harbor  for  water  and  to  repair  his  ship,  and 
for  this  j)nr[)ose  sailed  to  the  south  along  the  coast  "for  about 
fifty  leagues  "  f  from  the  ])()int  of  his  land-fall.  I>ut  he  could 
find  no  port  in  this  direction. 

Seeinn;  the  coast  trentHno;  still  further  south  in  the  same 
manner,  lie  reversed  his  course,  and  returned  north  ;  but 
finding  no  suitable  port,  he  came  to  anchor  near  the  coast, J 
and  sent  some  of  his  men  on  shore  to  look  at  the  country  and 
commiuiicate  with  the  inhabitants. 

This  landing-))lace  must  have  been  somewhat  north  of  his 
land-fall  in  ^34°  N.,  ])erhaps  not  far  from  Cape  Lookout.  A 
section  of  low  coast,  sixty  to  seventy  leagues  in  length, 
stretches  along  there,  in  which  Verrazano  could  find  no  port ; 
and  this  corresponds  with  the  cliaracter  of  the  coast  between 
Capes  Lookout  and  llamain.  Tiiero  are  long  uniform  tracts 
of  low  country  without  any  estuary  or  port  whatever,  which 
might  well  have  discouraged  a  weather-beaten  and  port- 
seeking  navigator.  Tlie  few  inlets  or  ports  existing  there,  lie 
behind  sandy  promontories,  and  might  be  easily  overlooked. 

South  of  Capo  llomain  are  the  harbor  of  Charleston,  St. 
Helena  Sound,  the  inlet  of  Port  Royal,  Savannah  River,  and 
other  open  channels  on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina  and  Geor- 
gia, as  far  down  as  the  harbor  of  St.  Augustine.  The  coast 
of  Florida  south  of  St.  Augustine  is  destitute   of  any  goo(J 


*  See  the  Appendix  to  his  letter  in  the  Magliabecchian  Miinusoiipt,  1.  c. 
p.  52. 

t  Twenty  French  marine  leagues,  probably  meant  here,  make  one  de- 
gree of  latitude. 

t  Bamusio,  1.  c.  p.  420  A. 


EXPEDITION  OF   VKIUIAZANO,   1524. 


253 


liarbor.     As  it  is  (|iii|-o  cprtiiin  that.  Vi'rrn/ano  did  not  sail  as 
far  south  as  St.  Aiii:;ustiiu',  it  is  evident  that  lie  could  .lot 
have   n;ont3  mueh  south  of  Cape   Roniain.    Wo   may  there- 
fore, wiMi  some  deii;ree  of  pi'olialiility,    jiut   down    t/ilm   cape 
an  fh-i  S'mth'.ni  U'rmumH  <>f  h>s  0'\i/ai/i'.     This  cape  is  oidy 
about  thirty  French  marine  lea<;ues  from  Cape   Fear, — his 
land-fall.     But  Verrazano  may  have  meant  "  llfty  lean;ues," 
coming  and  goinn;.     At  all  events,  his  "  til'ty  lea^'ues,"  if  we 
re:'kon  them  strictly,  hrin;:;  him  on  the  coast  of  Carolina,  and 
still  north  oP  Fort  lloyal  and  St.  Helena  Sound.     I  therefore 
do  not  ai^ree  with   the  American  author,  who  thinUs  ''that 
he  sailed  at  leant  as  far  as  the  southern   part  of  the   State  of 
Geor<fia."  *     The  important  discovery  (jf  that  more  southern 
coast,  so  rich  in  harbors,  ])elongs  to  another,  a  Spaniard, — 
Lucas  Vas(|uez  do  Ayllon. 

Those  who  hold  that  Verrazano's  southern  terminus  was 
near  the  peninsula  of  Florida,  have  so  thought,  because  he 
mentions  the  palm  tree  as  among  the  ])roductions  of  the  coun- 
try, while  this  tree  is  not  found  north  of  (reorgia."  f  But 
even  should  this  be  true,  we  need  not  lay  much  stress  n})on 
these  "palm  trees"  of  Verrazano.  It  is  well  known  that  the 
old  navigators  in  these  western  countries  very  often  saw  what 
they  WMshed  to  see.  Verrazano  says  also,  that  "  the  covmtry, 
being  so  near  to  the  east  (of  Asia),  would  probably  not  be' 
destitute  of  the  medicinal  and  aromatic  drugs  of  the  Orient," 
and  he  thinks  also  that  the  country  might  contain  gold,  which 
he  thought  was  "  denoted  by  the  color  of  the  ground."  So 
he  may  easily  have  thought,  that  he  saw  "  palm  trees "  in 
some  other  trees  resemblino;  them. 

From    these    considerations   I    infer,    that  Verraxano  saw 


*  Eev.  S.  :Miller,  D.  D.,  in  New  York  Historical  Society's  Collections, 
vol.  1,  p.  24.    New  York,  1811. 
t  Dr.  Miller,  1.  c. 


L>r)4 


KXPHDITION    OF   VEUUAZANO,  1524. 


1 


little  of  the  coiist  of  South  Carolina,  and  nothiii*;  of  that  of 
(leorfria,  and  that  in  those  re<j;ions  he  can,  at  most,  be  called 
the  dlKcoiwn:)' o)i/i/ of  the  count  of  North  Carolina.  Vcrrazano, 
who  gives  us  the  oldest  description  known  of  this  country, 
thus  represents  it:  "  Tlu;  first  line  of  the  coast  is  sandy;  lias 
hehind  it  small  rivers  and  arms  of  the  sea  that  enter  at  cer- 
tain creeks,  washiiin;  the  shore  on  both  sides.  Beyond  this 
appears  a  country  rising  iu  height  above  the  sandy  shore,  with 

m;uiy  fair  lields  and  j)lains,  and  full  of  mighty  woods 

The  shore  is  shoal  and  without  harbors,  but  it  is  free  from 
rocks,  and  deep,  so  that  wiihin  four  or  five  feet  of  the  shore, 
there  are  twenty  feet  of  deep  water,  the  dej)th  increasing  in 
a  uniform  j)r<)portion  ;  and  there  is  very  good  riding  at  sea." 

Verra/.ano  wrote  this  account  probably  at  the  place  where 
he,  for  the  first  time,  anchored  and  went  on  shore.  It 
is  a  truthful  description  of  the  coast  of  Onslow  Bay  in  Nortli 
Carolina,  north-east  of  Cape  Fear.  From  this  we  may  infer, 
that  liis  anchorage  was  near  New  River  Inlet,  in  tlio  center  of 
this  bay. 

These  considerations  load  us  to  the  conclusion,  that  the 
first  land  made  by  Verrazano  was  Cape  Fear,  in  34°  N., 
which  is  in  the  very  cejiter  of  a  harborless  coast.  And  the 
correctness  with  which  he  gives  this  latitude  tends  furtlier  to 
convince  us  of  the  general  accuracy  of  his  observations  of 
latitude,  and  especially  of  the  accuracy  of  those  latitudes 
which  he  afterwards  mentions. 

From  the  center  of  Onslow  Bay  Verrazano  sailed  on 
toward  the  east  and  north.  Like  the  Cabots,  who  were  at 
the  same  point  thirty  years  before  him,  he  probably  feared 
that,  in  going  further  south,  he  should  encounter  the  Span- 
iards, who  had  already  discovered  the  coast- of  Carolina  in 
the  expedition  of  Ay  lion  in  1520,  and  at  this  very  time 
were  preparing  to  send  this  same   navigator  from   St.  Do- 


ii 


'; 


KXPEUITION   OK    VKUKAZANO,   ir>L'4. 


255 


i^ 


mitiiio,  on  a  second  cxpodltlon  to  the  same  re<j;I()ns,  and  with 
tl>e  same  ohieet  of  I'mdiii";  a  iiortli-west  passaiic!  to  C'athav. 

"  Tlie  coast,"  as  lie  says,  "  stretched  at  first  to  the  east,* 
and  then  tnrned  to  the  north."  liet'ore  eomin<;  to  this  north- 
(M'u  land,  Verrazano  sent  ai^ain  some  of  his  men  on  shore, 
prohahiy  in  Ualei^h  Hay,  where  happened  that  hospitahle  and 
kind  treatment  so  often  related,  which  the  wild  inhabitants 
nave  to  a  French  boy,  whom  the  waves  had  thrown  on  their 
shores. 

Departing  thence,  wo  snp])ose  he  ronnded  Caj)e  Hatteras, 
and  at  a  distance  of  abont  fifty  leagues,  came  to  another  shore, 
where  he  anchored  and  spent  several  days.f 

While  ridino- at  anchor  "on  the  coast  for  want  of  harbo- 
roughs,"  he  explored  the  country,  and  found  it  full  of  im- 
mense forests  a  fe\v  leamies  from  the  coast.  Here  he  had  an 
interview  with  the  Indians,  and  brought  one  of  their  boys  on 
board  his  ship,  and  kept  him  there. 

This  was  the  second  principal  landing-place  of  Verrazano. 
If  we  reckon  fifty  leagues  from  Cape  Hatteras,  it  would  fall 
somewlierc  upon  the  east  coast  of  Delaware,  in  hititude  38° 
N.,  where,  by  some  autliors,  J  it  is  thought  to  have  been.  But 
if,  as  appears  to  mo  most  likely,  Verrazano  reckoned  his  dis- 
tance here,  as  he  did  in  other  cases,  from  his  last  anchoring, 
and  not  from  Cape  Hatteras,  we  must  look  for  his  second 
landing  somewhere  south  of  the  entrance  to  Chesapeake  Bay, 
and  near  the  entrance  to  Albemarle  Sound.  And  this  better 
agrees  with  the  "  sail  of  one  hundred  leagues,"  which  Verra- 
zano savs  he  made  from  his  second  to  his  third  landi 


-pk 


in  New  York  Bay.     From  the  Peninsula  of  Delaware,  in 

*  Ramusio. 

t  Magliabecchian  report:  "seqHendo  sempre  il  lito  que  tornava  verso 
aettentrione,  pervennimo  in  spazio  di  leghe  50  a  una  altra  terra." 
t  J.  W.  Jones,  in  note  to  p.  61  of  the  "  Divers  Voyages." 


II 


ij 


'i 

'1 

1 

; 

!      1 

1 

i        V 

2r)0 


KXIMOniTroN   OF  VICnUAZANO,  ir)24. 


! 


11^ 


J5S°  N.,  to  New  York  liiirluM*,  it  could  sriirccly  In;  called  "  a 
snil  of  one  limidrccl  Icacrucs."  In  a  direct  line,  it  is  only  fil'ty 
Ieii;j;Mes. 

Tlion<i;li  Verrazano  sailed  from  his  second  station  ''always 
in  si^rjit  of  the  coast  diu'in(<;  the  daytiine,  and  alwavs  carefully 
<'ominr;  to  anchor  in  tlu>  niij;lit,"  still  the  lar;:;e  and  heantiful 
entrance  of  ("hesapeake  Hay  is  not  mentioned  hy  him.  His 
second  landin;r-i)lace  could  not  have  heen  near  this  entrance, 
because^  he  s;ivs,  that  at  this  station  hi'  was  "  ridinjj;  on  the 
coast  for  want  of  harhorounhs."  All  the  country  was  sandy 
and  low,  and  for  the  space  of  two  hundred  leagues  which  he 


ran,    "he    ne\er    saw  a   stone  oi'  any  sort. 


T\ 


lese 


two 


liundred  leai;ues  of  sandy,  stoneless  shores,"  jjrohahly  desi<j- 
nate  the  coast  from  his  southern  terminus,  Cape  Romain, 
to  his  third  lan(lin<^-j)lace.  New  Yoi'k  harhor,  which  is  ahout 
two  hundi'cd  Fi-ench  marine  leagues. 

After  this  sail  of  one  hundred  leairues  from  his  second 
station,  he  found  "  a  very  pleasant  place  anions  some  small, 
prominent  hills,  in  the  midst  of  which  ran  down  to  the  sea  a 
great  body  of  water  (una  grandissima  fiumara),*  which  was 
so  deep  at  Its  mouth,  that  any  heavily  laden  vessel  might 
pass  into  it. 

This  is  the  first  time  that  Verrazano  mentions  "liills"  as 
'having  been  seen  by  him.  And  there  can  be  scarcely  a 
doubt,  that  tl^e  Iligldands  of  Neversink  are  liero  intended. 
They  are  the  first  hills  of  any  im})ortancc  found  on  the  Avhole 
coast,  from  Florida  north  ;  and  the  sight  of  them  Avould  natu- 
rally make  a  strong  and  agreeable  impression  on  a  navigator 
coming  from  that  quarter.  Near  the  capes  of  Virginia,  at 
the  entrance  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  some  hills  are  observed  ; 
but  they  have  an  elevation  of  not  more  than  a  hundred  and 


ff 


w 


*  Ramusio. 


KXrKDITlON    OK   VKUUA/ANO,  1524. 


2ol 


tliij'tv  fot't,  wliilo  tlu'   iriiililundH  of  Ni'vcrsiiik  risi-  to  .111  cK'- 
Viitioii  of  mm'v  tliiin  tliivc  liuiidri'd  H'ct.* 

It  is  I'lirtluM'  to  l>e'  ohsurvi'd,  tliat  W'TriWiiMo  diuvs  not 
sponk  Ikto  oxiu'tly  oI"  ;i  riv«'r  (('mm").  'I'liat  name  would 
hardly  seem  appropriatr  to  di'sionatc  tliat  <s.yvi\\  mass  of  water 
whii'li  passL's  out  l)i>tWL'c'n  Sandy  Hook  and  Iion<j;  Iskiud. 
Vorra/auo  calls  it  a  '' tiumara,"  f  wliicli,  accordiun'  to  tlic 
dictionary  of  the  Acatlon'ut  thila  Criaica,  is  more  than  a  river 
(piu  che  un  rmme),  and  is  defined  as  a  ••  con;!;erii's  a(|ua- 
rum."  This  is  a  wvy  appro])riate  ti'rni  for  the  hroa*!  outh't 
of  New  York  liay,  and  corroborates  the  supjxjsition,  that  the 
mouth  of  this  hay  is  here  intended.  And  this  snp|)osition  is 
further  conlirmed  by  Verra/ano's  description  of  the  coast. 

So  far  as  this  point,  the  coast,  hi'  says,  ran  foi-  a  lonsx 
(V  tance  from  tlie  south,  l)nt  that  afterwards  "it  trended  for 
fifty  leagues  and  more  toward  the  east."  This  describes 
exactly  the  situation  of  the  bay,  in  the  north-west  corner  of 
the  ffreat  trianij;ular  ijulf  of  New  York. 

He  found  at  this  third  landing;  statiim  an  oxcollent  berth, 
where  lie  came  to  auchor  "well-protected  from  tlio  winds" 
(in  luogo  ben  coperto  da  venti),^  and  from  which  he  ascentled 
the  river  in  his  boat  into  the  interior.  He  found  the  shores 
very  thickly  settled,  and  as  ho  passed  up  half  a  league  further, 
he  discovered  a  most  beautiful  lake  (bellissimo  lago),  of 
three  leagues  in  circumference.  Here,  more  than  thirty- 
canoes  came  to  him  with  a  nniltitiide  of  people  (con  infinite 
gente),  who  seemed  very  friendly,  and  showed  him  the 
best  places  for  landing. 

While  he  was  having  this  friendly  communication   with 

•See  Blunt's  "Amorican  Coast  Pilot,"  pp.    307,  32(5,  New  York,  1857, 
where  these  highlands  are  depicted. 

t  At  least,  in  the  edition  of  his  letter  contained  in  Ramusio. 
,   t  Ramusio. 

17 


■U 


258 


RXI'KDITION    OF    VKItUAZANO,   ini>4. 


them,  )i  siiddcM  s(|iiiill  of  conttuirji  wlml  arose*  (inovondiosi 
(Iiil  iiiiirc  nil  im|ti't<»  fnntrttrlo  di  vi'Hto),  wliicli  <'(»iii|)tdkMl 
liiin  to  rctiini  sjn'cdily  to  Imh  sliip,  and  I'vcii  to  \\('i<j;li  niiclior 
uiid  Hiiil  oiiwiird  toward  tlif  cast,  greatly  I'c^rri'ttiii;;  to  leave 
this  ri!(;i()n,  wliicli  li:id  a|i|)car(>d  to  liiin  so  coinniodious  and 
dc'li^flitl'iil. 

This  (U'sci'iptloii  cotitaiiis  several  accomits  wliicli  make  it 
still  more  clear,  that  the  hav  of  New  York  was  the  scene  of 
these  occurrences. 

The  iiiiiititude  of  |>(Mt|)|e  which  caine  ont  to  see  him  seems 
to  provi',  that  he  must  liavi'  hei'ii  at  the  mouth  of  some  <freat 
river,  liki'  tiie  Hudson.  l"'or  the  Indians,  iVom  the  earliest 
times,  have  always  crowded  aroin.  such  localities,  which 
were  f'avorahh^  to  \vm\v  and  settlement,  just  as  I'^uropcan 
planters  did  afterwards.  That  excellent  herth  ol'  his,  "pro- 
tecti'd  from  the  winds,"  could  n(»t  have  been  outside  of  Sandy 
IIooU  ;  f'  r  there  he  could  not  have  found  such  protection. 
What  is  called  tlu'  ( )uter  TIarhor  of  New  York  is  not  men- 
tioned. V^i-rrazano's  "•  hellissimo  la<ro  "  of  three  leaifues  in 
circumfc^rence,  can  he  nothing;  else  than  the  "  Inner  Har- 
bor  :  "  thoue-h  I'veu  for  this,  the  "three  lea;^ues  "  mentioned 
are  rather  a  short  circuit.  If  we  suppose  that  he  came  to  an- 
chor in  (Iravesend  IJay,  his  "  boat  sail  of  half  a  leao;ue," 
which  brou;:fht  him  to  that  '•'  lake,"  mi<!;ht  be  explained  as  a 
passage  through  the  "  Narrows,"  which  is  not  \w\\c\\  longer 
than  half  a  league.  Hence  it  seems  to  me,  tliat  Gravesend 
Bay  is  the  most  likdi/  place  of  Verrazano'' s  anehoraye  in  these 
loaters.  Still  it  seems  strann;e  that  he  should  feel  oblii>;ed  to 
leave  an  anchorage  so  well  protected,  and  so  commodious  and 
delightful  a  place  which  he  was  anxious  to  explore,  from  a 
flaw  of  wind  sweeping  over  the  bay. 

From  New  York  Bay  Verrazano  sailed  eastward  "along 
the  southern  shore  of  Long  Island.     He  followed  this  direc- 


KXI'KDITION   OF   VKIlUAZANO,   in'J4. 


259 


tiou  for  about  fifty  K'a;^U('s, — tlic  const  always  in  sin;lit."  At 
the  cud  of  tlic  liffv  Icaj^iics  lie  discovered  an  island  of  a  tri- 
ati;^nlar  shape,  hilly,  c(»vere(l  with  trees,  and  full  of  people. 
He  <;ave  it  thi'  uauie  of  the  uintlu'r  of  l''raucis  I,*  flu*  prin- 
cess Louise  of  Savoy  ;  and  uuist  theri-fori'  have  called  it 
"  I^'Isle  de  la  I'rincesse  Louise,"  or  souu'thinv;  like  that. 
I5ut  hy  a  sin<xular  mistake,  suhse(pieut  ffeoM;riiphers,  supposinfr 
the  mother  «•!"  I'^rancis  to  have  heen  named  ('/(nidld  (the 
name  of  liis  fi  rstjii^ii;,  dau;j;hter  of  Louis  XIL  of  Franco}, 
have  called  it  the  island  "  (Jlaudia." 

This  mistake  was  first  made  l»\  Ortidius,  who,  in  ITAO,^  *  ^ 
drew  on  his  map  of  America  a  "Claudia  Island;"  which 
after  him  was  reproduced  on  all  suhsecpient  maps  and  charts 
of  America.  Even  Ilakluyt  rejieated  aiid  sanctioned  this 
mistake,  hy  writinif  in  a  mar<^inal  note  to  liis  translation  of 
Verrazano's  report:  "The  mother  of  Francis  L  was  Clau- 
dia." t  I  his  Claudia,  the  first  wife  of  Francis  I,  was  hy  no 
means  a  prominent  pei'son.  She  is  seldom  mentioned  in  the 
history  of  France,  and  was  already  dead  at  the  time  of  Verra- 
zano's voyage.  Louisa,  the  mother  of  Francis,  was,  on  the 
contrary,  a  very  distin<j;uished  i)erson,  and  much  beloved  by 
the  kinf^.  Durini^  his  absence  in  Italy,  in  ir)24,  she  was  ap- 
pointed to  be  Ile<fent  of  France.  It  is  therefore  probable, 
that  her  name,  rather  than  that  of  a  person  so  obscure  as 
Claudia,  would  have  been  selected  by  Verrazano  for  tliis 
compliment.  This  island  is  distinguished  as  being  the  only 
place  to  wliich  Verrazano  gave  a  name,  in  his  report  of  his 
voyage. 

Some  authors  suppose,  that  this  island  of  "  Claudia,"  or 
rather  "  Louisa,"  is  our  present  little  Block  Island  ;  others 
think,  more  justly,  that  it  must  be  Martha's  Vineyard,  which 


u- 


*  "  Batlezzamola  in  nome  delta  Vostra  clarissima  genetrix;e." 

t  Hakluyt's  "  Voyages  and  Navigations,"  vol.  3,  p.  298.    London,  1600. 


2i)0 


EXPEDITION    OF    VKUllAZANO,    1524. 


ai^rees  much  butter  tlum  Block  Isliiiid  with  Verraziuut's  jic- 
count  of  the  tlif  tiinco  of  his  "•  liouisa  "  from  New  York,  and 
of  tlie  ajpjarance  of  that  island.  Fifty  French  marine 
leagues  (twenty  to  ii  de<j;ree)  runnin<j;  east  from  New  York 
harbor,  carry  us  beyond  iJlock  l.sland,  and  indeed  a  short  dis- 
tance beyond  Martha's  Vineyard. 

The  ''triangular  slia[>e,"'  ascribed  by  him  to  Louisa  Isl- 
and, might  j)iM'haj)s  be  eciualiy  appl'  "able  to  Block  Island  and 
to  i\Iartha's  Vineyard  ;  but  not  the  accou'.it  he  gives  of  its 
size  a'ld  general  appearance. 

The  island  of  Rhodes,  near  Asia  jNIinor,  to  which  Verra- 
zano  comj)ares  his  newly-discovered  island,  is  forty-four 
leagues,  or  about  one  huuured  and  thirty  miles,  in  cinnmifer- 
ence.  Being  a  Mediterranean  navigator,  he  tloubtless  knew 
it  well  from  his  own  observation.  It  had  become  famous  by 
the  bloody  and  destructive  assaults  made  upon  it  by  Solyman, 
the  Turkish  em})eror,  only  two  years  before,  and  would 
hence  have  naturally  occurred  to  his  thoughts,  during  his 
lonely  sail  along  the  barbarous  shores  of  North  America.  Ke 
could  hardly  have  thought  of  com[)aring  that  little  fisherman's 
station,  "  Block  Island,"  which  is  only  four  leagues  in  cir- 
cumference,  with  the  magnificent  island  of  Rhodes.  It  is 
certainly  less  difhcult  to  su[)pot;e,  that  he  moy  have  been  led 
by  some  association  of  ideas  to  compare  it  with  Martha's 
Vineyard,  which,  being  sixty  statute  miles  in  circumference, 
comes  somewhat  nearer  to  the  size  of  Rhodes.  It  presents  a 
very  agreeable  and  diversified  aspect,  and  is  covered  with 
little  ranges  of  hills  interspersed  with  plams,  and  has  always 
been  well  peopled. 

Several  authors  have  found  difficulty  in  adopting  this 
opinion  regarding  Verrazano's  "  Louisa  Island,"  for  the 
reason,  that  Martha's  Vineyard  lies  far  to  the  east  of  the 
entr.'»nce  of  Narraganset  Bay,  while  Verrazano  would  seem, 


KXrKDITION    OF   VERRAZANO,  1524. 


•201 


from  his  account,  not  to  have  oiitorod  this  h,  '  until  after  lie 
had  passed  heyond  this  island.  Vorrazuno  relates,  that  after 
liavinn;  descried  his  "  Louisa  Island,"  he  entered  another 
most  "hoautiful  [)ort"  fifteen  leagues  distant.  These  a\i- 
thors  have  supj)i,si'd  that  this  fifteen  leairues'  sail  must  have 
been,  like  the  former  course,  in  an  eastern  direction  ;  and 
since,  in  this  directitm  from  INTartha's  Vineyard,  no  such 
"heautiful  port"  could  hi-  reached,  they  have  c-ucluded 
that  Louisa  Island  must  he  IJlock  Island,  which  lies  west  of 
Narraganset  I>ay,  and  fr-Mu  whicli  th'^  heautiful  ]tort  could 
be  reached  on  an  eastern  course.  They  s  em  not  to  have 
considered,  that  the  "fifteen  leagues'  sail"  from  "Louisa 
Island,"  could  as  well  he  in  a  w(>stern  direction  ;  which, 
indeed,  is  cpiite  clearly  indicated  by  Verrazano's  re])ort.  lie 
says  :  "  that  ho  coidd  not  anchor  and  n;o  on  shore  on  Louisa 
Island,  because  the  wind  became  contrary"  (per  contrarieta 
del  tempo).  A  contrary  wind,  in  his  situation,  was,  of  course, 
a  wind  from  the  east.  I*  was  perhaps  an  eastern  gale  which 
forced  him  to  look  out  for  a  harbor,  lie  Avas  beaten  l)ack 
from  IMartha's  Vineyard  ;  and  so  rpiite  naturally  was  carried, 
by  a  north-western  course,  into  Narraganset  Bay.* 

That  the  "beautiful  port"  (bellissimo  porto)  which  Ver- 
razano  thus  reached  after  a  fifteen  leamies'  sail  toward  the 
north-west  from  INIartha's  Vineyard,  Avas  Narraganset  Bay, 
and  more  especially  Newport  harbor,  is  evident  from  the  de- 
scription he  gives  of  this  port,  and  from  other  circumstances. 

This  port  ho  represents  as  situated  in  the  })arallel  of  Rome, 
41°  40'  N.  (in  grade  41  e  duo  terzi).  The  latitude  of  New- 
port is  nearly  the  same,  being  41°  30'.  Such  accurate  obser- 
vation of  latitude  is  seldom  found  at  that  time.  From  this 
correct  statement  of  the  latitude  of  Newport,  and  the  other 

*  Mr.  J.  W.  Jones,  in  a  note  on  p.  f)4  of  his  edition  of  "  Divers  Voyages," 
partially  adopts  this  view,  though  not  very  decidedly. 


1  i' 


I     ' 


m- 


202 


EXPEDITION   OF   VERRAZANO,  1524. 


of  Cape  Foar  before  mentii)iiecl,  we  liavo  cause  to  regret  tliat 
Vcrrazano  should  liave  mven  us  no  otlier  observations  of  this 
kind  in  liis  narrative. 

Ho  says  further,  tluit  the  outlet  of  the  port  to  the  ocean 
looked  toward  the  south,  and  that  there  the  harbor  was  "half 
a  league  broad."  This  is  exactly  the  width  and  direction  of 
tha  passage  from  Newport  harbor  toward  the  isea.  He  also 
mentions  several  times  a  small  island  near  the  harbor  where 
his  ship  was  riding  (una  isoletta  vicina  alle  nave)  ;  which  cor- 
responds with  Goat  Island,  lying  near  Newport. 

He  stayed  there  a  fortnight,  providing  his  vessels  with 
necessaries,  and  carrying  on  a  friendly  intercourse  and  trade 
with  the  Indians.  This  is  the  longest  stay  which  Verrazano 
made  at  any  place  on  our  coast. 

He  made  several  excursions  into  the  interior,  and  gives  an 
accurate  description  of  its  aj)pearance,  its  open  and  fertile 
fields,  meadows,  and  groves.  He  sailed  also  into  the  north- 
ern parts  of  the  bay,  and  ascertained  that  it  became  larger, 
and  was  twenty  leagues  in  circumference  ;  he  counted  five 
islands  in  it,  and  says  that  the  largest  fleets  might  ride  safely 
between  them  ;  *  all  which  corresponds  to  existing  facts  in 
regard  to  Newport,  and  confirms  the  supposition  that  this  was 
the  spot  visited  by  liim. 

Verrazano  was  the  first  European,  after  the  Northmen,  who 
came  to  this  harbor  ;  and  it  is  remarkable  how  perfectly  he 
corroborates  their  description  of  the  beauty  of  the  country, 
and  the  richness  of  its  vines  and  grapes,  which  he  mentions 
several  times. 


*Some  writers  (for  instance  Dr.  Miller,  in  the  Collections  of  the  Kew 
York  Historical  Society,  p.  24,  seq.,  New  York,  1811),  have  thought  that  it 
was  not  the  Bay  of  Narraganset  and  Newport,  but  the  Bay  of  New  York, 
which  was  here  meant.  I  think  that  it  has  been  shown  above,  that  this 
view  cannot  be  correct. 


EXPEDITION  OF  VERRAZANO.  1524. 


263 


He  left  this  port  on  the  5th  of  May,  wliich  is  tlie  only  date 
he  gives  us  cluriiiy;  his  whole  survev  of  our  east  const.  Allow- 
ing  a  fortnight  for  this  stay  in  Newport,  and  a  few  days  more 
for  his  sail  from  New  York,  we  may  fix  the  date  of  his 
arrival  in  New  York  Bay  at  the  middle  of  April. 

From  Narraganset  Bay,  Yerrazano  coasted  a  "hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  "  along  a  coiuitr  "  somewhat  higher,  with 
certain  mountains."  This  country,  no  douht,  Is  New  Eng- 
land. At  first,  for  about  fifty  leagues,  he  found  the  coast 
running  to  the  east,  "  trending  afterwards  to  the  north,"  in 
the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Thougli  he  kept,  as  he  says, 
always  in  sight  of  the  shore,  still  his  letter  affords  no  indica- 
tion of  any  port  or  harbor  made  or  discovered  by  him  along 
the  coast  of  New  England  ;  but  his  description  of  his  sail 
northward,  after  having  rounded  Cape  Cod,  points  unmis- 
takably to  this  region. 

I  here  present  in  full  Verrazano's  report  relating  to  this 
territory,  because  it  is  the  first  detailed  description  of  the  coast 
of  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  which  has  been  given  by  any  Euro- 
pean traveler.  I  copy  it  from  the  translation  of  the  letter  in 
Ramusio,  found  in  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  vol.  3,  p.  295,  London, 
1600.  The  Magliabecchian  copy  gives  it  nearly  in  the  same 
words  as  Ramusio. 

Verrazano's  Description  of  the  Coast  of  the   Gulf  of  Maine. 

"  Trending  afterwards  to  the  north  (after  Cape  Cod),  we 
found  another  land  high,  full  of  thicke  woods,  the  trees  there 
of  firres,  cipresses  and  such  like  as  are  wont  to  grow  in  cold 
Countreys.  The  people  differ  much  from  the  other,  and 
looke  how  much  the  former  seemed  to  be  curteous  and 
gentle,  so  much  were  these  full  of  rudenesse  and  ill  manners, 
and  so  barbarous,  that  by  no  signes  that  ever  we  could  make, 
would  we  have  any  kind  of  traffike  with  them.     They  cloth 


/ 


264 


KXPEDITfON   OF   VERUAZANO,  1524. 


Blii 


tliemsolves  with  Bearos  sklmiosaiid  LuzcM'nes  and  Seulos  av.d 
other  boastes  skinnos.  Tlioii*  food,  as  farro  as  wo  could  per- 
ceive, re|)ariii<if  often  to  their  dwellinrfs,  avo  suppose  to  be  by 
luuitiun;  and  fishing,  and  ot'ciTtaine  fruits,  which  are  a  kind  of 
roots,  which  the  eartli  yceldetli  of  lier  own  accord.  They 
have  no  "raine,  neitlier  saw  we  anv  kind  of  siono  of  tiHaije, 
neither  is  tlie  land  foi-  tlu;  barrenesse  thereof,  ai)t  to  bcare 
fruit  or  seed.  If  at  any  time  we  desired  by  excliange  to  have 
any  of  their  conunodities,  tliey  used  to  come  to  the  seashore 
n|)on  certain  craggy  rocks,  and  we  standing  in  our  boats,  they 
let  down  with  a  rope,  what  it  j)leased  them  to  give  us,  crying 
continually  that  \ve  should  not  ai)proaclie  to  the  land,  demand- 
ing immediately  the  exchanoe,  takino;  nothing  but  knives, 
lishhookes,  and  tooles  to  cut  withall,  neither  did  they  make 
any  account  of  our  courtesle.  And  Avhen  wx'  had  nothing  left 
to  exchange  with  them,  when  we  departed  from  them,  the 
people  sliowed  all  signes  of  discourtesie  and  disdaine,  as  were 
])ossible  for  any  creature  to  invent.  AVe  were  in  dispight  of 
them  two  or  three  leagues  within  the  land,  being  in  number 
twenty-five  armed  men  of  us.  And  when  we  Avent  on  shore 
they  shot  at  us  with  their  bowes,  making  great  outcries,  and 
afterwards  fled  into  the  woods. 

''  We  fomid  not  in  this  land  anything  notable  or  of  impor- 
tance, saving  very  great  woods  and  certaine  hills  ;  they  may 
have  some  mineral  matter  in  them,  because  we  saw  many  of 
them  have  headstones  of  Co[)per  hanging  at  their  cares.  We 
departed  from  thence,  keeping  our  course  north-east  along  the 
coast,  which  we  found  more  ])leasant  champion  and  without 
woods,  with  high  mountains  within  the  land.  Continuing 
directly  along  the  coast  for  the  space  of  fifty  leagu  :'S,  we  dis- 
covered thirtv-two  Islands,  Iving  all  neere  the  land,  being 
small  and  pioacrnt.to  the  view,  high,  and  having  many  turn- 
ings and  windings  betwcene  them,  making  many  fair  harbo- 


KXPKDITION   OF   VKIIRAZANO,  1524. 


265 


of 


In- 
lo- 


roiiolis  jmd  cli.'uu'ls  as  tlioy  do  in  tlui  n;ulfe  of  Vi'iiice,  in  Scla- 
vdiiia  and  i)alinatia.  Wo  had  no  kiiowk'diic  or  ncqnaintanco 
with  the  poople:  wo  suppose  tlioy  aro  of  tho  same  manners 
and  nature  as  the  others  aro.  Sayling  North-east  for  the  space 
of  one  hundred  and  (iftie  leaf^ues,  we  ap])r()ached  the  hind, 
that  in  times  past  was  diseovered  hy  the  liritous,  whicli  is  in 
Hftie  deo-rees." 

lloundini;-  Cape  Cod  witii  a  fair  and  favorable  southerly  or 
south-elisterly  wind,'*  and  keepin;;'  the  distant  cojuitry  in  sijfht, 
Vorra/ano,  having  crossed  the  Bay  of  ]\l!issachusetts,  must 
have  touched  the  shore  at  some  ])lace  in  the  inner  corner  of 
the  Gulf  of  Maine,  probably  in  the  vicinity  of  Portsmouth, 
where  he  appears  to  have  made  some  stay.  I)e})artino;  thence, 
he  chano;ed  his  course  from  a  northern  to  a  north-eastern  direc- 
tion alonn;  rhe  shore,  and  soon  came  in  siiiht  of  '•'■lihih  moun- 
taina  iinthln  the  landy  These  "  hio-h  mountains"  were  prob- 
ably the  "  White  Mountains "  of  New  Hampshire,  whicli 
wore  often  observed  and  mentioned  by  old  navijiators  sailinn; 
along  our  coast.  They  cannot  be  seen  from  the  sea  near  Ports- 
mouth ;  but  after  this  port  has  been  passed,  they  soon  become 
visible  alono;  the  coast,  from  the  neio-hborhood  of  Saco  to  the 
region  of  the  Kennebec.  This  circumstance  makes  it  nearly 
certain,  that  Verrazano  touched  our  coast  near  Portsmouth, 
and  had  there  his  first  landing-place,  in  his  cruise  along  the 
coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine. 

He  was  struck  there  by  the  more  northern  aspect  of  the 
country.  He  found  "  firres  and  other  tree's,  Avont  to  grow  in 
cold  countreys."     He  found  the  country  not  apt  to  bear  fruit 

♦After  having  left  Navragauset  Bay,  Vei'razano  says(Hakluyt  I.e.), that 
for  so!ue  time  lie  did  not  land  in  any  place  "  because  the  weather  served 
liis  turn  for  sailing."  This  expression  appears  to  indicate  a  wind  of  the 
description  given  above. 


! : 


III 


H  '    1 


iM 


2(16 


EXPEDITION  OF   VERRAZANO,  1524. 


or  seed,  nor  iinytliiii";  of  iinportuncc,  savin*^  ^ix'iit  woods,  for 
which  tlio  State  of  Maiiio  has  always  been  famous. 

And  as  to  the  inhabitants,  while  those  in  the  south  had 
been  courteous  and  n;ont,le,  these  in  the  north  were  rude,  ill- 
mannered,  and  unfriendly. 

In  fact,  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  northern  country  were  in 
a  state  of  irritation  and  h()stility  a<^alnst  the  white  men  ;  from 
which  I  conclr.de,  that  tlie  country  had  been  j)rcviously 
visited  by  Europeans,  whose  treatment  had  disaffected  the 
natives.  For  nearly  everywhere  in  the  new  world,  where 
Europeans  first  landed,  their  reception  by  the  natives  was 
kind,  like  that  experienced  by  Colunibus  on  his  arrival  in 
Guanahani ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  where  the  two  races 
had  repeatedly  come  in  contact,  a  hostile  disj)osition  was  man- 
ifested, such  as  Verrazano  met  with  on  the  coast  of  Maine. 

Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  and  Nova  Scotia,  in  1524, 
had  often  been  visited  bv  tlie  French  and  Portuiiuese,  from 
the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  either  in  catching  fish, 
or  driven  by  contrary  winds ;  and  some  of  them  may  have 
been  driven  to  the  coast  of  Maine,  not  more  than  about  one 
liundred  leaijues  distant  from  their  most  western  fishing- 
hanks. 

This  is  still  more  probable  from  another  circumstance  men- 
tioned by  Verrazano ;  that  whilst  the  natives  of  the  south  did 
"  not  care  at  all  for  Steele  or  yron"  instruments,  those  in  the 
north  were  very  eager  to  possess  them,  and  accordingly  must 
have  already  learned  their  use.  "  They  would  take  nothing,' 
Verrazano  says,  "  but  knives,  fish-hooks,  and  whatever  would 
cut." 

European  commerce  and  barter  had,  therefore,  commenced 
before  the  time  of  Verrazano's  expedition  to  this  coast. 

Departing  from  his  landing-place  on  the  coast  of  the  Gulf 
of  Maine,  Verrazano,  as  he  sailed  along  the  shore  in  a  north- 


KXPKDITION   OF   VKUUAZANO,   1524. 


207 


cast  direction,  found  the  country  more  pleasant.  Tlie  coast 
of  Maine  is  still  found  more  diversified  and  attractive,  than 
the  more  uniform  shores^of  the  south.  And  its  interest  is 
increased  hy  the  distant  view  of  ]\\^\i  mountains  within  the 
land,  which,  no  doubt,  as  has  been  said,  were  the  Wiiite 
Mountain  ran<xe. 

From  Saco  Bay  the  coast  of  Maine  be<rins  to  bo  broken  up 
into  those  innumerable  headlands,  ton<j;ues,  peninsulas,  and 
islands,  wliicii  form  one  of  its  most  characteristic  features. 
Verrazano,  as  he  sailed  alono;,  counted  thirty-two  islands,  very 
pleasant  to  the  view,  and  liavin<:p  many  turninifs  and  windinjTs 
between  them,  niakin«^  many  i'air  harbors  and  channels.  And 
thinking  of  his  cruise  in  the  Mediterranean,  the  theatre  of  his 
former  exploits,  compared  them  very  appropriately  to  the 
coasts  of  Dalmatia  and  Sclavonia  in  the  Adriatic,  which  have 
very  similar  indentations,  and  are  e(iually  full  of  islands.  He 
does  not  appear,  however,  to  have  landed  again  ;  so  that  it 
remains  doubtful  whether  he  ever  trod  the  territory  of  Maine. 
His  last  landing-place,  where,  with  twenty-five  armed  men» 
he  went  two  or  three  leagues  into  the  interior,  having  been 
"  in  the  vicinity  of  Portsmouth,"  it  is  doubtful  whether  it 
was  upon  the  soil  of  New  Hampshire  or  Maine. 

The  characteristic  beauties  of  the  coast  of  Maine  must  have 
made  a  strong  impression  upon  the  mind  of  Verrazano.  For 
while  he  speaks  of  them  in  high  terms  and  describes  them 
minutely,  he  has  for  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland,  and  the 
remainder  of  his  voyage,  only  these  few  words :  "  Sailing 
north-east  (from  the  coast  of  Maine)  for  the  space  of  150 
leagues,  we  approached  to  the  lande  that  in  times  past  was 
discovered  by  the  Britons,  which  is  in  fiftie  degrees.  Having 
now  spent  all  our  provisions  and  victuals,  and  having  discov- 
ered about  seven  hundred  leagues  and  more  of  new  Coun- 
treys,  and  being  furnished  with  water  and  wood,  we  concluded 
to  returne  into  France." 


ii  I 


Ml 

WB 

.^■j 

H 

i^Hs 

mip 

Ba 

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Wt 

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;  ]l| 

mm 

^^■'X 

t.  .M 

Jl 

^IHH 

208 


KXIMCDITION    OV   VKIIUA/.ANO,   ir.L'4. 


Ho  cntcri'd  the  port  of  Dicpix^  early  in  July,  1524.*  IIi« 
whole  i'.\|tIoriii<^  t'xpt'ditiori,  (roin  jSrudi'irii  and  hack,  Iiad  ac- 
c'ordin<;Iy  histcd  hut  fivo  and  a  hali'months,  and  may  he  called 
a  most  prosperous  and  rapid  excursion. 

Tlionifh  Verra/ano  saya  that  he  discovered  a  new  conntry, 
"  which  had  never  heen  seen  hy  any  one,  either  in  ancient 
or  modeiMi  times,"  and  thouixh  ho  never  mentions  either  the 
name  of  America,  which  in  his  time  had  como  into  use,  or  tlie 
name  of  '•'•  Occidental  Indies,"  hy  which  the  Sj»aniards  at  that 
time  caih'd  Amei'ica;  still  from  the  desci'iption  which  he 
gives  of  thi!  ni'w  cour.try,|  it  is  evident,  that  he  was  (piito 
aware  of  havin<j;  touclied  a  iiart  of  the  re";Ions  desinnated  hv 
these  names.  He  says  that  this  country,  of  which  lie  had 
discovered  a  part,  and  of  which  the  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
j^uese  had  discovered  the  rest,  is  so  large,  that  it  might  well 
he  called  another  world  (un  altro  niondo),  and  that  even  at 
the  beginning  of  his  voyage  he  "expected  to  find  some  such 
an  obstacle,"  though  he  did  not  doubt  "  that  he  shoidd  pene- 
trate by  some  passage  to  the  Eastern  Ocean."  How  far  dis- 
tant he  thought  this  "  Eastern  Ocean  "  to  be,  he  does  not 
say,  but  only  that  the  breadth  of  his  newly  discovered  coun- 
trv  is  not  ascertained.  That  lie  thought  himself  nuich  nearer 
to  the  Eastern  Ocean  and  to  China,  than  he  really  was,  is 
clear  from  several  of  his  observations.  He  thouiiht  that  the 
savages,  whom  he  saw  on  our  east  coast,  were,  in  some  of 
their  qualities,  "  like  the  people  of  the  east  parts  of  the  world, 
and  especially  like  than  of  the  uttennost  parts  of  China.''^ 
He  thought,  also,  that  "  these  new  countries  Avere  not  alto- 
gether destitute  of  the  drugs  and  spicery,  pearls  and  gold," 


*  His  roport,  which  ho  at  onco  sont  to  the  kiii{?,  is  dated  "on  board  the 
sbij)  Delpliin,  in  the  port  ofDiei)po  in  Normandy,  tlie  8tli  of  July,  lo24." 

t  In  the  additional  notes  to  his  report  found  in  the  Magliabecchian 
library.    See  Cogswell's  edition,  1.  c.  p.  65  seq. 


EXriODlTION   OF   VKIlItAZANO,  1524.  2G9 

* 
supposed   to  l)L'l()n<^  to  tlio  oasttM'ii   world.      He   liopcd  that 
cortaiii  iulonnatioM  on  theso  points  would  soon  he  ohtained  hy 
new  undertakiniis  to  tlie  same  eoasts. 

Verra/ano's  vovairo — witli  that  ot'Croniez,  soon  to  be  men- 
tioned — is  to  us  the  most  interi'siinii;  maritime  un(h'rtal<in<i; 
ma(h'  to  our  east  (roast  (hiriuu;  the  Hrst  halt'  ol'  the  sixteenth 
('(mtnrv  ;  [)rineij)ally,  because  it  is  the  only  one  of  this  period 
ujjon  which  wi;  have  a  lull  written  report,  composed  by  an 
eye-witness,  himsell'  the  well-instructed  commander  of  the  ex- 
pedition. The  account  is,  therelbre,  invaluable.  Still  the 
most  ])recious  part  of  what  Verrazano  wrote  respecting;"  his 
voyaii'e,  has  not  been  preserved,  namely,  that  little  book  (un 
Iil)retto)  which  he  says  lie  sent  to  the  kin<^,  haviiiM-  noted  in 
it  all  his  observations  of  longitude  and  latitude,  oi'  the  cur- 
rents, ebb  and  flood  of  the  sea,  and  other  matters,  which 
lie  hoped  would  be  serviceable  to  navigators,  and  be  pro- 
motive of  science.* 

Ramusio  informs  us,f  that  Verrazano  made  another  voyage 
to  the  shores  of  the  new  world,  where  he  was  killed  in  a  bat- 
tle with  the  natives.  Though  we  have  no  original  document 
in  which  this  is  affirmiMl,  still  it  is  probable,  for  many  reas- 
ons, that  a  second  expedition  was  really  made.  J 

Tlie  first  is  the  statement  of  Ramusio  himself,  a  contempo- 
rary and  countryman  of  Verrazano,  anfl  who  lived  among 
the  very  men  with  whom  Verrazano  would  be  in  correspond- 
ence, and  who  would  be  likely  to  know  his  fate. 

Further,  tlie  tenor  of  Verrazano's  own  report,  which  is 
very  favorable  to  tlie  country  he  had  discovered,  in   respect 


*  See  Mr.  Cog.svveH's  edition  of  Vcrrazauo'a  letter,  1.  c.  p.  52. 

t  "  Diseorso,"  etc.,  vol.  3,  fol.  417  B. 

}  Mr.  G.  W.  Greene,  in  his  "  Life  .and  Voyages  of  Verrazano  "  (inNjuth 
.Aiuesican  Il^jit«Hj(^J^7jp.  304),  collects,  iu  a  very  complete  and  able  man- 
ner, all  the  reasons  and  circumstances  which  make  a  second  voyage  of 
Verrazano  nearly  certain. 


270 


KXI'KDrTION  OF  VKUIIAZANO,  1524, 


to  its  nafiirc,  its  cliniiitc  and  f'rrtility,  its  jfcin'riil  jispfct,  and 
even  its  al)oi'i;rina|  inhahitants,  shows  an  inclination  on  the 
part  of  the  author  to  go  out  a{j;ain  to  these  rej^ions,  and  even 
to  persuade  his  kin<r  to  niakt-  a  settU'nient  there.  "In  a  short 
time,"  he  repeats  once  niori;  at  the  end  of  liis  report,*  "  wo 
siiall  have,  1  hope,  more  certain  l<nowledge  of  tliese  tilings, 
by  the  aid  of  your  majestic." 

llamuslo  docs  not  pretend  tiiat  Verrazano  made  Ins  second 
voyji<re  as  conmiandcr,  and  in  the  service  of  the  liing  of 
France.  Thi'  aflJiirs  of  France  and  of  Francis  I.  fell  into  a 
very  confusi'd  and  desperate  state  soon  after  Verra/,ano's 
return,  and  after  the  buttle  of  I'avia  at  the  beginning  of  1525  ; 
Verra/ano  may,  therefori',  have  early  discovered,  that  there 
was  no  chance  for  him  of  employment  in  France.  For  this  and 
other  reasons  it  is  not  unlikcdy,  that,  as  some  have  thought, 
he  may  after  a  time  have  emigrated  from  France,  proceeded 
to  England,  and  entered  the  service  of  Henry  VIII ;  and  that 
he  may  have  been  the  "Italian  i)ilot,"  who  is  said  by  Iler- 
rera  to  have  been  killed  by  the  Indians  on  a  subsecpient 
English  expedition  to  the  east  coast  of  America,  of  which  we 
shall  soon  speak. f 

But  with  regard  to  Verrazano's  idtimate  fate,  the  opinions 
of  authors  have  been  very  widely  different.  Some  have 
thought  that,  not  receiving  the  promotion  he  had  expected 
in  France,  he  returned  to  Italy  ai^d  died  there  ;  others,  that 
he  was  taken  by  the  S})aniards  and  hanged  as  a  "  corsario  " 
(pirate).  | 

*  See  Cogswell,  1.  c.  p.  f»7. 

t  This,  to  a  certain  degree,  is  made  iirobable  by  Mr.  Biddle  in  his  Me- 
moir of  Cabot,  J).  278  seq. 

t  This  is  said  by  Barcia,  Ensayo  Chronol.  do  la  Florida,  p.  8.  Madrid, 
1723. 


^»L, 


TIIK   VOVACiE  OF  OOMEZ,   132fl. 


271 


2.    Kxi'KDITION    Ol-    KsTKVAN    (JoMIC/,    AI.ONCl     TIIK    E.VST    COAHT 

OK  NoiM'ii  Amkuha  IX  ir)'jr). 

l*'roin  llio  tinu'  of  (Jolinnlius,  tlu'  pilots  imd  cosino^raplicrs 
of  Spiiiii  were  continuully  occiipicci  with  the  prohlcm  of  a 
pnssiii^a'  to  Iiidiii  l>y  a  wostt'rn  route.  Tlio  (picstioii  ^\;lH  re- 
vived with  ri'iiewed  /eul  on  the  return,  in  lo^-,  of  tiie  Vic- 
toria, Ma;j;elliiu'.s  vessi'l,  under  ('((nnnand  of  Sehastian  (hd 
Cano,  from  the  !j;reat  (Hseovery  at  the  south,  that  a  passiiy;e 
had  at  hist  heen  found  through  the  hitherto  inipassahle  har- 
rier* of  tile  western  continent. 

Anotlier  expedition  toward  INIaot'lJairs  Strait  was  at  once 
prej»are(K  IJut  tlie  mariners,  who  had  returned  in  tiie  Vic- 
toria, had  found  the  new  route  h)n<i  aiul  (hino;erous,  and  coukl 
not,  therefore,  lii;:,hly  reconnm'ud  it. 

Tlie  lioj)e  aoiiiii  revived,  that  another  strait  mi<>;lit  Ije  dis- 
covered, hy  which  Aniei'ica  wonhl  he  [)oiu'trated  in  a  similar 
manner  in  the  north,  thouiih  the  Cahots  and  the  Cortereals 
liad  not  succeeded  in  Hndin<i;  it.  It  was  artrued  hy  some,  tliat 
because  there  was  a  strait  in  the  soutli,  tliere  oiu/Itt  a/ao  to  be 
one  in  the  north,  under  the  conviction  tliat,  according  to  a 
certain  law  of  harmony,  nature  must  liave  disposed  and  shaped, 
in  a  oorrospondiui;'  manner,  the  countries  verging  toward  the 
north  and  south  poles. 

Among 'those  who  inclined  to  this  helief,  was  Estevan  Go- 
mez, an  experienced  Portuguese  pilot,  who  since  1518  had 
been  in  the  service  of  the  king  of  Spain.  In  that  year  the 
emperor  gave  him  the  title  of  "piloto,"  at  the  same  time  that 
he  gave  to  Sebastian  Cabot  the  title  of  "piloto  major."  * 

Gomez  had  been  several  times  with  his  Portuguese  coun- 
trymen to  the  East  Indies.  He  liad  also  sailed  with  Magel- 
lan to  the  soutli  of  America  in  the  subordinate  capacity  of 

— ♦- — 

*  See  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  3,  cap.  7. 


i  I 

i 


272 


TIIK   VOVAdK  OF  (lOMKZ,  Irt'in 


pilot  of  the  "Sum  Antonio,"  oiu^  of  Mii^clluii's  vomscIh, 
tlion;j;li  Ih-  IiikI  niiicli  lii^litT  pri'tcnsion.s.  In  tliiit  capiicity 
111'  liiid  l)i'conu',  to  some  extent,  un  opponent  and  ri\ul  of 
Ma;^ellan,  iiis  eoniniander :  and  at  last  had  conspired  aixainst 
liiin,  and  left  liiin  witli  the  ship  Antonio  and  her  nnitinoiis 
erew,  and  retnrneil  to  Spain.  On  his  arrival  he  reported, 
thiit  the  sti'ait  in  the  sonth,  which  Maifellan  thoniiht  he  had 
discovered,  was  too  danu;erons  to  he  used  for  any  <;<)o(l  pur- 
pose, that  Ma;;i'llan  and  all  his  men  wonid  |trolial)ly  perish, 
and  that  he  hiinsidf  had  conehided  to  save  nis  vessel  atid 
crew  for  the  liitin'e  service  of  his  kin<i'. 

It  was  natnral,  therefore,  rhat  when  Mauctdlan's  reniaininj^ 
vessel  returned  in  ^')^2'2,  (ioine/,  should  desire  to  oH'set  this 
valual)le  discovery  of  his  rival,  hy  ii  more  successfid  attempt 
in  the  north. 

Fernando  (Jortes,  the  conipieror  of  Mexico,  had  also,  in 
1524,  ])ronounced  himscdf  in  favor  of  the  existenc(!  of  a  north- 
ern passa<;e  to  the  J'acilic.  At  this  very  time,  Lucas  Vas- 
(pies  D'Aylloti  idso  entertained  the  sanu;  opinion.  He  had 
extended  Spanish  discoveries  in  liVJO  to  latitude  -]'\°  on  our 
coast,  including;  "' ("hicoi-a,"  and  had  received  a  royal  com- 
mission, signed  June  12,  X-'^'I^,*  for  the  discovery  of  a  pas- 
sago  in  the  northern  parts  of  Florida. 

It  appears,  accordingly,  that  in  the  years  l.')2-l  and  lo24, 
there  were  in  Spain  not  less  than  three  competitors  for  the 
discovery  of  a  north-west  jjassago  on  our  coast, — Cortes,  Ayl- 
lon,  and  Gomez.  But  Cortes  was  liindered  hy  several  cir- 
cumstances from  the  execution  of  his  plan,  and  gave  it  up. 
Ayllon  consumed  a  long  time  in  the  outfit  of  his  vessels,  and 
in  preparing  for  his  ex})edition,  and  was  not  ready  with  his 

*  See  commission  in  Navarrete, "  Collecoion  do  los  viages  y  dlRciibrimi- 
entos,"  etc.,  torn.  3,  p.  153  seq. 


THE  VOYAOK  OF  GOMEZ,   1525. 


273 


antiatiuMit  ui4til  \!'}''2i'u  inid  iit  last  cnino  to  nn  iioliappy  imkI, 
ill  tlio  soufluTu  part  of  the  cast  coast. 

It  was,  tlicrd'orc,  Icl't  to  (Joinc/  in  liVJl  to  conduct  an  ex- 
pedition for  tlu"  discovery  of  this  passaj^c.  An  <»rdi'r  had 
been  made  hy  (MiarU's  V.  in  liV2:5,  for  liltin;^  ont  a  vessel 
of  fifty  tons,  to  which  he  would  contrii)Ute  TAO  (hicats ;  tl>o 
rest  of  tlio  expense  to  bo  borne  by  private  persons.  liiit 
tins  ex[)cdition  was  th'iaycd  in  the  hopi;  of  securin<;  tho 
services  of  Cortes;  and  also  by  a  disa;^rccmcnt  between 
Spain  and  Portu;^al,  in  re;j;iird  to  tiie  division  of  their  respect- 
ive chiijns  in  the.  new  worM.*  For  tiie  adjustment  of  these, 
u  council  was  held  at  nadajos,  to  which  (Joini'/,  was  sent  in 
1524.  Here  he  took  his  place,  as  one  of  the  Spanish  scientific 
commissioners,  by  th(!  side  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  Juan  Vespucci, 
Diego  Ribero,  and  other  (ndebrated  cosmonraphers  and  pilots. f 
This  honorable  position  shows  the  hii^h  estimation  for  knowl- 
edge and  experience  in  which  this  "pilot"  was  held;  who  was 
destined  to  be  the  official  Spanish  explorer  of  the  northern 
parts  of  the  east  coast  of  America. 

This  connnission  dissolved  in  1524  without  having  conio 

4 

to  a  conclusion  on  the  disputed  points  ;  and  Comez  was  again 
at  leisure  to  complete  the  preparations  for  iiis  voyage.  lie 
sailed  a  few  days  after  tho  10th  of  Feb.  in  1525,1  from  tho 
port  of  Corunna  in  Gallieia,  where  the  "  Casa  do  contra- 
tacion  "  (court  of  Admiralty),  formerly  held  in  Seville,  had 
been  for  some  time  established. 

•  Hoircra,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  G,  cap.  1. 

t  Horrera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  0,  cap.  G. 

t  Navarretc  lias  found  in  tlie  Spanish  arcliives  the  Hoyal  decree  (la  Real 
cedula),  by  which  Gomez,  before  he  started,  was  nominated,  Feb.  10, 1526, 
his  majesty'.s  pilot.  And  Navarreto  adds,  "  ho  left  the  i)ort  at  the  same 
time."  There  is  also  a  perfect  asreement  between  this  date  and  the  state- 
ments of  the  historians  on  the  time  of  his  return;  respecting  wliich  I  shall 
speak  hereafter;  so  that  there  ^eems  to  be  no  doubt,  that  his  departure 
must  have  been  on  the  days  next  following  the  10th  of  February. 
18 


i! 


P.;  ■ 


V,.  1 


274 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ,  152.5. 


i:         \ 


II        '■ 


We  are  unable  to  designate  the  truck  wliicli  Gomez  fol- 
lowed on  the  ocean.  No  kind  of  ship-journal  or  report, 
written  either  by  himself  or  any  of  his  companions,  has  been 
preserved.  And  the  Spanish  historians  Oviedo,  Herrera,  and 
Gomara,  who  may  have  seen  such  a  journal,  are  extremely 
biief  in  their  accounts  of  this  expedition;  although  it  had  a 
particular  interest  for  Spain,  being  the  only  official  expedition 
sent  out  by  that  country  to  the  northern  parts  of  our  eastern 
coast. 

We  only  know,  that  Gomez  had  the  intention  of  going  to 
the  north,  though  not  to  the  hirjhcr  arctic  regions,  which  the 
Cabots  and  the  Cortereals  had  attLii.pced.  He  thought  he 
might  find  a  passage  to  China  "  bo'tween  the  Bacallaos  and 
Florida."  *  The  coast  of  Florida  had  been  discovered  and 
explored  in  1512  and  1520,  as  high  as  33°  N.  by  Ponce  de 
Leon  and  Ay  lion  ;  by  which  it  was  known  in  Spain,  says 
Herrera,  that  no  passage  existed  there.  NcAvfoundland,  Lab- 
rador, and  other  coasts  in  that  region,  had  been  reconnoitered 
by  Sebastian  Cabot,  the  Cort"'r'>ils,  and  others.  But  m  ihe 
wide  region  between  Florida  and  Cape  Breton,  "no  Castilian 
vessel  had  sailed  as  yet."f  The  expe< 'tion  made  the  year  be- 
fore to  the  same  region  by  the  Fre.  ,ch  "  corsario,"  Ver- 
razano,  was  perhaps  not  yet  known  in  Sj^^'ain. 

From  this  it  appears,  that  Gomez,  from  the  beginning,  had 
this  intermediate  coast  in  view.  "  If  China  and  the  Moluc- 
cas could  not  be  found  that  way,"  says  Herrera,  "  many  other 
goodly  islands  and  provinces  might  be  found,  which  had  not 
been  discovered  as  yet.  It  was  also,"  he  adds,  "  the  opinion 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  that  there  might  be  discovered  still  many 
islands  on  the  way  to  the  Moluccas."  J 

*  So  says  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  VI,  cap.  10, "  iter  ad  Cataiam  inter  Baca- 
laos  et  Floridam  se  reperturum  inquit." 
t  Herrera,  1.  c.  Dec.  Ill,  liU.  8,  cap.  8. 
X  Herrera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  4,  cap.  20. 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ,  1525. 


275 


Sebastian  Cabot  was  in  comnkunication  with  Gomez,  having 
had,  in  1524,  his  seat  with  him  in  the  council  of  Badajoz ; 
and  we  may  conchide  that  Cabot  was  consulted  in  regard  to 
his  voyage,  and  its  direction  ;  and  he  may  have  suggested  to 
Gome/  to  seek  his  object  in  this  middle  region.  (Jabot  may 
have  thought  that  enouijh  had  been  done,  In  the  hi<iher  lati- 
tudes,  where  the  ice  had  proved  so  great  a  barrier,  ?nd  that  a 
practicable  passage  miglit  be  found  between  the  extreme 
points  already  explored,  and  which  he  had  not  been  able  to 
examine  himself  with  sufficient  attention.  The  expedition  of 
Gomez  may,  therefore,  bo  considered  in  a  manner  as  a  con- 
tinuation and  completion  of  Cabot's  voyage.* 

Near  Newfoundland,  Cabot  had  discovered  broad  openhigs 
which  had  not  been  satisfactorily  explored.  On  the  south  of 
Newfoundland  a  large  open  space  had  been  depicted  on  the 
chart  of  Reinel,  the  countryman  of  Gomez,  and  by  others  after 
him.  It  is  therefore  probable,  that  Gomez,  on  leaving  Co- 
runna,  shaped  his  course  to  the  north,  in  the  direction  of 
Newfoundland ;  leaving  the  south,  which  had  been  already 
now  fully  explored,  and  where  success  was  more  doubtful,  to 
be  examined  afterwards.  In  fact,  some  authors  state  expli- 
citly, and  others  leave  us  to  infer,  that  his  course,  like  that  of 
Cabot,  was  along  our  coast  from  north  to  south. f  But  Gal- 
vano,  in  many  respects  a  good  authority,  affirms  that  Gomez 
went  from  Corunna  first  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  thence 
sailed  by  Florida  as  high  north  as  Cape  Race.:j:     Thus  Gal- 

*  Some  authors  affirm,  that  the  expedition  of  Gomez  wag  proposed  in  op- 
position to  Cabot,  and  by  his  rivals  and  enemies.  I  find  no  allusion  to 
such  an  enmity  in  any  Spanish  author.  It  only  appears  that  there  wer« 
two  parties  in  Spain,  entertaining  diftereut  views  on  the  usefulness  and 
Buccess  of  the  undertaking  of  Gomez. 

t  Peter  Martyr,  1.  c.  hints  this;  also,  "T^errera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  8, cap.  8;* and 
Oviedo  (Sommario,  cap.  10,  fol.  14),  says  that  Gomez  ran  along  the  coast 
westward  (discurriendo  al  occidente). 

t  See  Galvano,  "  Discoveries  of  the  "World,"  ed.  by  Vice-admiral  Be- 
thune,  p.  167.    London,  1862. 


M 


I 


,i  •.." 


dl 


i 


276 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ,  1525, 


vano,  who  was  a  Portuguese,  either  from  want  of  information 
or  from  oversight,  lias  reversed  the  whole  track  of  Gomez. 
And  ivi  this  important  point  he  lias  been  followed  by  some 
modern  authors.*  This  construction  wc  shall  endeavor  to 
prove  to  have  been  erroneous. 

The  reports,  given  by  the  Spanish  historians,  of  the  dis- 
coveries of  Gomez  along  our  coast,  arc  lamentably  short. 
They  determine  neither  his  northern  land-fall,  nor  the  south- 
ern end  of  his  cruise,  nor  the  gulfs,  ports,  and  inlets  which 
he  entered.  Wc  learn  nothino;  from  them  about  the  obsta- 
cles  he  encountered,  nor  any  incidents  of  his  voyage.  They 
say  nothing,  but  that  "  Gomez  went  along  quite  a  large  space 
of  country  which  had  been  navigated  by  no  Spaniard  before 
him,"|  and  that  he  went  as  far  south  as  Florida.  But 
"  Florida  "  was  a  vague  and  broad  term.  Oviedo  says,  that 
he  went  as  far  south  as  about  40°  or  41°  N.  But  in  respect  to 
all  the  particulars  of  his  voyage  we  are  left  to  probabilities, 
and  also  to  the  official  Spanish  charts,  which  were  executed 
soon  after  the  time  of  Gomez,  and  which  speak  more  pre- 
cisely than  the  Spanish  authors.  I  shall  introduce  these  charts 
and  examine  them  in  the  appendage  to  this  chapter. 

The  result  of  this  examination  will  be,  that  Gomez  entered 
many  ports  and  bays  of  the  coast  of  New  England,  and  gave 
names  to  them,  by  which  they  became  known  in  geography 
for  a  long  time.  The  territory,  of  which  Maine  is  a  part, 
was  described  on  Spanish  maps,  as  the  "  country  of  Gomez  " 
(Tierra  de  Gomez). 

•A  discoverer  sailing  along  our  coast  from  south  to  north  would  be 
likely  to  make  different  discoveries,  to  enter  different  ports,  to  be  arrested 
by  different  impediments,  from  one  sailing  from  north  to  south. 

t  Gomara  says:  "  Anduvo  buen  pedaco  de  tierra."  And  Herrera  about 
the  same:  "  Gorria  por  toda  aquella  costa  hasta  la  Florida,  gran  trecbo  de 
tierra." 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  GOMEZ,  1523. 


277. 


The  voyage  of  Gomez  terminated  in  about  40°  or  41°  N.,* 
without  his  liaving  found  any  passage  to  the  west,  or  any  of 
the  rieli  products  wliich  he  was  expected  to  bring  home.f 

But  determining  to  present  something  valuable  to  his 
owners,  he  caught  as  many  Indians  as  he  could  take  on  board 
his  small  vessels,  and  carried  them  to  Spain. J  No  account 
is  given  of  the  place  or  manner  in  which  these  poor  captives 
were  taken.  But  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  he  would 
not  have  seized  them  until  he  had  given  up  all  hope  of  find- 
ing a  passage  to  Cathay,  and  was  about  entering  on  his 
home  voyage,  ar.d  therefore,  that  they  were  taken  from  the 
southern  termin'ation  of  his  cruise,  in  latitude  about  40°  N., 
or  about  New  York  bay. 

Herrera  says,  that  from  "Florida"  he  went  to  the  island 
of  Cuba,  stayed  some  time  in  S.  Jago,  there  refitted  his  vessel, 
refreshed  his  men,  and  was  well  taken  care  of  by  Andres  dc 
Duero,  whom  the  emperor  afterwards  rewarded  for  this  hospi- 
tality to  his  pilot.§  Though  Peter  Martyr  and  Gomara 
mention  nothing  of  this  visit  to  Cuba,  and  make  Gomez 
sail  directly  to  Spain,  still  Herrera's  "statement  is  in  the 
highest  degree  probable.  Vessels  coming  from  the  north 
with  exhausted  crews,  along  the  coast  of  Florida,  have 
always  considered  the  West  Indies  as  a  harbor  of  refuge.  I 
could  mention  many  expeditions  which,  before  returning  to 
Europe,  have  sought  refuge  in  Cuba  or  Hayti  for  refreshment 
and  supplies.  And  as  the  planters  of  Cuba  were  at  this  time 
much  in  need  of  slaves,  it  may  have  appeared  to  Gomez  a 
good  market  for  his  cargo  ;  and  he  may  have  sold  there  the 


'! 


It  ^ 


ll 


:!«1 


•  Wl 


*  Oviedo,  a  contemporary  writer,  says  tliia  quite  distinctly  in  his  Somina- 
rio,  cap  10,  fol.  14,  which,  for  the  first  time,  was  published  in  the  year  1526. 
t  Gomara. 

t  Peter  Martyr  says:  "  utriusque  sexus  hominibus  navem  farcivit." 
§  Herrera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  8,  cap.  8;  and  Navarre te,  l.^c.  p.  179. 


I'. 


278 


THE  VOYAGE  OF  GOMEZ,  1525. 


greater  part  of  his  captives  to  indemnify  his  owners.  Other 
writers,  however,  think  that  he  carried  them  to  Spain  to 
gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  emperor,  as  was  then  customary 
witli  explorers. 

The  circumstances  last  mentioned  tend  to  confirm  the 
opinion,  that  Gomez  did  sail  along  the  coast  from  Newfound- 
land to  the  south  ;  and  not,  as  Galvano  and  some  modern 
writers  affirm,  from  south  to  north. 

The  entire  voyage  of  Gomez  lasted  ten  months.  On  this 
point  all  the  good  authorities  agree.  And  as  he  sailed  from 
Corunna  a  few  days  after  the  10th  of  February,  he  must 
have  arrived  at  that  place  on  his  return  about  the  10th  of 
December ;  and  this  date  agrees  with  the  view  which  Peter 
Martyr  takes  in  his  letters  on  the  subject.  Although  in  his 
wo.'k  he  announces,  as  in  a  newspaper,  the  various  movements 
in  the  progress  of  discovery,  still  in  none  of  his  letters,  written 
in  the  month  of  November,  1525,*  does  he  say  anything  of 
the  return  of  Gomez.  He  speaks  of  him  in  a  subsequent 
letter,  written  probably  at  the  beginning  of  1526. f  Oviedo 
says,  that  he  arrived  "  in  the  month  of  November,"  perhaps 
at  the  end  of  it.  The  "ten  months"  of  navigation  should 
not,  perhaps,  be  taken  literally. J  But  they  all  concur  in 
making  the  length  of  the  voyage  about  ten  months ;  which 
is  an  ample  period  for  his  extensive  and  minute  exploration. 

On  his  arrival  in  Corunna,  the  public  was  very  anxious  to 
know  whether  he  had  succeeded  in  his  great  object,  and  if 
he  had  really  reached  the  Moluccas  through  the  northern 
regions.     A  good  old  gentleman,  whom  they  told  that  the 


*  See  this  letter  in  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  VIII,  cap.  9. 

t  Peter  Martyr,  Dec.  VIII,  cap.  10. 

X  That  is  confirmed  by  the  expression  used  by  Peter  Martyr,  who  says 
that  Gomez  returned  "  within  the  tenth  month  "  (intra  mensem  decimum  a 
cecessu). 


THE  VOYAGE  OE  GOMEZ,  1525. 


279 


pilot  Gomez  had  returned  and  had  brought  back  "  esclavos  " 
(slaves),  understood  them  to  say  "  clavos  "  (cloves  or  spices). 
Thinking  that  this  would  be  good  news  for  the  emperor,  who 
at  this  time  held  his  court  at  Toledo,  he  took  the  swiftest 
horses,  and  carried  the  report  that  Gomez  had  reached  the 
Moluccas,  and  had  returned  with  a  ship  full  of  spices  and 
other  precious  articles.  But  the  meagre  truth  soon  followed, 
that  not  "clavos"  had  been  brought  home,  but  only  es- 
clavos, kidnapped  against  the  royal  decree  by  Gomez,  who 
therefore  deserved  punishment,  instead  of  reward.  This 
mistake  gave  occasion  at  the  time  for  a  good  deal  of  amuse- 
ment to  the  courtiers,  and  has  been  related  for  more  than  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  by  every  historian  and  geographer 
who  has  written,  even  if  only  a  few  lines,  on  the  discovery  of 
Norumbega.* 

A  more  important  consequence  of  the  voyage  of  Gomez  is, 
that  it  was  the  means  of  introducing  another  nation  to  our 
waters  and  coasts.  Although  the  Spaniards,  since  the  year 
1494,  when  the  line  of  demarcation  between  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal was  drawn,  had  considered  all  the  regions  west  of  this 
line  as  a  part  of  their  dominion,  and  had  depicted  them  as 
such  on  their  maps ;  still,  no  Spaniard,  by  any  act  of  discovery 
or  possession,  had  seized  those  coasts  in  the  name  of  his  king, 
until  this  voyage  of  Gomez  in  1525.  Gomez  had  now  done 
this  by  actual  survey,  and  by  giving  to  the  country  a  Span- 
ish name,  "  La  tierra  de  Gomez,"  which  was  now  entered  on 
their  charts. 

The  Spaniards,  and  more  particularly  the  mariners  and  fish- 
ermen of  Biscay,  have  pretended,  like  those  of  Brittany  and 
Normandy,  that  they  and  their  ancestors,  from  time  immemo- 
rial, had  sailed  to  Newfoundland ;  and,  even  before  Columbus, 

•See  Peter  Martyr,  Oviedo,  Goraara,  Herrera, "Wytfliet,  De  Bry,  and  in 
fact  all  historians  and  geographers  down  to  Mr.  Biddle. 


I 


% 


i 


M 


i!  tl 


1 


280 


THE  VOYAGE  OP  GOMEZ,  1325. 


liad  establislu'd  their  fisheries  tliere.  But  tho  Spaiiisli  liis- 
torian  Navarrete,  in  more  modern  times,  docs  not  sustain  tliis 
pretension  of  his  countrymen,  and  sliows  that  it  is  "  not  sup- 
ported nor  ))rove(l  hy  any  contemporary  and  trustwortliy 
document  whatever;"  but  tliat  it  is  proved,  on  tlie  c(mtrary, 
by  many  facts  and  testimonies,  tliat  the  fisliermen  of  Guy- 
puzcoa,  S.  Sebastian,  and  otlier  Biscayan  j)orts,  did  not  appear 
in  our  waters,  or  commence  their  fislieries  before  1520,  the 
year  after  the  return  of  Gomez.*  Then  and  not  before,  says 
Navarrete,  tlie  Biscay  people  commenced  their  voyages  to  the 
north-western  regions,  goini;;  every  year  in  tlie  early  spring, 
and  returning  in  the  latter  part  of  autumn, — the  same  seasons 
of  the  year  in  which  Gomez  had  sailed  and  returned. 

Though  tho  proofs  on  which  Navarrete  founded  his  opin- 
ion,— namely,  certain  recollections,  testimonies,  and  state- 
ments of  old  Biscay  fishermen,  made  upon  examination  in  a 
lawsuit  in  1501, — do  not  appear  to  mc  to  be  quite  conclusive, f 
still  the  views  of  a  Spanish  historian  like  Navarrete,  are  of 
great  force.  At  any  rate,  we  may  come  to  the  conclusion, 
that  if  the  fisheries  of  the  Spanish  Basques  on  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland  and  in  the  vicinity,  did  not  begin  with  the 
voyage  of  Gomez,  they  received  from  it  a  new  impulse. 
Gomez,  fitted  out  as  he  was  in  Corunna,  very  probably  took 
his  principal  crew  from  among  the  hardy  navigators  of  the 
north  of  Spain.  Plerrera,  in  speaking, of  the  prej)arationsfor 
this  voyage  and  its  outfit,  says,  that  the  emperor  had  ordered 
"  the  province  of  Biscay  and  the  four  Biscay  towns  to  give 
him  thereunto  every  possible  assistance."  $  Gomez,  on  his 
voyage,  made  known  to  the  Biscayan  sailors  who  accompa- 

*  See  Navarrete,  CoUeccion  de  los  viages  y  descubrimientos,  etc.,  torn.  3, 
p.  ITOG  seq.    Madrid,  1829. 

t  The  recollections  of  those  old  flsli'^rmen,  examined  in  the  year  1561, 
may,  from  want  of  memory,  have  gone  no  higher  up  than  1526. 

I  See  Herrera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  4,  cap.  20. 


RUTS  EXPEDITION,  1027. 


281 


nied  him,  tlic  coasts  surrounding  tljc  Banks  of  Newfound- 
land, Newfoundland  itself,  the  coasts  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  Gulf  of  Maine,  as  far  at  least  as  41°  or  40°  N.  He 
brought  back  also  froin  these  regions  accurate  maps,  or  sail- 
ing charts,  and  thus  made  the  navigation  to  them  more  easy. 
Moreover,  he  proclaimed  the  news  through  all  the  north 
of  Spain,  that  these  regions,  if  not  rich  in  spices,  were 
at  least  'M\ilJLjj£_W{]druss^s,  cod-fish,  salmon,  and  fish  of  all_ 
sorts/^  Such  news  must  havc'made  a  great  impression  on 
the  fishermen  of  Biscay,  and  liave  given  them  a  fresh  impulse. 
From  tl'is  time,  for  more  than  a  century,  they  appeared  in 
these  waters  every  year  with  a  large  fleet,  and  took  their 
place  upon  the  banks  as  equals  by  the  side  of  the  Bretons, 
Normans,  and  Basques  of  France,  until  the  middle  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  when  rival  nations  dispossessed  them  of 
their  privileges.! 

3.  Expedition  op  two  English  Ships,  the  Mary  of  Guil- 

FOUD   AND   THE    SaMSON,    UNDER  THE    COMMAND   OF   JOHN 

Rut,  1527. 

A  wealthy  and  intelligent  merchant  of  Bristol,  Robert 
Thorne,  "  in  the  time  of  Henry  VHI.  of  England,  a  notable 
member  and  ornament  of  his  country,"  was  very  active  in 
promoting  voyages  of  discovery.  In  1527  he  was,  for  some 
time,  settled  in  Seville  in  Spain,  and  from  thence  he  wrote 
two  letters  or  memoirs,  one  of  which  he  directed  to  Doctor 
Ley,  "ambassador  in  Spain"  of  Plenry  VHI,  in  which  he 
gave  information  of  the  parts  of  the  world  discovered  by  the 
emperor  and  the  king  of  Portugal ;  and  another,  which  he 
addressed  to  Henry  VIII,  exhorting  him  to  prosecute  the 

•  This  is  mentioned  in  the  inscription  on  Ribero's  map  of  the  year  1529. 
See  this  map  in  the  appendage  to  this  chapter. 
t  Navarrete,  1.  c.  p.  180. 


if 


■^ 


r 


! 


282 


RUT'S  EXPEDITION,  1B27. 


work  wliicli  had  been  begun,  of  discovering  unknowij  coun- 
tries. 

Iliikluyt,  wlio  afterwards  found  and  published  tlicsc  two  in- 
teresting old  documents,*  says,  that  *'  this  motion  took  present 
effect,"  and  that  the  king  sent  out  "  two  fairo  shij)s,  well 
manned  and  victualled,  and  having  in  them  divers  cunning 
men,  to  seeke  strange  regions." 

One  of  these  vessels  was  called  "The  Mary  of  Guilford," 
and  the  other  the  "  Samson."  f  They  sailed  from  IMymouth 
on  the  10th  of  June,  1527.  J 

Biddle  §  thinks  it  absurd  to  suppose,  that  a  letter,  written 
in  the  year  1527,  could  have  been  forwarded,  its  suggestions 
considered  and  adopted,  the  course  resolved  on,  commanders 
selected,  vessels  suitable  for  such  an  enterprise  prepared,  and 
all  the  arrangements  completed,  so  as  to  admit  of  that  early 
departure  on  the  20th  of  May.  Hence  he  concludes,  that 
Robert  Thorne  is  associated  with  this  expedition  by  Hakluyt, 
without  due  consideration.  He  thinks,  on  the  contrary,  that 
Verrazano,  soon  after  his  return  from  his  expedition  of 
1524,  perceiving  that  in  the  confused  and  exhausted  state  of 
France,  he  would  have  no  chance  of  employment  there, 
had  proceeded  to  England,  presented  his  chart,  and  probably 
a  report  of  his  former  expedition  to  Henry  VIII,  and  was 
therefore  the  true  instigator  of  this  undertaking  of  1527.  So 
far  as  Verrazano  is  concerned,  all  this  appears  very  probable. 
Still,  Hakluyt's   statement  regarding   Thorne  may  also  be 

*  See  Hakluyt's  "  Divers  Voyages,"  Ed.  John  Winter  Jones,  pp.  27 
and  33. 

t  Hakluyt  (Voyages  and  Navigations,  vol.  3,  p.  IGO,  London,  1810)  says, 
that  according  to  what  he  had  heard,  one  of  the  vessels  was  named  "  The 
Dominus  vobisciim."  Master  Rut,  the  commander  of  the  expedition,  in  a 
letter  written  by  him,  gives  the  two  names  above  mentioned. 

JPurchas,  Pilgrims,  vol.  3,  p.  809.  Hakluyt  says,  on  the  20th  of  May 
from  the  Thames.    Both  may  be  right. 

§  Memoir  of  Cabot,  p.  280. 


RUrS  EXPEDITION,  inST. 


288 


true  to  a  certain  extent.  Henry  may  have  lent  his  ear  to  the 
words  of  Vcrrazano,  and  also  to  the  letters  of  Tliorne,  if  we 
suppose  thoni  to  have  been  written  and  delivered  at  the  be- 
ginning of  1527.  Thome's  letter  may  have  contributed  to 
confirm  the  king  in  his  support  of  Verrazano's  scheme. 
Often,  in  such  cases,  an  impulse  has  been  derived  from  differ- 
ent sources. 

The  discovery  of  a  north-west  passage  appears  to  have  been 
the  principal  object  of  the  expedition.  The  ships  sailed 
toward  Newfoundland,  but  went  no  further  north  than  53°, 
where  they  met  with  "  many  great  islands  of  ice,"  and  "  a 
marvailous  great  storm,"  which  separated  the  two  vessels  on 
the  1st  of  July.  The  Mary  of  Guilford,  under  command  of 
Master  John  Rut,  "cast  about  to  the  southward,"  and  "on 
the  third  day  of  August  entered  a  good  haven  in  Newfound- 
land, called  St.  John,  where  they  found  eleven  sails  of  Nor- 
mans, one  of  Brittany,  and  two  Portugal  barks,  all  a  fishing."* 

As  we  have  no  further  account  of  the  Samson,  it  is  proba- 
ble that  she  perished  in  the  great  storm  above  mentioned. 

The  Mary  of  Guilford  "returned  by  the  coasts  of  New- 
foundland, Cape  Breton,  and  Norumbega ; "  often,  as  Hak- 
luyt  informs  us,  "  entering  the  ports  of  those  regions,  landing 
men,  and  examining  into  the  condition  of  the  country.  They 
reached  England  in  the  beginning  of  October."  f 

The  name  "  Norumbega,"  or  "  Arambec,"  in  Hakluyt's 
time,  was  applied  to  Maine,  and  sometimes  to  the  whole  of 
New  England.  We  have,  therefore,  in  this  report,  informa- 
tion of  the  first  instance  in  which  Englishmen  are  certainly 
known  to  have  put  their  feet  upon  these  shores.     Though  the 

*  Purchas,  1.  c. 

tHakluyt,  Voyages,  Navigations,  etc,,  vol.  3,  p.  168.  London,  1810.  The 
old  edition  of  Hakluyt  (fol.  517,  London,  1589)  has  "  coasts  of  Norumbega." 
The  later  editions,  including  that  of  1598-1600,  fol.  3,  p.  219,  have  "  coasts  of 
Arambec."    The  names  are  synonymous. 


:l| 


rl 


284 


RUT'8  KXPKDITION,  1.V27. 


Ciibots  iind  otliiM's,  before  this  tiuu',  had  saiUnl  in  si<;ht  of  this 
coast,  yet  wo  are  not  told  distinttly,  tluit  they  went  on  bhoro 
or  reconnoitered  tljo  conntry. 

It  is  nuicli  to  be  roiirettcd  that  we  liave  so  little  inlbnna- 
tion  on  this  expiorint^  cxj)edition,  which  is  so  hi<;hly  inter- 
cstinf^  to  the  objeet  of  our  in<|uiry,  I'specially  as  the  expedition 
is  said  to  have  been  accionipanied  by  a  learned  man,  "a 
Canon  of  St.  I'aul  in  London,  a  ^reat  mathematician. "  It 
may  be  presumed  that  his  observations  on  these  rej^ions  were 
brou(;]it  to  Kn^dand  ;  and  that  by  this  means,  or  others,  the 
En^dish  had  now  become  somewhat  acquainted  with  Norum- 
bega.* 

Mr.  Biddle  eonjoeturcs  that  Vcrrazano  wlio,  like  Thornc, 
had  reconnnendeil  this  vjxpedition,  was  on  boafd  of  the  Mary 
of  Guilford,  and  was  killed  by  the  natives  of  Norumbega  on 
one  of  the  excursions  into  the  interior.f  Verrazano,  on  his 
expedition  in  1524,  had  observed  the  numerous  islands  and 
the  broken  and  indented  shores  of  these  coasts.  lie  had  ox- 
pressed  in  his  letter  to  Francis  I.  a  great  interest  in  these 
regions,  and  a  wish  to  visit  them  again  ;  and  it  may  be  sup- 
posed, that  he  had  persuaded  the  commander,  INIaster  Rut, 
to  explore  more  carefully  those  coasts,  where  from  their  wide 
indentations  he  might  hope  to  find  a  passage.  It  is  therefore 
not  unlikel}',  that  Verrazano  found  his  death  on  the  shores  of 
Norumbega :  and  if  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  this  fa- 
mous discoverer  should  ever  be  contemplated,  this  would  be 
the  region  in  Avhich  it  should  be  erected. 

From  certain  statements  of  Spanish  authors  it  is  probable 
that  the  "Mary,"  after  passing  the  coasts  of  Norumbega, 

♦Hakluyt  (1.  c.  p.  179)  says,  that  he  could  not  learn  the  name  of  "  the 
mathematician."  Mr.  Biddle  (p.  274)  makes  it  probable,  that  it  was  the 
clergyman  Albert  de  Prato,  mentioned  by  Purchas. 

t  See  Biddle's  Memoir,  p.  276  seg. 


I 


UUra   EXPEDITION,   1/527. 


285 


miilocl  still  furtlior  sniitli  nlons  tho  cast  coiist  of  the  United 
Stiitos,  mul,  !irriviM;r  in  tin;  Spjinisli  West  Indies,  cust  anclior 
off  the  island  of  Porto  llico. 

Tile  S|)iinis]i  historian  Oviedo,  who  at  tlio  time  of  this  ex- 
pedition lived  in  the  West  Indie  i,  reports,  that  in  the  year 
ir)27  an  I'in;j;lish  vessel  had  appeared  oil'  I'orto  Uico.  He 
gives  no  fnrther  partienlars  rei^ardin;^  this  alarmin<^  appear- 
ance of  Enj^lishnien  in  these  cxehisively  Spanish  waters.* 
l^ut  another  Spanish  historian,  Ilerrera,  withont  ^ivinj;  an 
exact  date, relates  this  event  as  follows:!  A  stranj^e  vessel  of 
threo  masts  and  of  the  hnrden  of  two  hnndred  and  fifty  tons 
had  appeared  off  the  island  of  S.  Jnan  de  Porto  Rico.  Gines 
Navarro,  the  master  of  a  Spanish  vessel  then  lyin^  in  the 
port,  snpposing  her  also  to  be  Spanish,  went  ont  in  a  boat 
to  board  her.  liut  on  his  way  he  was  met  by  a  piimacc  from 
tho  strange  vessel,  with  twenty-five  armed  men,  and  two 
pieces  of  artillery.  They  proved  to  be  Englishmen,  and  told 
tho  Spaniard  the  following  story :  They  had  come  from  the 
north.  In  tho  beginning  they  had  two  vessels,  fitted  out  for 
the  purpose  of  searching  for  the  country  of  the  Great  Chan.  J 
The  second  vessel  had  been  separated  from  them  in  a  storm. 
They  had  passed  through  a  very  rough  sea,  whore  they  had 
encountered  great  islands  of  ice,  and  afterwards  had  entered 
into  waters  which  were  boiling  hot  (the  Gulf-stream  ?).  They 
hfid  reconnoitered  "  the  Bacallaos,"  where  they  had  found 
fifty  Spanish,  French,  and  Portuguese  fishing  vessels.  In 
one  instance  they  had  gone  ashore  to  confer  with  the  Indians, 
by  whom  their  pilot,  an  Italian,  "  a  native  of  Piedmont,"  was 
killed.     They  had  then  coasted  along  as  far  south  as  the  river 


11' 


<  1^ 

1 1 


i!l 


I 


*  See  Oviedo,  Historla  general  de  las  Indias,  lib.  19,  cap.  13;  and  Bid- 
die,  Memoir  of  Cabot,  pp.  114,  275. 
t  Herrera,  Dec.  II,  lib.  6,  cap.  3. 
I  . .  .  "  para  yr  a  buscar  la  tierra  del  Gran  Can." 


r^ 


280 


RiiT'8  Kxi'EnrrroN,  1527. 


ii    ' 


of  Chicora  (hanta  el  Rio  do.   Chionrd)^  nnd  from  tliis  river 
tlu'y  had  comu  ovijr  to  tlio  island  of  S.  Juan  do  Porto  Uico. 

Tlicsi!  I'iii^lisliiiii'ii,  as  Ilorrora  jjrocccds  to  relatu,  iiivitod 
(Captain  Navarro  to  como  on  hoard  thoir  vessel,  siiowin;;  him 
tluiir  papt'rs  and  instructions  from  the  kin<^  of  IOii;;Iand,  and 
their  ^reat  storo  of  victuals,  wine,  flour,  clothes,  ammunition, 
artillery,  and  iron-work,  'i'lii;  ship  was  manned  by  sixty 
men.  They  wished  to  know  the  way  to  Santo  Domingo; 
and,  after  some  time,  sailed  thither.  From  this  j)laco,  how- 
ever, not  heint^  received  in  a  friendly  maimer  hy  the  Spanish 
connnander  of  the  castle,  who  fired  upon  them,  they  returned 
to  Porto  Uico,  traded  some  time  with  the  inhahitunts  of  tho 
port  of  St.  (jierman,  and  after  that  disappeared  altogether. 

From  this  narrative  it  is  evidc^nt,  that  tho  early  events  of 
tho  English  e.\[)e(lltion  of  which  Ilerrera  speaks,  have  a  strik- 
in<j;  resemhlani'e  to  the  early  events  of  tho  expedition  of 
tho  "  Mary  of  Guilford  "  and  the  "  Samson,"  as  related  by 
Hakluyt  and  Master  Hut.  It  is  nearly  certain,  that  both 
the  Spanish  and  tho  Eniflish  accounts  refer  to  tho  same  expe- 
dition ;  and  bt)th  agree  in  ascribin<;  to  it  tho  same  essential 
particulars,  of  tho  commission  from  the  king,  tho  purpose  of 
thd*  voyage,  the  number  of  vessels  and  the  fortunes  of  each, 
tho  countries  visited,  and  the  obstructions  and  difficul- 
ties encountered.  Tho  islands  of  ice,  and  tho  French  and 
Portucuese  fishing  vessels  near  Newfoundland,  are  mentioned 

or?  ' 

in  both  reports.*  Thus  it  appears,  that  Master  Rut  commu- 
nicated to  the  Spanish  captain  nearly  the  same  things,  and  in 
nearly  the  same  words,  which  lie  had  just  before  written  in 
his  letter  from  Newfoundland  to  the  king  of  England. 

The  principal  point  on  which  they  differ  is  the  date.  Her- 
rera,  in  his  chi^onological  history,  speaks  of  his  English  vessel 
in  a  chapter  in  which  he  treats  of  events  of  the  year  1519. 

•  Herrera  mentions  also  Spanish  vessels,  which  But  (loee  not. 


1 

SI 

w 

til 

m 
R 


RUT'S   KXI'KDITION,   IflST. 


287 


That  Ik'  Ii!h  rnlspliiccd  tliis  voya;»o  utulor  that  year  in  fvidciit 
from  the  Idllowiiijr  facts: 

1.  Till'  |)t'rfi'ct  .silencu  of  all  I'lii^^lish  aiitliorllics  on  a  royal 
En;;lish  cxpi'dition  for  a  north-west  passage  in  tlu'  year  l")iy. 

2.  The  improhahility  that  all  tho  alk'<^L'd  ch'cunisfanCL'H 
shonid  a^rci'  in  two  ditfort'iit  cxpcilitions. 

8.  Tho  circninstanct'  that  Ovirdo,  a  ('ont».'in|iorary  and  an 
inhabitant  of  thu  VVost  Indies,  mentions  the  arri\al  of  an  I'^n- 
j^Iish  vessid  at  Porto  Uico  in  the  year  ir)i27,  anil  does  not 
speak  of  such  an  event  in  tlie  year  l')!!). 

It  is  possible  that  Ilerrera  may  h!>vo  made  a  chronolotrical 
mistake,  and  that  he  was  not  sure  about  the  date  of  this  event. 
Hut  it  is  more  probable,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  <j;ivc  tlu^ 
date  of  1  ")l!)  to  the  incidcsnt  which  he  lias  here  related.  In 
a  chapfer  under  tho  head  of  lAl'.J,  he  considers  and  reviews, 
in  a  pjeneral  way,  the  condition  of  the  Spanish  colonies,  and 
merely  adverts,  by  way  of  example,  to  this  a[)pearance  of  an 
English  vessel,  as  one  of  several  circumstances  which  had  led 
to  com[)laints  and  uneasiness  on  the  part  of  Spain.  In  j^ivin<; 
examples  ami  instances,  ho  thus  refers  to  an  event  which  oc- 
curred at  a  later  period. 

And  last  but  not  least,  it  must  be  observed,  that  the  coun- 
try and  river  of  "Chicora,"  which  Ilerrera  mentions  under 
tho  head  of  the  year  ir)10,  did  not  become  known  to  the 
Spaniards  until  after  tho  subsequent  expeditions  of  Ayllon  in 
1520-152(3.*  In  the  year  1510,  no  Captain  Navarro  could 
speak  with  an  English  captain  about  "  Chicora." 

From  all  this  it  is  perfectly  clear,  that  the  strange  vessel 
which  the  Spanish  Captain  Navarro  saw  off  Porto  Rico  was 
the  "  Mary  of  Guilford  "  in  1527,  and  that  the  English  com- 
mander, with  whom  he  had  this  conversation,  was  Master 
Rut.     And  hence  it  follows,   that  the   oral  communication 

*  See  amongst  others,  Herrera,  Dec.  X,  lib.  9,  cap.  12. 


II  I 
,1  PI 


i  AW 


I 


28G 


RUT'S  EXPEDITION,   1527. 


made  bj  Master  Rut  to  Captain  Navano  regarding  certain 
events  of  liis  expedition  subsequent  to  its  departure  from 
Newfoundland,  namely,  the  killing  of  the  Italian  pilot  (Verra- 
7.ano  ?)  and  the  sail  of  tho  Mary  of  Guilford  along  the  east 
coac*  of  North  America  to  "  Chicora,"  must  be  regarded  as 
a  supplement  to  his  written  communication,  made  to  Ilenry 
VIII.  concerning  the  earlier  events  of  his  expedition. 

Unfortunately,  we  do  not  certainly  know  Avhether  any 
chart  of  the  track  of  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford,"  and  of  the 
coasts  reconnoitered  by  her,  was  drawn  during  this  voyage. 
But  as  it  was  usual  on  these  royal  or  official  expeditions  to 
draw  charts  of  their  routes,  we  mav  infer,  that  it  was  done  in 
this  instance  ;  and  also  from  the  fact  that  they  had  on  board  / 
a  "  learned  man,"  both  a  canon  and  a  mathematician.  Though  / 
it  has  not  been  preserved  to  us,  it  may  have  existed  for  some 
time  in  England,  and  have  been  used  by  later  English  map- 
makers. 

This  voyage  of  the  Mary  of  Guilford,  in  1527,  was  the  last 
official  enterprise  of  the  English  to  our  waters  and  coasts, 
until  the  expedition  of  Sir  John  Plawkins,  in  1565. 


The  result  of  our  examination  of  this  expedition,  so  far  as 
they  relate  to  our  special  purpose,  may  be  thus  summed  up : 

The  coast  of  the  country  of  Norumbega  was  visited  by  an 
English  vessel  in  1527. 

The  Mary  of  Guilford  not  only  came  in  sight  of  the 
coast  of  Maine,  but  she  also  "  often  times  put  her  men  on 
land  to  search  the  state  of  these  unknown  regions  ;"  *  and  it 
is  the  first  occasion  of  which  we  are  distinctly  informed,  that 
Englishmen  actually  landed  en  this  coast. 

It  is  not  improbable,  that  it  was  oi>  the  occasion  of  this 


Hakluyt,  ed.  of  1589,  p.  517. 


H« 


liUrs  EXPEDITION,  ir,27.  289 


19 


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I 


APPENDAGE   TO   CHAPTER   VIII. 


1.   CHARTS  FROM  VEIUIAZANO. 
1.   On  Map,  No.  13,  of  Nourn  Amkrica,  made  afteu  Vkrra- 

ZANO'a   ClIAUT,  BV  MtCUAEL  LoK,   IN   15S2, 

The  charts  mado  by  Vcrrazano  of  his  voyage  in  1524  arc,  as  I  have 

before  niontiont'd,  unfortunately  lost.    Ilakluyt,  however,  in  1582,  wlien 

(  he  publislicd  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  says,  "  an  olde  excellent  mappo, 

]  which  Verrazano  gave  to  king  Henry  VIII.  existed  still,  and  was  then 

in  the  custodie  of  Master  Michael  Lok."  * 

This  "Master  Lok"  (or  Locke)  was  the  son  of  Sir  William  Locke,  an 
a'derman  of  London,  and  was  a  merchant,  who  during  his  life  had 
made  many  and  great  travels  througli  nearly  all  the  countries  of  Eu- 
rope and  in  tlieEast,  and  liad  also  been  for  some  time  consul  at  Aleppo 
for  tlie  company  of  mercliants  of  Turkey.  He  is  said  by  Ilakluyt,  "  to 
have  been  a  man  of  knowledge,  wortliie,  and  of  good  reputation."  To 
liis  own  misfortune  he  became  a  great  promoter  of  the  expeditions  un- 
dertaken for  finding  a  north-west  passage,  and  particularly  of  the  voy- 
ages of  Martin  Frobishcr  in  1570-1578.t 

Being  desirous  of  proving  the  possibility  of  a  north-west  passage, 
he  composed  witli  this  view,  probably  for  those  who  were  interested 
in  its  discovery,  a  map  of  North  America,  on  which  he  drew  the  coasts 
of  terra  firma  so  far  as  they  had  become  known  to  him,  and,  where  no 
country  had  bsen  discovered,  left  open  water. 

Ilakluyt  affirms,  that  Lok  made  his  map  "  according  to  Verrazano's 
plat ; "  and  he  accoi-dingly  added  it  as  an  illustration  to  the  report  on 
Verrazano's  voyage,  published  by  him.  In  this  we  follow  his  example ; 
for  thougli  the  map  shows  very  few  traces  of  Verrazano,  still  it  is  the 
only  one  known  to  us,  which,  according  to  good  authority,  pretends  to 
have  been  taken  partly  at  least  from  his  charts,  t 

*  Hakluyt,  Divers  Voyages.    Edited  by  J.  Winter  Jones,  p.  11.    London,  1850.  ~ 
t  See  tlie  introduction  of  Mr.  Jones  to  Hakluyt,  Divers  Voyages,  p.  xc.  seq. 
t  M.  II.  Tliomassy,  however,  says,  that  there  exists  in  Rome  still  another  old 
chart  relating  to  Verrazano's  voyage,  among  the  collections  of  the  Propaganda.  This 


,fL 


Ui^ 


]l 


N!?XIII. 


N!?XIII. 


o 


oo 


fo\»*Jl..- 

C5 

-^— -' 

— 

i- 

4^ 

.  /      ■■'■ 


by  M'\c\}ae\  lok  in  tbo  yc'.ir  1582 


mtk 


V<«<nN^ 


I  f  •; 


CIIAUTS   OF  MICHAKL   LOK,  1582. 


291 


ITiikliiyl's  "  Divers  VoyaKos,"  first  i»ul)lislic(l  in  ir)S2,  liad  bocomo  very 
rare;  and  still  rarer  the  map  eontainod  in  it.  TIumo  w(!ri)  not  nioro 
than  fonr  (•()i)ios  of  it  known  in  l.sr>().  In  that  year  it  was  republished 
by  the  Ilakluyt  Society,  and  of  this  our  map,  No.  1;>,  is  a  reduced  eopy. 

Tho  map  has  in  tlio  wo.st  the  coast  of  California  (t^iiiviri),  beyond 
44°  N. ;  and  on  tho  coast  of  Florida  the  names.  "  Ulver  de  May,"  etc., 
given  by  the  Krench  under  Kibault.  Tins  coidd  not  have  been  tiiken 
from  "  Verrazuno's  plat,"  becau>^  it  alludes  to  discoveries  made  a  lon^ 
time  after  his  death.  Much  less  could  "  Verrazano's  plat "  have  served 
for  tho  delineations  given  of  tho  islands  and  straits  in  the  high  north: 
"  ISreta  in('o;,"iita,"  "  Frobisher's  Strait,"  etc., — names  relating  to  discov- 
eries in  tin  time  of  Lok  himself.  Tiie  trending  and  conliguration 
given  to  that  part  of  tho  east  coast  of  Ai.ierica,  along  which  Verrazano 
had  sailed,  agrees  also  so  littlo  with  tho  loagitudes  and  distances  given 
in  Verrazano's  report,  that  I  lind  it  dilHcult  to  believe,  that  our  map  is 
a  copy  from  V^orrazano's  original  survey.  '.» aster  Fiok  prol)ably  took  it 
from  some  one  of  the  iunumcrablo  maps  of  >'s  time,  which  was  nearest 
at  hand.  ' 

The  coast  of  Maine  is,  however,  easily  recognized  by  tho  chain  of 
islands  ranged  along  it,  in  4;}°  N".  Among  those  islands  there  is  one 
bearing  the  name  of  Claudia,  which  Verrazano  is  erroneously  stated  to 
have  given  in  honor  of  the  mother  of  Francis  I.  The  island,  to  which 
this  name  is  supposed  to  have  been  given  by  Verrazano,  lies  on  tho  south 
coast  of  New  England,  near  Narragansot  Day.  On  our  map  and  on 
many  contemporary  maps,  it  is  located  near  the  groat  river  of  Norum- 
bo2;a  (Penobscot  Hay). 

Tho  name  "  Xorunibega,"  which  is  prominently  written  on  this  map, 
was  also  conspicuous  on  all  tho  maps  in  Lok's  time.  It  was  pre '  .ibly 
not  taken  from  Verrazano's  map.  "  Norumbega"  (including  here  hlova 
Scotia  and  part  of  Now  Engl;>;..;l)  is  represented  as  a  long  island.  Tho 
large  strait  which  bounds  it  ou  the  west,  and  runs  from  south  to  north, 

chart,  according  to  Tlioinassy,  Is  a  soa-chart  ropresonting  a  groat  jmrt  of  tlio  world. 
An  inscription  on  it  says,  tliat  it  was  made  by  Ilioronynius  Vorrnzano,  probably  a 
brotiior  of  the  discoverer,  (iiovanni  Verrazano,  '  live  years  after  tlie  voyage  of  the  lat- 
ter," conseciiientiy  in  tlie  year  1529.  Unhappily,  1  have  not  been  al)!e,  as  yet,  to  pro- 
cure a  copy  of  tills  chart.  Tlie  notes  of  Tlioinassy  give  very  little  information  of 
its  contents  or  importance.  See  his  article:  "  Les  cartes  g(5  )graphi(iues  et  la  carto- 
graphic du  Vatican,"  in  "  Nouvelles  Annales  des  voyages,  torn.  3,  p.  269  seq.,  1853." 
[In  tho  MS.  of  Ilakluyt,  in  the  hands  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society  for  publication, 
there  is  a  reference  to  "  a  mightie  large  oldemappo  in  parchmente,  made,  as  itshoulde 
geme,  by  Verrazanus,  nowo  in  the  custodie  of  Mr.  Michael  Locke;"  and  also  to  "an 
olde  evppi|pi]t^(Th>ho^iii  the  Quoene's  privie  gallory  at  Westm'r,  w'ch  also  seemeth  to 
be  of  Verrazanus  raakinge."    (Cap.  17,  §§  10, 11.)— Ed.] 


M 


■ 


I 


4 


■ 


21)2 


MAP  oi*"  haf'tista  acjnesk,  iftrwj. 


fidin  tlio  Atlantic  to  tlio  <^roat  St.  Lawreiico,  is  by  hottio  Hiipposod  to  bo 
lliidson's  livor.  And  iiideod  tliis  idea  may  bavo  bin;u  su<ff;ustud  U)  Lok 
by  Vurnizano's  chart.  In  looiiinj^  into  tho  broad  niontli  of  Hudson 
Uivcr,  from  which  iio  was  niiCortiinatuly  beaten  ba(;k  by  a  Haw  ol'wind, 
Vernizan(»  may  Iiavo  thon;^!it  this  to  l)e  an  open  passage.  Bntlio  eouhl 
not  liave  tlioii;^ht  it  coniuicted  witli  tin;  St.  Lawrence  iliver;  lor  in  1524 
lio  had  no  knowledj,'o  oC  that  river.  Hesides,  the  river  in  (jnestion  is 
too  far  east  and  north  for  tlio  Hudson.  Its  connection  witii  tho  St. 
Lawrence  may  be  a  meic  invention  of  Master  Lok.  And  otlier  rivers 
and  inlets  of  our  <u)ast,  besides  the  Hudson,  were  supposed  at  that  timo 
to  be  branches  (»r  outlets  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

On  the  western  coast  of  North  America,  a  gulf  is  drawn,  approaching 
from  the  great  eastern  ocean  so  near  to  the  Atlantic,  as  to  leave  only 
an  isthmus  between  them  no  wider  than  that  of  Panama,  and  thus  di- 
viding North  America  into  two  great  continents.  Something  like  this 
delineation  may  have  boon  seen  by  Master  Lok  on  tho  chart  of  Vorra- 
zano ;  as  otherwise  ho  would  hardly  have  designated  this  gulf  as  ho 
docs  on  his  mai),  by  the  inscription,  "Mare  do  Verrazana, ^.'j24." 

Tho  great  merit  of  this  map  is  tho  correct  manner  in  which  Fro- 
bisher's  discoveries  are  laid  down.  On  many  subsetpient  maps  they 
■wore  widely  misplaced,  and  led  to  serious  geographical  mistakes.  But 
I  do  not  propose  to  point  thorn  out  in  this  place. 

Whether  Master  Lok  took  from  Verrazano's  plat  all  these  traditional 
and  iivbulous  islands,  "  Sept  Cites,"  "  I.  Urandan,"  "  Empcrada,"  etc., 
■with  which  he  has  lilled  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  it  is  impossible  to  toll.  Per- 
haps his  cosmographical  wisdom  and  his  antiquarian  tastes,  had  in- 
spired him  with  a  certain  fondness  for  those  old  names.  They  had 
disappeared  long  before  his  timo  from  all  authentic  and  official  French 
and  Spanish  maps,  But  they  lingered  for  some  timo  after  in  tho  maps 
compiled  by  learned  geogi  aphers.  Lok  disposes  of  them  very  much 
after  the  manner  of  old  Ortelius,  in  the  year  1570. 


2.  On  Map,  No.  14,  of  America,  by  Baptista  Aonese,  1536. 

Baptista  Agneso  was  an  Italian  cosraographer  and  map-maker  of 
Venice,  who  is  bettor  known  by  his  numerous  works,  than  by  tho  eir- 
cumstances  of  his  life.  He  lived  in  the  first  half  of  tho  sixteenth  cen- 
tury. He  appears  to  have  been  settled  at  Venice,  where  ho  found  a 
large  circle  of  persons  interested  in  tho  western  discoveries  of  the 
Spaniards,  Portuguese,  [French,  and  English.  His  works  were  pub- 
lished priucipally  in  Venice,  between  the  years  1530  and  1.545.  He  was 
no  traveler  or  discoverer  himself,  but  received  his  information  from 
others.    He  is  said  "  to  have  composed  his  maps  for  the  curious." 


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MAP  OF   HAI'TISTA   A(3NKSE,   in»). 


2051 


Tin»iiKli  hif)  rart<)j;iii|)lii('ul  works,  RH  Iiistdrlcril  cloctitnontH,  firo  not.  of 
iiMK'li  itnport.iiico,  still  wo  sco  rclh-ctt'd  in  flicin  llii-  ideaH  and  con- 
ifcliiirs  rununt  in  his  lime  rt'spucling  tho  c(inlij;urution  vl'  liiu  ii«w 
World. 

Many  of  his  maps  am  still  proHorvod  in  sovoral  <'<»ll»>('li(>nH  of  rScr- 
maiiy,  Krani'c.  Il;dy,  and  Kn^land.  Sonio  of  (licin  I  liavd  hccii  in 
Dresden,  otluMs  in  the  library  of  tlu^  Diiko  of  (intlia,  some  in  I'ariu 
others  in  tho  nritish  >[nsenm;  and  then)  aro  others  still  in  thu  cxeel- 
lont  folloetion  of  Mr.  Ilonry  llnth  of  London,  to  whose  oxtrumo  kind- 
ness I  anj  ln(h>hted  for  plioto}^ra|diH  of  siieh  of  them  as  appuartMl  usefnl 
to  onr  present  i»nrposo. 

All  these  maps  of  .Vj^nuso  aro  oxoputod  with  Ki'OJvt  wkill  and  taste, 
hoaufifidly  emhellished  with  cidors  and  yold,  tlrawn  npon  tho  Jjcst  of 
parelimont,  all  in  tho  same  stylo  and  handwriting,  and  aecordlnj^  to 
tlio  samo  {;o();;ra[)hi('al  i<loas;  so  that  oven  when  the  anthor's  name  is 
not  f,'iv(fii,  as  in  some  instaneos  is  tho  ease,  his  works  aro  easily  recoj^- 
ni/.od  and  ideiitilied. 

Tho  work,  of  which  our  No.  15  is  a  frajj;mont,  is  a  Portolano,  or  col- 
loetion  of  soa-charts,  which  represents  all  tho  known  coasts  of  tho 
world  upon  ten  plates.  T^pon  idne  of  these  plates  the  several  coun- 
tries aro  depicted  sei)arately  and  niimitely;  and  upon  the  tenth,  thcro 
is  a  resume  of  tho  whole,  in  a  eomploto  picture  of  tho  world.  Wo  yivo 
hero,  in  a  somewhat  reduced  compass,  tho  western  half  of  this  picture. 

Tho  Portolano  is  preserved  in  the  Koyal  Library  at  Dresden.  In  the 
catalojjue  of  that  library  it  is  described  as  "a  work  of  Haptista  Agnoso, 
made  in  tho  year  l.'>;}((;''  thou;;h  neither  tho  nanto  nor  tho  date  were 
given  to  his  atlas  by  Agnoso  himself.  However,  tao  statement  of  tho 
cat'ilogiio  is  rendered  quite  certain  from  internal  ovidonco.  Thoro  is, 
moreover,  in  tho  IJritish  Museum,  a  sinnlar  parchment  atlas  (.Manu- 
script Department,  No.  r)4(i:>),  which  has  the  following  inscription,  in 
the  handwriting  of  tho  author,  "13apt.  Agneso,  Vonetiis,  15."}(J."  lioth 
works,  which  I  have  compared,  have  exactly  the  samo  configuration  of 
tho  several  parts  of  the  world,  the  samo  ombcUishmonts ;  as,  for  in- 
stance, tho  samo  delineation,  even  as  to  figure  and  number,  of  the 
golden  mountains  in  the  central  parts  of  South  America. 

At  tho  time  when  this  map  was  composed,  the  discovery  of  Magel- 
lan was  recent;  and  still  more  recent,  the  discoveries  of  Plzarro  along 
the  coasts  of  Peru.  The  more  southern  parts  of  Peru  and  Chili  were 
unknown.  The  great  oceanic  route  through  Magellan's  Strait  to  the 
Moluccas,  and  the  highway  over  tho  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  the  golden 
country  of  the  Incas,  had,  however,  boon  frequently  traversed;  and 
they  might,  to  a  certain  degree,  be  considered  as  beaton  tracks.    They 


'2[n 


MAP  OF   nAJ'TISTA    AdNKSK.  IHX> 


arc  poiritod  out  nu  our  iimp  by  chnir  mid  diMMnct  linoH,  nn  wull  M  lliat 
li>ti;{-kMi)\vn  liiv;liro:id  of  tlui  l'i>itii;;iicHo  to  tliu  K.iHt  ludiuH  round  tlio 
CapiMiC  (i.Kid  lliipo.  On  Mil)  oriKimil,  tliu  I'oruviiiu  triutk,  nillud  "  ol 
viii^o  d«i  IV'iii"  (tlu>  Wiiy  ('»  I'ciii),  is  gilded;  flm  loiifcs  t.Iiit)ii)j;Ii  Mii- 
^<>llal^H  Strait,  iiiid  loiiiid  llio  ('iipi;  of  (iond  llopo.iiro  only  Hilvurud; 
wlucli  iMiilndli-iliiiiL'iits  \v(!  Ii:iv(^  not  :itt(!iiipU>d  lo  ri'pi'iidiicit  inoiireopy. 
'I'liu  ro:id  through  Ma^rolhiii's  .StniitiH  doMiKUi*  tliu  track  for  K"'*>K 

(do  iiudar)  to  tlio  Mcducciis;  tluit  round  tlio  (Ji  >l  <>ood  IIopu,  iih  t\w 
truck  for  rcttiuiiin.;  from  tlicin. 

In  Noitli  America,  wo  liml  oidy  Mexico  and  Its  vicitdty  roj)roHijnt()d 
as  boiiiK  known  on  both  nidcs.  Tlio  oxploriiif^  cxpcilitions  of  ('ortcs  to 
C/allfuriila,  and  tliu  cliarts  made  by  his  captains,  could  not  liavu  buun 
known  to  onr  II  dim  autlior  in  tiio  yoir  IVJJ.  They  bad  l»nt  Just 
coniuH'nccd  their  cxploratimi  in  these  rcj;ions.  On  a  map  wliicb  was 
made  a  few  years  later,*  the  same  antiior  has  laid  down  tlx;  I'eiiinsnla 
of  California.— a  proof  that  tlio  jieofjraphors  in  Venice  be(;amu  soon  ac- 
(ptaintod  with  the  now  discoveries. 

I)e  Soto  bad  not,  as  yet.  discovered  bis  j^reat  "  lliver  of  tlio  Holy 
Oross"  (the  Mississippi).  And  the  discovery  of  anolber  f^roat  river  of 
North  America  (tho  St.  Lawrence),  wiiich  Tartier  bad  partially  cx- 
jdorod  in  l.VU  and  15;}'),  was  evidently  not  k'  i  to  (»nr  author  in  ISiMJ. 
On  tho  entire  oast  coast  of  North  America  i  at  riv(U'  had  been  no- 

ticed. Hence  there  was  iiothin<^  to  binder  the  ».alian  jfoo^^rapbers  and 
map-makers,  at  the  time  of  tho  liomposition  of  this  map,  from  ropre- 
Bonting  North  America  as  narrow  and  as  meagre  as  they  wished  to 
liavo  it.  It  was  their  opinion  and  wish,  often  expressed  in  their  works , 
that  on  the  west  (toast  of  America,  from  tho  termination  of  the  voyage  of 
Oortes  on  tho  Pacific  (loast  of  Mexico,  the  shore  would  turn  (piickly, 
and  run  in  a  north-eastern  direction  "  to  tho  point  of  Labrador,"  (alia 
punta  di  Labrador). 

Our  author  entertained  this  idea,  and  has  represented  the  whole  of 
North  America  as  an  extremely  narrow  strip  of  land,  and  tho  greater 
partof  the  wostorn  coast,  by  a  dotted  lino;  both  evidently  showing  that 
bis  draft  is  a  matter  of  conjecture.  The  countries  surrounding  the 
Gulf  ri  Mexico,  and  also  Labrador  and  the  vicinity,  called  on  our  map 
by  tbo  old  name,  "  terra  do  Baceaiaos,"  wore  generally  admitted  to  be 
broad  tracts  of  country.  Jiut  tho  section  including  New  ICngland  and 
New  York,  was  at  that  time  generally  regarded  as  the  narrowest  part 
of  tho  continent. 

On  some  former  maps,  as  I  have  stated,  this  part  of  the  country  was 
depicted  as  an  open  space,  with  broad  water  between  tho  north  and 

*  A  map  dated  1644,  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Dresden. 


MAP  OK   UAI'TIHTA   AdNKHK,   15.TII. 


2U5 


as 
ud 


Hoiitli;  Ix'ciiUHo  lit  that  tiiiio,  tlii>  HtatotnoiitH  or  Cabot  iiiitl  tlut  'U'lliii'si- 
lioiiH  of  Cohii'h  in:i|i  of  tlio  (Miiitiiiuity  of  tlio  roiiHt,  wim'O  not  bclievcil. 
Itiit  ill  I.V'tl,  iit'ti'i'  Hut  (<xpl(initiiiiis  of  V't>ri-:i/,:iiiii  mid  (•dmk'/.,  thin  fiii't 
foiild  Ml)  loiiKi'i'  In*  (li'iiifil.  Tlid  l»ii>;iil  wahM-j^aps  iiiiiHt,  of  iiiuiMO, 
liavu  Mu'ii  ilisap|ii>a!'«)il ;  \vliilt>  many  iiil<>U  iiml  iiaiiow  passa^cH,  not 
Hoon  liy  navi;{atoi'M,  would  hMU  Ik*  buliovud  in,  tind  bu  vntorud  upon 
tliuif  maps  niany  yoaiH  lator. 

'I'lio  Wfstt'iii  OriMii,  tim  so-rallcd  I'acilli',  npproacbos,  on  oiir  map, 
noari'st  to  tlu?  Atlanlif  bftwcoii  -W  and  lo"  N.  In  H)'^  N.  in  ili'pirtiul 
a  hook-liku  promontory,  projitcliii^  in  tv  nrmnor  Htrikiii^Iy  Himilar  to 
tho  "  C.  iiruniiH,"  (('upo  Codl')  drawn  on  tlio  inap  of  I,ok,  altor  tlio 
"  plat  of  V(!rrazano."  Iloro  lios  a  vory  narrow  ship  of  land,  somowliat 
lik«i  tlu«  iHtiimiiH  of  Panama,  niiiniii;;  (liiiiii;,di  llv<'  di;,'r»M's  of  latitiuio. 
Ity  this  delineation,  tlio  srelinii  of  the  rmitiiieut  rMnniii;^  diio  west  of 
tho  |>ruHunt  States  of  Now  Knj{land  is  very  miu-li  contiiuttod,  and 
forms  a  vory  narrow  isthmus  between  tho  Atlaiitio  and  Paeilic.  It 
was  this  imaginary  isthmus  which  led  Kramis  I.  and  his  eaiitaiii  Ver- 
razaiio,  t(»  direct  to  this  re;^ioii  the  expedition  of  I.V.M  in  search  of  a 
passa^fo  to  Tatliay.  And  altli(»u;;h  Verrazano  was  arrested  by  a  con- 
tinuous ouast,  hu  did  not  ^ivo  up  iho  hope,  that  he  ini'.;ht  find  an  oiutn- 
iu}?  somewhore;  at  any  rate,  ho  was  confident  that  the  Western  Ocean 
was  (piite  near. 

From  Lok's  copy  of  Vorrazano's  chart,  on  which  those  i(U«as  were 
«  *f>lctod,  we  eoneliido  that  such  was,  at  this  time,  the  provailin^  opin- 
ion in  Franco  and  Italy. 

A^nose  delinoatos  on  his  chart  a  third,  or  northern,  fjroat  highway 
tlirou<j[h  America  to  tho  oasttrn  countries  of  Asia.  lU'.  makes  it  com- 
mence at  some  harbor  of  France,  perhaps  in  Normandy;  then  passes 
it  by  water,  or  over  a  narrow  strip  of  land,  across  the  isthmus  of  Now 
England,  into  tho  neighboring  Pacific  Ocean,  and  thence  directly  on  a 
straight  course  to  "  Cataia  provincia"  (the  provinceof  Cathay)  and  tho 
groat  city  of  Quinsay,  which  ho  places  at  the  north  of  the  Moluc- 
cas. He  calls  tho  dotted  lino  marking  this  course  "el  viagcs  do 
Franco"  (the  voyages  of  France).  That  he  is  not,  however, quite  sure  of 
tho  correctness  of  this  third  highway  across  America  to  Asia,  may  bo 
inferred  from  tho  fact,  that  while  he  indicates  this  way  by  dots  only, 
he  represents  tho  passages  of  Spain  and  Portugal  by  gilded  and  sil- 
vered tracings. 

Tho  particular  interest  which  the  map  has  for  our  locality  is,  that  it 
makes  New  England  a  narrow  isthmus  between  tho  Atlantic  and 
Pacific,  across  which  tho  proposed  highway  of  the  king  of  Franco  runs 
directly  to  China. 


1 

I 


290 


MAPS   BY  DIFFERENT   AUTHORS,   1630-1544. 


3.  On  Fouu  Maps,  No.  15  a,  b,  c,  d,  of  Nokth  America,  by  diffek- 
ENT  Authors  hktw'kkn  15S0  and  1544. 

Tho  general  features  of  the  map  of  Agneso  just  described,  si'ch  as 
the  meagre  continent,  tlio  proximity  of  tlie  Atlantic  and  Pacilic,  the 
narrow  i.stlunus  of 'New  England,  and  the  liighway  over  it  from  Fr.ance 
to  Chin.a,  were  retaitied  on  many  maps  after  that  time.  It  would  be 
tedious  and  unnecessary  to  mention  them  in  detail.  But  I  have 
selected  some  of  them  from  difl'crent  authors,  and  brought  them 
together  on  map  No.  15.  By  this  it  will  be  perceived,  that  the  ideas 
to  which  I  have  alluded,  were  deeply  rooted  in  lae  minds  of  geogra- 
phers in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  I  have  been  able  to 
include  these  vaiicus  drafts  on  a  single  plate,  because  they  contain  very 
few  names,  with  rough  outlines,  and  no  minute  work. 

Tho  lirst  .nap.  No.  15  a,  is  a  sketch  of  North  America,  from  a  map  of  , 
the  now  world  contained  in  the  I'tolemy,  edited  in  Basle,  15;]0.    The 
map  was  drawn  and  engraved  a  few  years  after  Verrazano's  expedi- 
tion.   It  has  nothing  of  the  Spanish  expeditions  to  Peru  and  California. 

The  plate  upon  which  it  was  engraved,  must  have  been  in  use  for  a 
V'ng  time;  for  the  same  map  appears  both  in  earlier  f. iid  in  much  later 
editions  of  Ptolemy,  without  any  corrections  or  additions  whatever. 
The  same  also  reappears  in  the  cosmography  of  Sebastian  Minister, 
published  in  Basle.  I  myself  have  seen  the  same  delineation  in  an 
edition  of  Miinster  of  the  year  1572.  It  may  ''o  have  been  presentud 
to  the  "  curious  public  "  in  still  later  works. 

In  tlie  work  from  which  I  take  the  sketch,  it  has  the  very  -an- 
cient title  "Novarum  insularum  descripto"  (a  description  of  the  ne\, 
islands).  And  sifter  this,  follows  a  Latin  note,  of  which  the  following 
in  a  verbal  translation :  "  Nearly  infinite  is  the  number  of  new  islands, 
which,  since  tho  year  1492  until  this  day,  have  been  discovered  by  the 
Spaniards.  The  most  remarkable  of  these  islands  are  Ameiica,*  Cuba, 
Hispaniola,  Francisca,t  terra  Florida.  America  received  her  i  ame  from 
the  discoverer;  and,  from  its  magnitude,  the  whole  is  called  a  New 
World.  It  has  several  adjacent  islands,  namely :  Pariana  and  Ilispana, 
which  is  also  called  Ophir." 

North  America  is  circumscribed  within  narrow  limits.  "  Zipangu"  is 
very  near  to  Mexico,  surrounded  by  the  "  Archipelago  of  7448  islands," 
taken  from  the  maps  of  the  time  before  Behaim  and  Columbus.  New 
England  is  located  upon  the  narrow  isthmus  above  mentioned,  and  is 

*The  name  "America,"  for  a  long  time  was  applied  only  to  South  America, 
t  Canada. 


I. 


I 


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Cf 


■'luA 


NVXV. 


a  J  NORTH -AM  ERIC  A  Jrom  a  tmip  of  \\\c  Wi^rU  m 
PTOLOMY  EDIT:BASLE  lo^O.    v| 


OVINTU 


TRO* 


^y 


/ 


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\lu 


T 


Xr  < 

[      t/frrti    ct' 
\  tJiarf/titK'.j 


I    lliiniiiane  i  eixie 


/{{arffeLU* 


.  \ut>i>a -yd-JtMifi 


ma 


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L_^A^ 


bj     NORTH-AMERICA     from  a   map    m.x\i    by 
G.RUSCELLI    ta'tlu  veai  1544 


d) 


N!!XV. 


CIRCVLVSAIfTICVS 


THOPIOVSCANCRI   ;     -^^ 

TemifHitiii 


C)       NORTH-AMERICA     from  a '.iVrtola.u.   ma.** 

ill  thrN'fai-   1336. 


Ac   b' 


d)  NORTH- AMERICA    from  a  map  ma<{c 

by  DIEGO    HOMEM   iti  the  year  1540. 


^ 


1 


V' 

1 

1 

* 

r 

1 

\  : 


RUSCELLI'S  MAP,   1544. 


297 


partly  included  in  "  Franciaca,"  the  old  name  of  Xew  Franco.  All  the 
rest  of  North  America  is  placed  under  the  head  of  "  Terra  Florida." 
Newfoundland  is  called  "  (.'orterati,"  a  corruption  of  the  name  Corto- 
real.    The  other  names  on  the  map  will  explain  themselves. 

It  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  that  such  a  sketch  should  have  boon  pub- 
lished repeatedly  in  works  of  hij^li  reput(>,  for  more  than  half  a  century, 
until  1572.  It  shows  how  slowly  improvements  were  made  in  maps 
prepared  for  the  instruction  of  the  jjcoplc.  The  map.  No.  15  a,  has 
this  particular  interest  for  us,  that  it  is  probably  the  lust  on  which 
"  the  Sea  of  Vei-razano"  was  depicted  in  the  form  ^iven  to  it  by  Lok, 
in  1582.  I  have  found  no  map  prior  to  1.5;J(),  on  which  this  delinoalion 
appears. 

No*  15  b.  This  sketch  of  North  America  is  taken  from  a  map  said 
to  have  been  made  by  Ciirolamo  Iluscelli,*  of  Yiterbo,  of  whom  some 
account  has  already  been  f;iven,  in  treating  (Appendage  to  Chap.  VI, 
§  2)  of  the  map.  No.  12.  That  map  was  composed  -by  him  in  1501 ;  but 
before  that  date  ho  must  have  composed  others.  And  our  sketch  is  a 
reduced  copy  of  one  of  those  ascribed  to  him,  whi(th  I  found  in  the 
British  Museum,  bearing  the  date  of  1544.  On  this  map  Kuscelli  draws 
the  isthmus  of  New  England  according  to  the  notions  of  Agneso  and 
the  author  of  No.  15  a,  which  probably  were  the  original  ideas  of  Vcrra- 
zano.  lie  presents,  however,  the  "Sea  of  Vcrrazano  "  as  a  part  of  the 
Northern  Ocean  (Oceanus  Scttentrionalis).  As  on  the  former  maps. 
North  America  has  here  only  two  principal  sections,  "  La  Florida"  and 
"  Terra  do  Baccalaos."  At  the  south-west  of  Florida  appears  New 
Spain,  "  Nueva  Ilispania."  In  respect  to  the  connection  of  the  new 
world,  with  Asia  on  one  side,  and  with  Eurojie  on  the  other,  Ruscelli 
adhered  to  the  old  .notions.  As  Peschel  says,  "befell  back  into  the 
old  Ptolemaic  errors."  t  He  represents  North  America  as  connected 
on  a  broad  line  with  Asia.  Ilis  "India  superior"  (Cathay)  stands  at 
no  great  distance  north-east  of  New  Spain.  A  similar  error  was  made, 
at  a  later  date,  by  other  geographers.  On  the  other  side  he  connects 
"  Terra  do  Baccalaos,"  including  New  En^jland,  Canada,  Nova  Scotia, 
Newfoundland,  Labrador,  by  the  way  of  "  Grotlandia,"  with  "  Norve- 
gia"  in  Europe;  so  that  the  whole  North  Atlantic,  on  his  map,  as  on 
the  old  Scandinavian  maps,  is  surrounded  in  the  north,  by  continuous 
land.  And  he  repeats,  in  the  different  editions  of  his  Italian  Ptolemy 
of  1561, 1563,  exactly  the  same  description  of  America. 

*  See  upon  Ruscelli,  T.  Lelewel,  Geograpliie  du  moyen  age,  torn.  1,  p  170.  Brussels, 
1852. 

t  reachel,  Geschichte  der  Erdkunde,  p.  371.    Miiuchen,  1865. 


! 


He  |ii 
■&  fill 


«>■; 


i 


298 


MAP   OF  1036. 


N"o.  15  c.  This  is  a  fraRinont  of  a  map,  contained  in  a  manuscript 
I'ortolano,  prcsorved  in  tho  IJodluian  library  at  Oxford.  On  ouo  of  tho 
maps  of  tliis  I'ortolano,  we  soo  in  tlio  liandwritinf?  of  the  map,  tlio  date, 
"  l'}.U\  die  martii."  Tho  author  is  nowlicro  mentioned.  IJut  it  is  shown 
from  internal  ovidonco,  tliat  tho  autlior  must  have  been  cither  tho  Por- 
tuguese Diego  Ilomem,  or  tlie  Italian  Baptista  Agneso,  both  of  whom 
repeatedly  gave  on  their  maps  exactly  the  same  conligurations  of  tho 
countries  brought  to  view,  as  are  represented  on  our  sketch.  The  map 
is  quite  similar  to  No.  14,  with  this  diflcrenco  only,  that  the  great 
oceanic  highroad  from  Franco  to  Cathay,  in  tho  present  sketch,  runs 
through  an  open  passage  between  "  Terra  de  Baccalaos  "  (Newfound- 
hmd  and  Labrador)  and  "  Terra  de  los  Ihctones  "  (Nova  Scotia  and 
New  England),  and  not,  as  on  No.  14,  over  tho  Isthmus  of  New  Eng- 
land. At  the  time  wiien  tlie  author  made  this  map  ho  must  have  been 
f'cquainted,  either  with  the  discoveries  on  tho  St.  Lawrence  Iliver  by 
Cartior  in  15;J4and  I.'jB.j,  or,  at  least,  with  Cartier's  intentions  and  ]>lan3 
for  these  expeditions.  Cartier,  as  well  as  other  explorers  of  this  time, 
who  entered  any  inlet  or  river-mouth  on  our  oast  coast,  thought  he  had 
found  an  opening  to  the  Pacific  and  to  Cathay.  It  was  a  general  belief, 
for  some  time  after  Cartier,  that  "  his  river"  (the  St.  Lawrence)  was  not 
a  river  at  all,  but  a  broad  opening,  an  oceanic  passage  or  highway  to 
Northern  China.  Even  Kamusio,  as  I  have  before  remarked,  stated,  in 
1533,  that  all  the  countries  seen  by  Cartier  toward  the  north,  were  prob- 
ably only  islands  cut  up  by  channels.*  Tliis  map  indicates  tho  north- 
west passage  to  China,  which  Cartier  suggested,  by  a  dotted  line  from 
a  harbor  in  Franco  across  the  Atlantic,  entering  the  American  conti- 
nent between  "  Terra  de  los  Bretones  "  and  "  Terra  de  Baccalaos,"  and 
reaching  the  coast  of  "  Cataia  provincia  "  in  about  40°  N.  Our  maps, 
Nos.  14  and  15,  are  probably  the  first  maps  on  which  a  north-west 
passage  is  distinctly  drawn. 

No.  15  d.  This  number  is  a  copy  of  a  sketch  of  North  America, 
made  about  tho  year  1540,  by  Diego  Ilomem,  a  Portuguese.  Homem 
was  a  well-known  map-maker,  of  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
of  whom  I  shall  speak  more  fully  hereafter.  His  maps  and  manner  of 
composing  them,  are  so  similar  to  those  of  his  contemporary  Agnese, 
that  one  would  think  they  had  copied  each  other.  Most  probably  the 
Italian  copied  the  Portuguese. 

I  annex  here  Homem's  sketch  merely  for  tho  purpose  of  showing, 
that,  at  tho  time  of  Verrazaiio's  and  Cartier's  first  voyages.  North 
America  was  depicted  even  by  the  Portuguese  as  a  very  narrow  coun- 

*Soe  Bamusio  in  his  Introductory  Discourse,  vol.  3,  fol.  4.    Ycnetia,  1656. 


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out) 


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try,  with  an  istj.mns  in  the  ro^jion  of  New  England.  I  fonnd  tlio  map 
from  vvliicli  lliis  is  copu'd  in  tlio  IJritisli  Musiium,  nndi'r  llu»  namo  of 
DioKo  Ilomoin,  but  vvitlioiit  a  datn.  It  must,  liowdvcr,  ho  assij^nod  to 
iil)out  tlio  year  l.VK).  For  its  cxplatiation,  1  rofor  to  my  romarks  on  tlio 
Hkotchcs  proc.cdinK  it  on  the  same  plate. 


II.   (HIAUTS  TO  (iOMIC/. 
1.    On  Chart,  No.   1(1,  ov   riiK  IOaht  Coast  of   North   Ami:rk;a, 

l<UOM    A   MAI"   ok  TlIK    SV()RI,I>,    IIY    DiKUO    UuiKUO,    IN    1.")!')). 

Diego  Ribero  was  a  very  able  map-maker  and  rosmo<;;raplier  of 
Spain,  at  the  bof^inninj^  of  the  sixteenth  century.  lie  is  oCUmi  men- 
tioned by  the  early  Si)anisli  historians,  (iomara,  Oviedo,  and  Ilerrera, 
as  "Maestro  de  hacer  eartas"  (a  master  in  map-makiiif,'),  ami  as 
"  Cosmofjraph  de  Su  ^fajcstad"  (eosmof^rapher  of  His  Alajesty).  lie  is 
said  to  have  made  many  charts,  h:ivin<f  for  his  partner  in  this  business 
the  rortu<juese  I'edro  Reinel,  of  whom  we  have  {^iven  a  chart  in  No. !), 
In  1524,  at  the  celebrated  Juntit  of  liadajoz,  whioli  was  called  upon  to 
decide  the  difrtcult  question  about  the  division  of  the  world  between 
Spain  and  Portuj^al,  Ribero  was  employed  as  "  Consultor"  (Counselor) 
"to  furnish  the  members  of  that  junta  with  the  necessary  charts, 
globes,  and  instruments."  lie  also  made  the  charts  for  tlio  second 
great  expedition  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan  and  the  South  Sea,  under 
the  command  of  Loaysa  in  1525,  who  is  said  "  to  Juive  had  Ribero's 
charts  on  board."  Ribero's  charts  were  not  made  from  actual  survey; 
for  as  far  as  wo  know,  he  never  was  a  voyager  and  explorer,  like  Juan 
de  la  Cosa,  who,  for  the  most  part,  made  his  drawings  on  the  spot. 
Ribero's  maps  and  charts  were  all  compilations,  made  by  study  and 
research. 

In  1520  the  emperor  Charles  Y,  hearing  that  the  then  existing  sea- 
charts  were  very  uncertain  and  contradictory,  appointed  a  commission 
of  cosmographers  and  pilots,  under  the  presidency  of  Don  Hernando 
Colon,  the  sou  of  the  great  Christopher;  and  ordered  them  to  review 
and  correct  the  Spanish  charts ;  to  bring  them  into  harmony  and  uni- 
formity, and  to  make  such  additions  as  were  required  by  recent  dis- 
coveries. This  c  ommission  prepared  a  map  of  the  world,  drawn  on 
parchment,  which  is  preserved  in  the  collections  of  the  Grand  Duke  of 
Weimar  ia  Germany ;  on  which  is  an  inscription  stating  that  it  waa 
drawn  by  "a  cosmographer  of  his  Majesty,"  probably  Hernando  £Ioloni 
himself,  in  the  year  1527. 

Ribero,  as  one  of  the  commissioners,  was  probably  employed  on  this 
map  of  1627.    However  this  may  be,  in  the  year  1529  be  composed  a 


ill 


t 

V 


Si 
til 


I 


!    . 


800 


CMAUT  OK   ItinKIlO,  ir.'ilt. 


Hlmilar  nmp  of  Mio  world,  wliicli,  in  oxiictncHs  and  hoiuity,  HurpaHsod 
tliat  of  I.V.'T;  and  wliirli  contained,  in  addition,  llio  SpaniHli  diH(;(>vo- 
rlt'.H  niadi)  aftor  tliat  dato.  TiiiH  do(;nnirnt,  drawn  on  i)aichnuuit,  aftcsr 
liavinj;  |)asH('d  lhroii<;ii  sovcrai  Iiaiuh,  is  also  i)r('Horv('d  in  Mii!  (rolk'c- 
tions  of  Mil'  (fiand  DnUo  of  Weimar.  Tlio  ciniicror,  Chaihis  V,  prob- 
al)ly  (NinicMJ  it  himself  from  Spain  to  fJorniany.on  his  Jonrney  Mirouf^li 
Italy  to  An;,'slMir}f  in  l."):}!).  In  Holoj^'na.  whiMO,  at  the  end  of  IWU,  ho 
had  an  intrrvii'w  with  Mm  Tope,  he  jirohahly  showed  him  the?  map,* 
and  pii's((nled  him  with  tlie  eupy,  which  is  still  preserved  in  Komc.t 
Atid  then,  peiliajis,  the  Venetians  also  proenred  the  eopy  which  thoy 
printed  and  pnhlished  in  l."i;{4,  at  Venice. t 

As  a  work  of  fjreat  accnraey,  and  as  an  ofTieial  map,  "composed  at 
the  eoininand  of  the  emperor  (Miarles  V.,"  it  has  always  attracted  the 
aLtentioii  of  the  learned,  and  has  been  copied  and  used  hy  many  por- 
Hons.  In  Hul)se(iiient  times,  when  the  discovery  and  exploration  of 
America  had  made  fiuther  i)rof;ross,  itwas,  like  other  old  maps  bolonK- 
inj?  to  the  he<^inniii}^  of  the  a;^e  of  discovery,  laid  aside  and  forf^otten. 
In  modern  times,  when  the  history  of  American  fieo<;rai)hy  bej^an  to  bo 
treated  in  a  more  critical  manner,  it  was  aj^ain  bronylit  to  lij;ht.  A 
(Jennan  geojjrapher,  SprenKel,  at  the  end  of  the  eiffhtecnth  century 
wrote  an  essay  on  it;  and  that  part  of  it  which  represents  America 
was  copied  and  ent^raved  by  (Jiisselfeldt,  a  (Jerman.  This  remarkable 
document  attracted  the  earnest  attention  of  the  IJaron  Humboldt;  and 
ho  and  the  illustrious  owner  of  the  map,  the  ({rand  Duke  Charles  Au- 
gustus Saxe  Weimar,  are  said  to  have  been  often  observed  sittinj^  in 
that  i)art  of  the  fjjrand  (bieal  lil)rary,  which  is  called  "  the  tower," 
with  this  picture  of  the  world  before  them,  discussiiifj  tlio  contents  of 
the  old  parchment,  and  admirin;;  its  beautiful  workmanship.  In  IHtiO, 
a  fac-similo  of  this  map  of  Hibero  of  1.520,  and  also  of  that  of  the  year 
l.'>27,  were  published,  with  critical  notes,  by  the  author  of  the  present 
work. 

Our  map.  No.  10  is  a  reduced  but  exact  copy  of  tlie  cast  coast  of 
North  America,  as  given  in  this  last-mentioned  lac-simile.  It  is  unne- 
cessary to  give  here  the  contents  of  the  map  of  1.527,  because  it  has 
throughout  the  same  configuration  of  the  east  coast,  and  the  same 
names  with  llibero's  map,  though  less  perfect  and  less  complete.  A  few 
exceptions  to  this  remark  I  shall  hereafter  have  occasion  to  mention. 

*I  liave  made  tliis  probable  in  a  work  publislipd  by  me  under  tbe  title:  "  Die  beiden 
Aeltssten  General-Knrten  von  Ani<rica,"  etc.,  j).  43-44,    'NVeiniar,  18(50. 

tSeeM.  II.  Tliotnassy,  Les  I'apes  geographer,  etc.,  in  Nouvelles  annates  des  voyages, 
III,  p.  272  8eq.  1853. 

tl  have  a  copy  of  this  Venetian  draft  in  my  possession.  It  gives  only  the  general 
features  of  our  map. 


;■ 


CHART  OK   iJinKUO,  in20. 


801 


C)iir  map  romprinrs  tlio  ciitiio  (lovolopnuMit  of  tlio  North  AimMican 
«!ist  roast,  from  Florida  in  tlio  h<»uIIi,  to  (iroeulaiul  and  h^cland  in  tlio 
nortli.aiid  tlio  yroator  wostorii  half  of  tho  N(»ith  Atlantic  Ocoaii.  In  tho 
ocoaii,  tlicm  inny  bo  obsorvod,  scattered  Mirounh  its  vast  spaees,  a  few 
of  tho  olil  falndoiis  islands,  •'  Hrasil."  "  Maidas,"  "  V"  V  erde,"— the  last 
I'oinnants  of  the  }^ooj;raphi(.'al  mytliH  of  tho  niiddlu  at;os,  as  they  uio 
al>out  to  (lisap])oai'. 

"  leoland  "  has  its  tiuo  position  in  about  70°  N. 

In  tho  western  iiart  of  the  ocean  wo  find  "  l/i  IhMiiiuda."  discovered 
about  ir)2(t.  in  its  true  position.  This  is  the  first  time  that  W(!  see  tho 
Uormudas  depicted  on  a  map.  liotween  tiu^se  islands,  in  the  nudst  of 
tho  ocoan,  on  tho  usual  Iiomo-tnvck  of  tho  Spanisli  vessels,  a  ship  in  Hcon 
under  full  sail,  with  tho  inscription,  "  V'eiifjo  do  las  ludiaH"  (I  come 
from  tho  Indies). 

(ireenland,  Labrador,  and  Newfoundland,  on  our  map.  have  tho  same 
contijjuration  as  had  been  ^jivon  to  then>  on  many  former  mai)s.  Thoy 
wore  probably  taken  from  tho  Portuj^ucso  maps,  drawn  orij^inally  from 
tho  actual  surveys  of  tho  Cabots  ami  (Vu'toreals ;  for  instance,  from  tho 
map  of  I'edro  Heinel  (maj)  No.  It);  who.  as  has  been  before  remarked, 
was  a  partner  of  Jiibero,  and  perhaps  his  teacher. 

Greenland  has  hero  tho  same  name  given  to  it  as  on  Portugucso 
maps,  namely,  "  Tierra  del  Labrador,"  and  has  over  it  tho  inscription, 
"This  country  tho  Enj^lish  discovered;  but  there  is  nothing  useful 
in  it." 

Newfoundland  and  Labrador  are  joined  by  one  continuous  coast- 
line, and  there  is  no  indication  of  tho  Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  or  of  tho  insu- 
larity of  Newfoundland.  The  south-eastern  part  of  Newfoundland  is, 
however,  very  well  drawn,  particularly  its  great  south-eastern  penin- 
sula, now  called  "  Placontia  and  St.  Mary."  These  bays  and  harbors, 
so  well  delineated,  must  all  have  been  explored  by  observing  seamen, 
before  this  map  was  drawn  in  152i). 

"C.  Itasso"  (Race)  has  its  true  latitude  of  about  47°  N.  The  name 
given  to  Newfoundland  and  Labrador  is,  "Tierra  do  los  bacallaos;" 
and  to  this  there  is  added  tho  inscription,  "  which  the  Oortereals  dis- 
covered, and  they  were  lost  here.  Until  now,  nothing  very  useful  has 
been  found  in  it,  except  the  cod-fishery,  which,  howevoi",  is  of  little 
esteem." 

This  language  of  some  Spanish  cosmographer  would  certainly  not 
have  been  admitted  by  the  Portuguese,  Normans,  or  Bretons,  of  that 
period.  I'he  disparaging  terms  of  this  inscription  appear,  however,  to 
lend  some  support  to  the  view  of  Navarrete,  above  quoted,  that  the 
Newfoundland  fisheries  were  not  much  frequented  by  the  Spanish 
Basques  before  the  voyage  of  Gomez  in  1525. 


If    -I 


'  I 
I 
I 
I 

If  I 

II 


,    .-T 


802 


CIIAIIT  OF   illllEUO,  in20. 


] 


Tim  iiilcf  hotwccn  "  Tioirii  dol  I-alniidor"  nntl  "Tiorm  do  Ium  IkiciiI- 
liios,"  (lie  |ii'CH(Mit  IIiidHoii'H  iiiiil  Davis' Sh'iiitH,  is  cliiHrd  on  our  in;ip, 
iitid  ic|>r('Nciit('d  UN  ii  Kidl".  TIm)  (lUll'  of  St.  ^i!lW|•(•Il»•»^  Hotitli  of  Now- 
foiiiKlliiiHl,  Ih  likinvisi!  <-loH(>(I.  Hotli  of'Mu'Ho  iiilctH,  on  tliu  iiiap  of  llor- 
iiando  Colon,  IWT,  mo  roproHontcd  uh  lu'lnji  opon.  Sonio  wittorM  liuvjt 
hiif^j^cstcd,  that,  liiltdi'o  iopiosontn  tlioHo  watorM  hh  cloHt-d,  not,  from 
i>;norant'c,  l»nt,  l»y  dcsijjn,  and  lor  polilical  roasoim.  Tlio  kinj;  orS|)ain, 
HO  MiKso  writtMH  arniM',  wislii'd  to  turn  tlic  attention  of  tin-  Kiij;liNli  an<l 
Fr«.'iK!li  from  tlio  norMi-oast  (ioiiHt  of  America,  and  tlin»w  ol)Nta«;IoH  in 
the  way  of  tlirir  fliidin^;  Iiorc  a  passayo  to  tlio  Pacillc  and  China;  and 
MuMcfoic  ordered  liini  to  rcincsent  tiie  coast  as  overywliero  aeonlinn- 
ons  and  nnliroiicn  continent.*  A^'ainst  tliis  siijLtj^cstion,  Iiowcvcm-,  tlioro 
is  tliis  fact,  if  notiiinff  olsc,  thiit  ciiarts.liko  tliatof  tlio  royal  cosinoj^ra- 
l)lH!r  lUhcro,  wore  mado  only  for  tho  uso  of  tlio  kinj{  of  Spain,  and  Iuh 
ofllccrs;  and  that  to  hIiow  Huch  charts  to  forcij,fncr»,  was  rcj^ardcd  as 
liiyli  treason  in  Spain,  nnloss  this  was  done  hy  the  act  of  the  emperor 
himself,  as  in  his  i)resentin<;'  them  to  the  pope. 

At  the  west  of  tho  opcninpj  of  the  (inlf  of  St.  liawrcnco  appears  the 
Kipiare-shaped  end  of  ('ape  Ilroton  and  tho  peninsula  of  Isova  Seotia, 
called  here  as  usual.  " 'I'icrra  iUi  Ids  Hretones."  The  distance  of  the 
(iastern  point  of  this  country  from  Cape  Kace,  is  here  made  ahont  a 
hundred  and  twenty  Spanish  leagues,  which  is  souuswhat  j;reater  than 
tho  true  distance.  From  that  point  for  about  thrco  liundred  lea};ucH, 
tlie  coast  runs  east  and  west;  and  then  with  a  preat  bend,  turns  to  tho 
K»»nth.  On  t  liis  lai  ee  section  of  the  (M)ast,  we  lind  the  inscription,  "  Tho 
(iouiUry  of  Stephen' (Jomez,  which  ho  discovered  at  tlu'  command  of 
His  Majesty  in  the  year  1.W5.  There  are  hero  many  trees  and  fruits 
similar  to  those  in  S])ain;  and  many  walrusses,  and  salnu)n  and  fish 
of  all  sorts.  Oold  they  have  not  found."  Tho  name  of  tho  country 
i     "  Tierra  do  Estevan  (Jomoz"  is  written  in  large  letters  in  the  flrsi  line. 


Ill  t'poin  such  .xtaf^niciitH 

■\go  by      jp  nm  li- 

|).  2:i,  lOiO. 

king  of  I'ortUKall. 

•  sure  to  po.««(>-s('  to 

ill  ir.is  (lisicovory,   "a.»t  tliH 


•[Tlie  wrltors  reffrred  to  liavo  probftbly  ilorlvod  tln'i 
(i!*  that  of  Sir  llumiilircy  (jlilbcrt  in  Ills  "IH    ■iiirs'i 
west  to  C'lUliuia,"  wIuto,  in  clia|).  ID  (Ilnl' 
London),  li<'  says:   "  It  is  liitply  that 
would  not  buv(>  sit  out  ((luicllyl  all 
tlii'msplvcs  all  tliat  trade  tlipy  n,.w  a  fpare  to 

Queon'N  )Ii)josty  having  so  good  ojjpoi  iiuiitlp,  ar  i  liniling  the  comninditie  wlilcli 
thereby  niifflit  cnMic  to  the  conimonwrallli.  wouhi  ut  them  olF,  and  eiij  \  the  whole 
raHiiiue  herselfe,  and  tliorehy  the  Spaniards  mid  I'ortURals,  with  their  grea'  charges, 
Hhould  beato  the  bush,  and  other  men  catch  the  birds :  which  thing  theyfof^nc'  7,  have 
covimanded  that  no  pilot  of  theirs,  upon  paitic  cf  death,  should  seeke  to  disc(  ■•  to  the 
S'orthwest,  or  plat  out,  in  any  Sea  card,  any  th^row  passage  tltat  way  l>"  North. 
u)e8t,"—Kv.] 


riiAUT  OP  uinRun,  inm 


ao8 


lf|i  t,o  (III)  yo:ir  I.Vi.'),  iUK'ordin^  to  Mcrn'iM'M  Htiilormiiif,  "  no  Hpi\iiiHli 
vchhi^Ih  liiul  NiiiliMl  iilon^  MiIh  Ht'ilimi  of  oiir  coiiHt."  Kroni  tlu>  VVrNt 
Imliii  IsIuikIh  in  lliu  Hinitli,  tlui  NpiiniiirilH,  iindor  tho  coniiniiiHl  of  I'onco 
du  liOdii  ill  I.')I2,  and  Aylloii  in  ITi^i),  liiiit  cx|ilnn>ii  Mm  coiiHt  north- 
Wiinl  to  :il»i)iit,  ;i;! "  or  .'!»"  N.     Iliil  in  l.'i'.'il,  Avllon  li:iil  Miiili't!  as  tar  north 


iiM  aliiiiil  :1S'\  a  liltlu  l)fyoii<l  ('licsaiifakti  IJay  (Ilaia  do  SI.  Maria). 
From  tlinnou  noitluvaid,  tliu  coaHt  was  iinl<nown  to  tlio  SpanianlH. 
oxcopt  by  wiiat  tiioy  had  Itcard  uhoiit  it  from  ScltaHtian  Caliot,  wIioho 
oxploiatioiiH  had  hccii  dclincalcd  in  Spain  l>y  Cosa,  in  l.MH);  and  o\- 
•uiptin;^  also,  wiiat  tlicy  Iraiiicd  al'lcrwards  iVoin  tlii'  discovoritis  of 
(}onuiz  in  ir»:i:». 

Fronj  thoHO  circmnstancoK  wo  may  infer,  tliat  Ilihoro  dniw  thlH  Hc(ition 
of  our  coaHt  ontiroly  from  thc!  t'x|»loi'ati<tnrt  and  reports  of  (Jome/. ;  and 
W(*  liavo  in  tlio  names  and  eoasl-lines  \vhl<li  he  t^ives,  a.  very  ;,'ood 
representation  of  this  famous  i(<^ioii,  parlieiilaily  iiileri'sliny  to  us,  on 
whicli  tlie  Spaiiisli  liistoi  iaiis  iinliappily  are  so  very  dell«Ment. 

I  will  en<h^avor  to  decipher  and  identify  tlic  namoH  and  ohj(M:ts  jjiven 
on  our  map,  proeoediii};  as  (ioniez  liimself  did,  from  nortii-oast  U) 
south-west. 

At  tiio  disiaiii'o  of  alioiit  twenty-live  le  ii^iies  from  tlie  soiitli-east 
point  of  "tierra  do  h)S  Hn  tones,"  we  find  an  Inlet  on  our  map  on  wliich 
is  written  tho  name,  "  Ilio  de  la  huclta"  (tho  rivor  of  return).  It  is 
jiossihle  tliat  the  "  (iiit  of  Canso"  is  meant  here;  that  (}oino/.  looked 
into  it,  and  not  riiidiiijf  the  outlet,  rrfurncd  from  it. 

About  twenty-live  leagues  onward  to  the  west,  wo  find  a  bay  with 
some  small  islands  before  it,  with  tho  name,  '•  sarvalos  "  (brambles). 
Thoro  arc  on  tho  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  many  islots  with  bramldes  and 
shrubs.  Tho  distance  above  s'vtm  would  brinj;  us  to  tho  Hay  of  Hali- 
fax, wliich  possibly  is  indicated  hero. 

About  twenty  leagues  further  to  the  west  comes  another  inlet  with 
tho  name,  "  U.  do  montanas  "  (tho  Uivor  of  Mountains).  Tlio  distance 
brings  us  to  tho  bays  and  harbors  of  Metway  and  Bristol.  Mr.  Blunt, 
in  his  Coast  Pilot  says,  that  near  Metway  harbor,  some  inland  hum- 
mocks may  be  scon;  and  he  observes,  that  to  the  west  of  Halifax  tho 
highlands  of  Apostogon  and  La  Have  aro  in  sight  on  tho  coast.*  Per- 
haps Gomez  saw  those  highlands  near  his  "  II.  de  montanas." 

About  thirty  leagues  further  west,  a  somewhat  larger  opening  occurs, 
with  tho  name  of  "  Golfo."  It  is  possible,  that  the  l)road  entrance  of 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  is  meant  hero.  Gomez  jjrobably  saw  something  of 
this  entrance;  but  fog  or  other  unfavorable  circumstances  may  have 
prevented  him  from  observing  it  more  accurately. 


•  See  Blunt,  American  Coast  IMlot,  18th  edition,  p.  178.    New  York,  1857. 


'^mmmmmm 


a 


804 


CHART   or  RIBERO,  l.')29. 


riissin<r  from  ('iii<o  Sablo,  tlio  western  capo  ol'  Nova  Scotia,  and  hav- 
ing cau{f|it  only  a  yliin])se  of  the  IJay  of  Fnnily,  in  the  midst  of  fogs 
and  storms,  Gomez  descried  a  coast  on  wlncli  ho  perceived  a  long  so- 
vies  of  reefs,  breakers,  headlands,  and  small  islands.  lie  describes  the 
coast  west  of  the  "(iolfo"  by  the  words  "  modanos"  (sand-hills)  and 
"arccifes  "  (reefs).  He  puts  down  also  small  isliinds  alon^;  the  coast- 
line. Hero  we  are  evidently  on  the  much  indented  and  broken  coast 
of  Maine,  which  abounds  in  islands  far  more  than  Nova  Seotia,  or  any 
other  section  of  the  American  east  coast.  ' 

About  sixty  )ea;;ues  to  llic  west  of"  (Jolfo"  (Bay  of  Fundy),  there  is 
depicted  a  lon<f,  de(!p,  triaiij^ular  inlet,  full  of  islands,  running  directly 
south  and  north,  and  ending  at  the  nortli  in  a  river.  It  is  the  most 
prominent  object  on  the  whole  coast.  The  latitude  given  to  its  mouth 
is  44°  N.,  and  the  longitude  about  that  of  the  island  of  IJermuda. 

This  description  agrees  nearly  in  everj' point  with  the  broad  triangu- 
lar Penol)Scot  Jiay,  the  largest  inlet  and  river  on  the  coast  of  Now  I']ng- 
land.  (jiomez  probably  entered  this  inlet,  and  explored  it  more  accu- 
rately than  any  other  part  of  the  coast;  and  in  his  report  to  the  king 
may  probably  have  lavished  his  praises  on  its  harbors,  its  islands,  and 
beautiful  scenery.  8ince  the  year  l.")21),  it  is  delineated  on  subsequent 
maps  in  the  same  manner  as  Kibero  has  here  depicted  it,  after  the  sur- 
veys of  Gomez.  On  these  maps  it  is  s'^metimes  called  "  Eio  Grande" 
(Gi'eat  Ilivcr)  or  "  Rio  de  las  Gamas"  (Deer  River),  or,  at  a  later  date, 
"  the  groat  river  of  Norund)ega." 

West  of  this  river  appears  the  name,  "  C.  do  muchas  yslas  '  (the  capo 
of  many  islands).  It  would  be  difficult  to  say,  to  which  particular  point 
or  capo  of  the  many  headlands  "  surrounded  by  islands  "  west  of  Pe- 
nobscot Bay,  we  should  ascribe  this  name.  Judging  strictly  from  the 
latitude,  wo  might  suppose  it  to  be  Capo  Elizabeth ;  but  looking  at  other 
circumstances,  should  incline  to  the  opinion,  that  some  headland  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Owl's  Head  is  intended.* 

About  thirty  leagues  west  of  Penobscot  Bay  occurs  the  name  "  mon- 
tanas"  (mountains) ;  and  these  mountains  must  have  been  regarded 
by  Gomez  and  srbsecpient  map-makers  and  navigators  as  very  con- 
spicuous objects ;  for  henceforth  they  i>evor  dis^n  pear  from  their  maps 
of  this  region.  They  are  sometimes  found  marked  even  on  maps  which 
have  no  other  names  inscribed.  They  are  plainly  incendbd  tr  describe 
the  "  White  Monnr.tir  s  "  of  New  Hampshire.  Those  may  be  seen  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  and  along  the  coast  of  Casco  Bay,  and 


•[See  for  tliis,  "  ijip  Hi iden  Aeltesten  General  Karten  von  Amerika,"  von  J.  G. 
Kohl,  p.  64.    Weimar,  1860.-Ed.] 


n 


lon- 
Udod 

con- 
|maps 
^hich 
Icvibe 

near 

and 

J.G. 


CHART  OF  RIBERO,  ir>21). 


305 


•were  doubtless  si^litcd  by  Gomez,  on  bis  exploration  of  tbis  region, 
and  marked  on  lils  cbart. 

Tlio  numerous  is'r. ;.'.".  by  wbioli  tlie  beading  coasts  in  tbis  vicinity 
are  slcirted,  wouhl  seem  to  bo  tboso  of  Cas(!o  IJay. 

Next  appears  tbe  name,  "  Arcipclago  do  Estevan  Gomez  "  (tbe  Arcbi- 
pelago  of  Stcidion  Gomez),  written  very  prominently  and  at  fuUlengtb. 
I  tbink  it  was  not  meant  to  designate  any  one  of  tlie  smaller  bays  or 
inlets  of  tbis  region,  but  tbe  entire  Gulf  of  Elaine;  and  tliat  perbaps  it 
may  be  considered  as  tbe  lirst  name,  by  wbicli  tbis  gulf  was  designated 
on  tbe  old  cbarts.*  At  all  events,  it  will  become  quite  clear  in  tbo  se- 
quel from  otlier  autboritles,  tliat  tbe  name  "  Arcipelago  of  Estevan  Go- 
mez "  lias  always  been  given  eitbcr  to  tbo  cntir'!  (Julf  of  Elaine,  or  to 
some  section  of  tbe  waters  nortb  of  Cape  Cod. 

Tlio  coast  from  tliis  point  bends  round  to  tlic  soutb-west  and  sontb, 
mucb  in  accordance  witb  tbe  trending  of  tbe  coast-line  of  Xew  llamp- 
sbiro  and  Massacbnsetts,  ending  at  tbe  sontb,  like  tbat,  in  a  peninsula 
pVojectingeastwardly, and  called  "  Cabo  do  Arenas  "  (tlie  Sandy(Japo), 
and  forming  a  bay  exactly  resembling  tbo  Gulf  of  Maine. 

Tbis  cape  lias  about  tbe  longitude  of  St.  Domingo.  It  lias  tbe  con- 
figuration of  a  born,  and  is  booked  or  pointed  like  Cape  Cod.  Like 
tbat,  it  also  lias  banks  and  slioals  at  tbe  cast;  and  like  tbat  forms  a 
kind  of  cul  de  sac  on  tbe  west,  between  tbe  book  and  tbe  main-land.  In 
respect  to  its  longitude,  its  configuration,  its  sandy  soil,  its  sboals  on 
tbe  east,  its  little  bay  on  tbe  west,  it  agrees  witb  Cape  Cod,  and  was 
intended,  we  can  scarcely  doubt,  to  represent  tbis  prominent  feature 
of  tbe  New  England  coast;  altbougb  tbe  latitude  of'  Cabo  do  Arenas," 
the  nortbern  point  of  which  is  in  40°  N.,  is  two  degrees  loAver  than  the 
northern  point  of  Cape  Cod,  which  lies  in  42°  N. 

As  far  down  as  ''  Cabo  do  Arenas,"  the  coast  is  lined,  as  before,  witb 
a  chain  of  small  islands,  which  thus  forms  the  distinguisiiing  feature 
of  the  whole  east  coast  of  New  England.  South  of  Capo  Cod,  no  such 
coast  islets  appear  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  scarcely  credible  that  a  navigator,  sailing  like  Gomez  along  our 
coast  from  Newfoundland,  in  a  direction  from  north-east  to  soutb-west, 
and  following  the  coast-line,  as  he  did,  in  search  of  an  open  passage, 
could  have  overlooked  so  prominent  a  headland  as  Cape  Cod.  Neither 
tbe  Northmen  nor  Sebastian  Cabot,  on  their  voyages,  failed  to  observe 
and  represent  it.  Nor  at  a  later  period,  did  it  escape  the  observation 
of  the  French  under  De  Monts.    Sailing  in  tbe  same  direction,  they 

*  I  shall  make  this  more  probable  in  reviewing  tlie  maps  of  Chaves,  and  the  descrip- 
tion of  this  coast  by  Oviedo,  in  the  following  section. 

20 


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30G 


CIIAKT  OF  RIBERO,  1529. 


•voro  caufflit  and  arrested  by  this  remarkable  cape,  and  entered  it  on 
tliuir  charts  by  tlio  nauio  of"  Capo  Blanc  "  and  "  JNIalebarre." 

Tlie  other  capes  in  the  neiglibnrhood  of  40°  K,  which  have  been  sup- 
posed by  some  aiUhors  to  bo  intended  by  "  Cabo  de  Arenas,"— for  in- 
stance, Sandy  Hook  near  New  York,  and  Cape  ITenlopen  near  riiila- 
delphia, — are  located  too  far  to  tho  west  to  answer  to  a  capo  placed  in 
the  longitude  of  St.  Domingo,  and  arc  hardly  prominent  enough  to  a^i- 
swer  to  the  bold  projection  of  this  cape,  an  delineated  on  tho  map  of 
Kibero.  ' 

There  is  still  another  ground  for  concluding,  that  tho  "  Cabo  do  Are- 
nas ■'  of  Kibero  and  (Jomez  is  neither  Sandy  Hook  nor  Cape  Ilenlopen, 
but  Capo  Cod.  We  know  for  certain,  that  tho  "  Baia  do  Sta.  Maria  "  is 
tho  old  name  for  Chesapeake  Bay.  Now  this  "  Baia  "  is  placed  by  Ilib- 
ero  five  degrees  south  of  his  '•  Cabo  de  Arenas;"  and  five  degrees  is  the 
true  distance  between  Chesapeake  Bay  and  Cape  Cod,  and  nuich  more 
than  the  distance  between  that  bay  and  Capo  Henlopen  or  Sandy 
Hook. 

There  are,  however,  some  serious  objections  to  the  view,  that  "Cabo  do 
Arenas"  is  Cape  Cod.  I  shall  show  hereafter,  that  the  names  found  on 
this  map  between  "  Cabo  do  Arenas  "  and  "  Arcipelago  de  Estevan  Go- 
mez," namely,  "  S.  Juan  Baptista,"  "  It.  do  buena  madro,"  "  Montagna 
verde,"  "  b.  de  S.  Antonio,"  "  b.  de  S.  Chiistoval,"  are  applied  by  sub- 
sequent authors  on  their  maps  to  localities  situated  south-west  of  Cape 
Cod ;  particularly  the  name  St.  Antonio,  which  is  given  by  them  to 
Hudson  River.  Hence  if  we  insist,  that  "  Cabo  de  Arenas  "  is  Capo  Cod, 
we  must  admit  that  Kibero  was  greatly  mistaken  in  putting  names 
along  tho  Gulf  of  M. lino  which  belong  to  tho  neighborhood  of  New 
York,  and  in  leaving  out  of  his  map  the  Bay  of  New  York  altogether. 

But  great  as  these  difficulties  may  be,  there  would  perhaps  be  Btill 
gi-eatcr  on  the  supposition,  that  Sandy  Hook,  Cape  Henlopen,  or  some 
other  southern  cape,  was  meant  by  tho  "  Cabo  de  Arenas."  On  this 
supposition  we  should  find  on  our  map  no  indication  whatever  of 
Cape  Cod,  that  most  prominent  object  on  tho  coast,  with  tho  banks 
and  shoals  in»  its  offing,  so  difficult  to  tho  navigator;  and  should  be 
driven  to  the  inadmissible  supposition,  tnat  it  had  been  entirely  un- 
noticed both  by  Gomez  and  Ribero.  My  own  opinion  is,  that  the  coast 
was  correctly  delineated  by  Ribero,  but  that  he  put  some  names  in 
the  wrong  places.  Before  proceeding  to  vindicate  this  opinion,  I  shall 
adduce  for  evidence,  in  subsequent  pages,  some  new  documents  regard- 
ing the  voyage  of  Gomez  and  our  coast  of  New  England. 

In  concluding  the  present  section,  I  will  say  a  few  words  on  the 
remaining  portion  of  this  map. 


CHART  OF  CHAVES,  153G. 


307 


jn 


tbe 


The  southern  division  of  the  coast,  from  "  Cabo  do  Arenas"  to  Flor- 
ida, is  called  on  our  map  "  Tierra  do  Ayllon  "  (the  country  of  Ayllon), 
the  name  of  the  well-known  commander  of  two  expeditions,  by  which, 
in  1520  and  152((,  our  east  coast  was  discovered  as  fi\r  north  as  Bahia 
de  Sta.  Maria  (Chesapeake  Bay).  Tlie  names  on  the  east  coast  in  the 
neighborhood  and  south  of  this  bay,  are  all  derived  from  Ayllon'n 
expeditions. 

I  will  only  add,  that  the  "  line  of  demarcation,"  as  determined  by  the 
pope  and  the  treaty  of  Tordcsillas  in  111)4,  is  indicated  on  our  map  in 
the  same  manner  as  it  had  been  on  former  maps,  by  a  line  drawn  at  a 
distance  of  JJTO  leagues  (five  degrees  of  longitude)  west  of  the  island  of 
San  Antonio,  the  westernmost  of  the  Cape  do  Verdo  group;  and  that 
in  this  partition,  it  allots  to  Spain  "  Tierra  do  Estcvan  (Jomez,"  includ- 
ing New  England  and  Xova  Scotia,  and  to  Portugal  "  Tierra  de  los  Ba- 
callaos  "  and  "  Tierra  del  Labrador,"  including  the  eastern  part  of  New- 
foundland, and  all  east  of  it.* 

2.   Ox    CUAKT  OF  THK  EAST  CoAST  OF  NOUTII   AmEUICA,  BY  AlONZO 
DK   ClIAVKS   IX  1.>J('),  AND  OVIEDo's  DeSCUIPTION  OF  THE   CoAST 

IX  1537. 

Oviedo  relates,!  that  in  the  year  153fi  the  emperor  Charles  V.  is- 
sued an  order  to  this  effect :  "  that  the  charts  for  navigators  and  the 
*  padrones'  (muster-charts)  should  be  examined  and  corrected  by  some 
learned  and  experienced  persons,"  whom  he  selected  for  the  purpose. 
In  pursuance  of  this  order,  a  map  was  constructed  and  issued  by  Alon- 
so  de  Chaves,  representing  the  new  Spanish  discoveries,  and  the  entire 
geographical  knowledge  of  the  time;  in  the  same  manner  as  a  learned 
commission  under  the  imperial  order  had  prepared  and  issued,  in  1527 
and  1529,  the  maps  of  Diego  Colon  and  Diego  Kibero. 

Unhappily  neither  the  original,  nor  even  a  good  copy  of  this  remark- 
able and  important  map  of  Chaves,  has  come  to  our  knowledge.  But 
Oviedo  had  it  before  him  when  he  wrote  his  most  interesting  descrip- 
tion of  the  east  coast  of  North  America,  contained  in  chapters  IX-XI, 
book  XXI.  of  his  "  History  of  the  Indias  ;"t  which  is  the  fullest  and  best 
Spanish  report  on  our  coast  of  the  sixteenth  century.    We  may  there- 

*  [See  J.  G.  Kohl's  work  before  cited,  "  Die  beiden  altesten  General-Karton,"  etc., 
pp.  11-14.— Ed.] 

t  Oviedo,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  parte  segunda,  torn.  1,  p.  150.  Madrid, 
1852. 

t  Oviedo,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  parte  seguuda,  lom.  1,  pp.  143-152.  Mad- 
rid, 1852. 


1.  I 


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m  m 


m 


h  . 


308 


CHART  OF  CHAVES,  1536. 


1 1' 


fore  consider  this  rci)ort  of  Ovicdo  as  a  description  of  the  contents  of 
Chaves'  map,  and  as  the  result  of  tlie  experience  and  views  of  the  Span- 
ish geographers  in  tiio  year  Ij'M.  Oviedo  calls  this  chart  a  modern 
work ;  ami  says,  "  that  it  was  recently  made  in  the  late  year  I'i'M  "  (carta 
moderna,  quo  nucvanionte  so  corregio  el  ano  que  paHsh  do  mill  e  (juini- 
eutos  y  treynta  y  scys  aHios).  It  is  thus  evid(!nt,  that  ho  wrote  the  de- 
8cri])tion,  and  the  chapter  of  liis  great  work  in  which  it  occurs,  in  ir);57. 

Ovicdo  begins  his  description  of  our  east  coast  at  the  south  with 
Cape  Florida,  which  he  calls  •'  Punta  do  la  Florida,"  putting  it  in  25°  40' 
N.    This  latitude  agrees  very  nearly  with  tlic  true  position  of  that  cape. 

The  grent  capo  on  the  east  coast  of  Florida,  which  Ponce  do  Loon 
discovered  in  151.'),  and  which  he  called  "  Cabo  do  Corrientes"  (Capo  of 
the  currents),  is  called  by  Oviedo  "Cabo  do  Canaveral"  (Capo  of  tho 
reeds).  We  do  not  know  by  whom,  or  at  what  time,  tha^  celebrated 
name  was  introduced.    Oviedo  puts  it  a  Httlc  too  low  in  28*^  N. 

From  Cape  Canaveral  to  "  Cabo  do  Sta.  Cruz,"  a  name  in!.!oduced  by 
Ponco  dc  Leon,  there  is,  according  to  Oviedo,  a  distance  of  forty-fivo 
leagues.  Between  both  capes,  he  says,  tho  coast  runs  to  tho  north ;  but 
from  Cabo  de  Sta.  Cruz  it  begins  to  change  its  direction  toward  the 
north-east.  Accordingly  wo  must  look  for  tliis  "  Cabo  do  S.  Cruz  " 
somewhere  north  of  St.  John's  Ivivor, — if  it  is  not  this  coast-section 
itself,  projecting  somewhat  near  this  river. 

From  "  Cabo  de  Sta.  Cruz,"  where  the  direction  of  the  coast  changes, 
to  "  Cabo  do  Sta.  Elena,"  the  distance  is,  according  to  Oviedo,  sixty 
leagues;  and  he  puts  this  capo  in  y;j°  X.  On  this  coast-section  he 
designates  the  following  places  : 

1.  A  river,  called  "  Mar  Baxa,"  twenty  leagues  north-east  of  Cabo  de 
Sta.  Cruz.    It  may  be  the  Altamaha. 

2.  A  river,  called  "Rio  Seco"  (dry  river),  ten  leagues  from  "Mar 
Baxa,"  or  thirty  leagues  from  C.  de  Sta.  Cruz.  Perhaps  the  "  Savannah  " 
is  meant. 

o.  A  capo  called  "Cabo  Grucsso"  (the  big  cape),  ten  leagues  north- 
east of  Rio  Seco.  This  Cabo  Gruesso  is  found  on  many  Spanish  maps, 
but  wo  will  not  venture  to  say  what  cape  may  bo  meant  by  it. 

Fi'om  Cape  St.  Helena  to  "  Cabo  Trafalgar  "  the  distance  is,  according 
to  Oviedo, one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues ;  and  this  cape  lies  in  35°  30' 
N.  This  Cabo  Trafalgar  is  found  on  nearly  all  the  old  Spanish  charts, 
and  must  have  boon  a  very  prominent  headland.  Some  authors  have 
supposed  that  Cape  Lookout,  others  that  Capo  Fear  was  designated 
by  it ;  and  several  old  maps  may  be  adduced  in  suppoi't  of  these 
diflferent  views.  But  following  Oviedo's  latitude  we  should  conclude, 
that  Cape  Hatteras  was  intended,  which  stands  only  some  minutes 


CHART  OF  CHAVES.  1530. 


809 


il 


do 


[°30' 

[arts, 

have 

lated 

lliese 

Lude, 

Lutes 


lower.  This  becomes  nearly  certain,  from  tlio  fact  that  Oviedo,  after 
"Cape  Trafalgar,"  i)uts  down  no  ot^icr  cape  for  a  distance  of  forty 
leagnes. 

In  the  intermediate  space  between  Capo  Sta.  Helena  and  "  Cabo  do 
Trafalgar,"  Oviedo  mentions  the  following  points: 

1.  "  Ivio  do  Sta.  Elena,"  which  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
capo,  and,  a  little  further  on,  '•  Ilio  Jordan,"  our  Port  r.oyal,  and  St. 
Helena  Sound. 

2.  "  Cabo  do  St.  Koman  "  is  put  down  thirty  leagues  from  the  Capo 
£ta.  Helena  in  .'J2°  .30'  N.,  which  agrees  (piite  well  with  Cape  St.  IJomain. 
It  is  only  twenty  minutes  too  high.  The  distance  of  thirty  leagues  is 
rather  too  great,  if  Castlliati  leagues  (17i  to  a  degree)  are  meant,  which 
is  probable.  Nearly  all  tlie  distances  of  Oviedo  are  too  great,  suppos- 
ing that  he  gives  rectilinear  distances.  IJut  he  may  have  followed  in  his 
measurement  the  indentations  of  the  coast,  as  a  mariner  sailing  along 
the  shore  would  be  likely  to  do. 

3.  Near  Cabo  St.  Roman  the  "Rio  do  las  Canoas"  (Canoe  River), 
empties  into  tlie  sea.  This  river  appears  very  often  on  Spanish  maps 
near  Cape  St.  Eomain,  and  probably  the  "Pedce"  or  "Santco"  is 
intended  by  it,  because  no  other  river  is  laid  dov.  n  near  this  cape. 

4.  Not  Air  from  Cabo  do  Trafalgar  on  the  south-west,  two  rivers  or 
inlets  are  mentioned :  "  Rio  del  Principe  "  and  "  Ilio  de  Trafalgar."  It 
is  possible  that  some  outlets  of  Pamlico  Sound  are  alluded  to  by  these 
names. 

"  All  this  country,"  remarks  Oviedo,  after  having  mentioned  Cabo 
Trafalgar,  "  was  discovered  by  Ayllon;"  from  which  wo  are  conflrmed 
in  the  opinion  already  expressed,  that  these  names  (Cape  Trafalgar  in- 
cluded) originated  with  Ayllon  in  ir)20  and  l.j^O. 

From  Cabo  Trafalgar  (Hatteras)  to  "Cabo  de  San  Johan,"  Oviedo 
makes  it  forty  leagues,  and  between  them  midway  places  tlio  "  IJahia 
de  Santa  Maria."  This  distance  from  Cape  Hatteras  to  "  Cabo  St.  Jo- 
han," would  take  us  to  some  point  of  the  eastern  coast  of  Delaware. 
The  entrance  to  the  "  Bahia  de  Santa  Maria  "  is  placed  by  0\  iedo  in 
3(5°  40'  N.,  which  thus  represents  Chesapeake  Bay,  the  mouth  of  whicli 
lies  in  37°  N.  This  becomes  more  evident  from  the  subsequent  Span- 
isl)  historians,  Barcia  for  instance,  who  puts  "  St.  Mary's  Bay  "  in  37°  N., 
and  north  of  Capo  Trafalgar.  This  excludes  the  opinion  which  might 
bo  drawn  from  Ribero's  map,  that  Pamlico  or  Albemarle  Sound  might 
have  been  meant  by  it. 

The  discovery  of  this  bay  was  made  by  Ayllon  in  1.526,  and  in  1,'529 
Ribero  puts  it  on  his  map  for  the  first  time ;  but  somewhat  lower  than 
the  true  latitude  of  Chesapeake  Bay. 


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310 


CHART  OF  CHAVES,  1530. 


Oviedo  represents  "  Itio  del  Esi)iritu  Santo"  (Holy  Ghost  river)  as 
dischiujriiijf  into  the  western,  and  the  "llioSalado"  (salt  river)  into 
the  eastern  part  of  the  hay.  The  "Holy  (Hiost  River"  is  probably 
.lames  Jliver.  These  rivers  are  also  found  on  the  map  of  Ribero,  and 
are  put  down  on  nearly  all  the  Spanish  charts  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

"Cabo  do  St.  .lohan  "  is  put  by  Oviedo  only  one-third  of  a  degree 
north  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  Rut  at  the  same  time  he  makes  the  distance 
between  both  points  nearly  twenty  leagues.  It  is  impossible  to  tell 
what  island  or  headland  on  the  peninsula  of  Delaware  may  have  been 
meant  by  it. 

The  next  point  is  "  Cabo  de  las  Arenas  "  (capo  of  the  sands).  Oviedo 
says,  that  it  lies  in  .^8°  20'  N.,  and  thirty  leagues  from  "Cabo  St. 
Johan ; "  that  is,  fifty  leagues  from  Chesapeake  or  St.  Mary's  Bay. 

This  ijoints  rather  clearly  to  Capo  Henlopen,  though  the  distance, 
fifty  leagues,  carries  ns  a  little  north,  and  the  latitude  "  88°  20' "  a  little 
south  of  it.  Oviedo  docs  not  describe  his  "  Cabo  de  las  Arenas"  as  a 
very  prominent  point,  though  all  the  old  Spanish  charts,  and  those 
made  after  them,  place  a  capo  bearing  this  name  in  about  40°  N., 
and  rei)resent  it  as  a  very  prominent  object.  They  give  to  it  nearly  the 
shape  of  our  Cape  Cod.  It  is  so  drawn  for  the  first  time  on  the  map 
of  llibero,  ir)29,  and  was,  doubtless,  discovered  by  Gomez,  though  not  so 
named  by  him,  as  I  have  before  suggested,  and  shall  prove  hereafter. 

After  "  Cabo  de  las  Arenas,"  Oviedo  mentions  "  Cabo  de  Santjago  " 
(St.  James  Cape),  thirty  leagues  north  of  it,  and  in  09°  .W  N. ;  then  a 
"  Uahia  do  San  Christobal"  (St.  Christopher's  Ray).  It  appears  to  me 
impossible  to  say,  which  of  our  bays  and  capes  north  of  Cape  Henlopen 
correspond  to  these  names. 

Oviedo  now  proceeds  to  say:  '  The  llio  de  San  Antonio  is  in  41°  N. 
This  river  stands  on  the  coast  in  a  line  directly  from  north  to  south. 
And  whilst  the  coast  runs  north  to  the  mouth  of  this  river,  it  then 
begins  to  trend  to  the  north-east,  quarter  east,  for  more  than  forty 
leagues." 

It  is  impossible  to  give  a  more  accurate  description  of  Hudson  River, 
which  therefore  I  believe  to  be  the  S.  Antonio  of  Oviedo.  As  Oviedo 
never  mentions  Verrazano,  nor  any  of  the  names  given  by  him,  but  often 
cites  Gomez  as  his  authority,  I  infer  that  the  name  "  Rio  de  San  Anto- 
nio "  must  have  been  derived  from  the  account  of  Gomez.  And  this 
view  is  confirmed  by  Gomara,  who  gives  to  a  chapter  of  his  "  Ilistoria 
de  las  Indias,"  in  which  he  reports  the  expedition  of  Gomez,  the  title , 
"  Rio  de  San  Antonio,"  as  if  this  river  had  been  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant discoveries  of  Gomez.* 


*  See  this  chapter  iu  Gomara,  Ilistoria  de  las  ludlas,  fol.  xx.    Saragossa,  1563. 


CHART  OF  CHAVES,  ir>30. 


811 


3r, 
lo 
jn 
to- 
liis 
ria 
tie, 
im- 


"  From  tlio  Kio  do  S.  Antonio  tho  const  runs  for  about  forty  loaguos 
north-oast,  quiirtor  cast,  to  a  certain  point,  whii-li  has  on  tlio  west  a 
rivor  (([uc  ticno  do  la  parte  del  Ponuntc  un  rio),  named  'liucna 
Madro'  (tho  Good  Motlior);  and  on  tho  otlior  side,  oast  of  tho  i»oint 
(dclanto  do  la  punta)  is  tho  hay,  which  thoy  call  "St.  .lohaii  liaptista." 

This  description  aj^rccs  vory  nearly  witli  the  conli<;uration  of  Long 
Island  and  tho  noii^hborinj;  coast.  Louff  Island  is  not  much  loss 
than  forty  Sj)anish  leaj;uos  long,  and  Ovlcdo's  distances,  as  wo  havo 
soon  already,  arc  always  ample.  Its  southern  coast  trends  exactly 
north-east, (piarter  cast.  The  '"certain  point"  at  the  end  of  this  dis- 
tanco  may  bo  our  "  Montauk Point;"  tho  river  "  IJuena  Madro,"  west  of 
this  point,  tho  entrance  to  liong  Island  Sound,  and  tho  "  Bahia  do 
San  Johan  Daptista,"  east  of  this  point,  our  Xarraganset  15ay.  Tho 
latitude  of  41°  .']()'  N.  which  Oviedo  gives  to  that  point,  is  nearly  tho 
true  latitude  of  Jlontauk  Point. 

"  From  tho  point  of  the  bay  of  St.  Johan"  ( .Montauk ),  Oviedo  proceeds 
to  say,  "  tho  coast  trends  still  north-oast,  a  (juartor  oast,  for  lifty 
leagues,  as  far  as  tho  "  Cabo  do  Arecifes  "  (cape  of  the  reefs),  which  capo 
stands  in  about  43°  N.  This  *  Cape  of  the  lleofs '  is  tho  prindpal  or 
wuf/Me  point  of  tho  Northern  Archipelaj^o  (la  uua  punta  del  Archipel- 
ago septentrional) ;  from  this  capo  over  to  tho  '  Cabo  do  Sta.  Maria,'  arc 
twenty  leagues.  Between  those  two  capos  is  an  inlet  or  bay,  full  of 
islands,  which  they  call,  in  modern  times,  '  Archipelago.'  " 

From  Montauk  Point  to  Capo  Cod  is,  after  the  manner  of  Oviedo's 
broad  measurement,  about  lifty  Spanish  leagues ;  and,  so  far  as  this 
point,  the  general  outline  of  tho  coast  may  bo  said  to  trend  north-east, 
quarter  east.  It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  vory  probable,  that  this  "  Cabo 
de  Arecifes  "  of  Oviedo  is  our  Capo  Cod,  which  may  well  bo  called  a 
"unique  point''  on  tho  coast,  and  which  would  bo  well  named  the 
"  Reef  Cape,"  as  being  surrounded  by  banks,  and  shoals,  or  reefs. 
Oviedo's  latitude,  43°  K.,  is  oidy  about  half  a  degree  two  high.  His 
"  Cabo  de  Sta.  Maria,"  which  lies  "  twenty  leagues  from  the  '  Reef 
Cape,' "  and  also  in  43°  N.,  would  then  be  our  Cape  Ann.  It  may  justly 
be  said,  that  across  from  Cape  Cod  to  Capo  Ann,  tho  distance  is 
"  twenty  leagues."  Tho  bay  or  inlet  between  those  two  capes,  which  is 
"  full  of  islands,"  and  "  which  they  call,  in  modern  times,  the  Archipel- 
ago," may  be  a  section  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine.  Oviedo  himself  some- 
times names  this  Archipelago  "Archipelago  de  la  Tramontana,"  or 
"Archipelago  Septentrional"*  (the  Northern  Archipelago).  From  the 
manner  in  which  he  mentions  it  again  on  page  150,  whoro  he  calls  it 
"  a  great  gulf,"  he  cannot  mean  by  it  any  of  our  small  bays ;   for 


III' 


'    [ 


%'■ 


! 


% 


^i- 


•Oviedo,  I.e.  pp.  143,146. 


jg/gH 


812 


CHART  OF  CHAVKS,  lfi.3fl. 


f  '' 


inst.iiirc,  "Saco"  or  "f^isco  Tiny."  TIo  ovifiiuitly  iiitoiulH  to  dcsijjnato 
by  tliis  term,  a  laifjo  body  of  our  waters,  like  tlio  iKiy  of  Massachu- 
Hotts,  or  noarly  tlio  whole  of  Mio  (Jiilfof  Maine;  and  hentte,  as  lias  been 
already  observed,  it  was  probably  to  those  waters  that  the  Spanish 
nanio  "  Arrliipeiii^fo  Tratnonlana,"  or  "Sejttentrional,"  was  ait|)lied. 
Ovicdo  ;,fives  us  to  understand,  that  he  or  (Miavcss  hail  this  information 
and  tlu'sc  names  iMincipaiiy  from  tiie  survey  and  report  of  (romoz, 
who,  as  he  says,  discovered  all  these  coasts  lyinj?  between  41°  and 
40°  ;jO'  N.*  But  his  remarkable  exi)ression,  "  they  call  it  in  modern 
limes,''^  seems  to  imply,  thnt  fJomez  was  not  his  oidy  Si)iiiiish  authority 
for  his  kncnvledji'c  .«f  these  coasts,  l)ut  that  something  re;,'ardinj,'  them 
may  have  been  known  anion*^  the  Spaniards  from  other  navigators 
occasionally  visitiuf;  them. 

IJeyond  the  "Cape  St.  ^Iary"  (Cape  Ann)  towards  the  cast  (a  la 
j)arte  oriental), comes  "  Cabo  de  muchas  islas  "  (Cape  of  many  islands), 
thirty-live  lea<;ues  distant;  and  twenty  lea<fues  from  that  is  "  Ilio  do 
las  Gamas"  (Deer  Uiver).  '•  The  mouth  of  this  river  and  its  headlands 
lie  in  4;J°  .30'  N.,  and  thencje  the  coast  begins  to  trend  more  to  the 
north-east." 

Though  it  is  dillicidt  to  designate  exactly  the  point  to  which  the 
name  "  Cabo  de  muchas  islas "'  is  given  by  Oviedo,  yet  it  appears  not 
improbable,  that  Capo  Elizabeth  is  »ntendcd,  which  is  about  the  same 
distance  (twenty  leagues),  as  given  by  liim  from  the  broad  opening  of 
the  Penobscot,  and  stands  at  the  entrance  of  a  buy  filled  with  "many 
islands."t 

The  latitude  43°  30'  which  Oviedo  gives  to  "  Deer  River,"  differs  only 
by  half  a  degree  from  that  of  the  entrance  of  the  Penobscot, — the  prin- 
cipal inlet  or  river  on  the  coast  of  Maine.  The  " Pio  de  las  Gamas" 
(Deer  Piver)  makes,  on  all  the  old  Spanish  maps  of  this  region,  a 
most  prominent  figure.  It  does  not  fall  usually  much  short  of  the  me- 
ridian of  the  Permudas,  which  is  about  the  true  longitude  of  the  Pe- 
nobscot. 

"Xear  the  Pio  de  las  Gamas,"  Oviedo  says,  "is  the  coast  which  they' 

*I  have  stalod  boforo,  that  Oviodo,  In  anotluT  placp  in  his  "  Sonimario  "  (see 
Kamusio,  vol.  3.  t\>\.  52,  Vcviutia,  155()),  says,  that  Gomez  discovered  a  great  tract  of 
country  as  far  down  as  al)out  40'  and  4P  N. 

t  [If  wo  follow  the  aullio:  ity,  not  of  JMbero  only,  but  of  all  the  maps  copied  In  tliis 
work,  in  all  of  which  (witli  the  single  excpjjtion  "♦' the  pretended  mapof  Cabot  of  1544), 
the  "  Cabo  de  muchas  islas,"  wliercvor  it  is  introduced,  is  placed  at  tlie  very  entrance 
of  I'enobscot  Hay,  wo  must  make  it,  as  has  been  l)pfore  intimated,  one  of  the  headlands 
In  tlie  neiRliborliood  of  Owl's  Head.  But  the  distances  liere  given  between  Cape  Ann 
and  the  I'enobscot,  place  "  Cabo  de  muclias  islas  "  at  an  intermediate  point,  and  con- 
firm  tlie  conjecture  of  Dr.  Kohl,  that  Cape  Elizabeth  was  intended  by  Oviedo.— Ed.] 


CHART  OF  CHAVES,   IMO. 


ni3 


.  this 
|544). 
lance 
lands 

I  Ann 

I  cou« 

[d.] 


call  McmIuiios  (tlio  Iiillorks),  and  rurtliiT  on,  is  tlio  Uio  «ln  MontanaH 
(tlu!  inounhiiii  rivor),  which  islilly  leaguus  liom  tho  Kio  do  las  UuniaH, 
ftiul  in  440  15'  N." 

Aftor  this,  Ovledo  mention.-  a  "  Uio  do  Castanar"  ((ihostniit  river); 
and  "La  llaliia  do  hi  Knrtc-iada"  (tho  hay  of  the  inlot).  "  Kroin  tliirt 
bay,"  sayrt  Oviodo,  "tho  coast  runs  north,  a  <|uartor  oast  (al  N'orto 
(juarta  dol  osto),  to  that  channel  ((Jut  of  Canso".'),  which  separates  tho 
island  of  St.  John  (Capo  Broton)  from  the  main-land,  for  a  hundred  and 
twenty  leagues  east-soutli-cast  of  Nova  Scotia;  aiul  here  is  situated 
(Jaho  Uroton  in  47"  ;!()'  N."  Tho  island  of  St.  John,  he  says,  is  about  a 
hundred  and  forty-five  leajfUL's  in  circuiulerence,  which  is  rather  a  lar^jo 
measurement  for  Capo  Breton. 

Loaviu}^  Capo  Breton,  Oviedo  }fivcs  a  very  short  description  of  tho 
(jiulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  without  assif^niinfj  to  it  any  name,  and  only  ob- 
servinfjf,  that  the  particulars  of  these  waters  and  coasts  are  not  yet  well 
known;  and  that  the  charts  and  tho  cosmograplicrs  dill'er  very  .nuch 
in  their  descrijitions  of  them.  "  It  is  a.  wild  and  very  cold  country,"  ho 
says,  "and  few  are  those  who  sail  to  it."*  Thus  ncitlior  Oviodo,  nor 
Ins  authority  Chaves,  appear  to  have  been  ac<piainted  in  l."j:!f>  and  l.j;!7, 
with  tho  French  surveys  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  l."i;U  and  \')',\'>,  by 
Carticr.  But  ho  clearly  and  minutely  describes  tho  south  coast  of 
Newfoundland. t 

"  At  a  point  not  far  from  Capo  Breton,"  Oviedo  says,  in  conclusion, 
"tho  chart  of  Chaves,  of  tho  year  I'hU),  comes  to  an  end."  For  tho 
remainder  of  the  North  American  continent,  ho  follows,  in  his  descrip- 
tion, the  old  chart  of  Iliboro  of  1.529.  And  ho  does  this  so  accurately, 
that  we  can  recognize  and  identify  every  point  and  name  given  by 
Kibcro  on  the  coast.J  From  which  we  may  conclude,  that  tlic  descrip- 
tion of  our  oast  coast,  which  he  lias  drawn  from  Chaves,  is  not  less 
accurate. 

We  may  sum  up  the  examination  of  Oviedo,  and  his  description  of 
Chaves'  map  of  ir)ll(),  as  follows : 

Both  the  description  and  tho  map  are  much  more  correct,  and  more 
in  accordance  with  the  features  of  our  coast,  as  represented  on  modern 
maps,  than  the  map  of  Ribero  of  Ifi'iO. 

In  regard  to  "  Cabo  de  Arenas,"  they  greatly  differ:  Riboro  gives  it  a 
prominent  position,  in  latitude  40°  N.,  while  Oviedo  places  it  in  lati- 

*  Oviedo,  1.  c.  p.  148. 
t  Oviedo,  1.  c.  p.  149. 
t  Oviedo,  1.  0.  pp.  149, 150. 


*> 


I 


i!  I 


I 


;  h' 


im  I 


i1 
i 

1 

^ 

n 

; 

! 

r 

1 

hm 

-  i 

i 

814 


CHART  or  CllAVKS,  in-KJ. 


tudo  :}0°  .W,  and  f?lvos  It  very  littlo  promiiionoo.  Tly  which  it  would 
iippoar,  thiit  tliiH  niinu)  wuh  (rivoii  l)y  Ooincx,  wlioso  iviitliority  luith  aii> 
tliors  followi'il,  to  Ciipi^  llt<iil<>|)(>ii,  or  somk*  liciultiiinl  in  ilH  vicinity. 

Oviodo  and  CIkivch  call  Ciiito  (-'i»d  "Cabo  do  ArcciCcH"  (tlu!  rocf- 
cajjo),  which  was  probably  tim  naint!  (»ri>,'inally  jfivcn  to  it  by  (ioinoz, 
who  cannot  bo  Hnpi)OHod  to  liavo  ovoilookod  this  oxtniordiuary  pro- 
jection. 

TI»o  followinj^  names,  "Caho  do  St.  .lago,"  "  lUo  do  S.  Antonio," 
"  Kio  do  IJiiona  Madro,"  "  IJaliia  do  Juan  UaptiMta,"  are  pla(!od  l)y 
Oviodo  and  Chavos  Houtli-woHt  oC  thoir  Iloof-capo.  Thoir  rivor  "San 
Antonio,"  from  Oviodo'H  doHcription,  and  from  what  (Joniara  sayrt,  ap- 
pears to  I)(!  tlio  name  ^(ivcn  by  Uomcz  to  Hudson  Uiver.  Tho  other 
naniOH  aio  <;ivcn  to  places  on  the  southern  coast  of  Now  England ;— 
Montauk  I'oint,  Narnigansct  Hay,  etc. 

On  tho  north  of  his  lloef-C-'apo,  Oviodo  doscribos  a  deep  largo  bay,  or 
Archipelago  ((Inlf  of  Maine);  making  Ueef-capo  (CaiJO  Cod)  a  very 
prominent  bttadland,  an  ''  uniijue  point,"  as  Oviodo  has  it,  on  tho  coast. 

Uibero,  on  his  map  of  l.VJI),  has  given  to  tho  above-named  places  tlio 
same  latitude  as  Oviodo  has  done ;  but,  unliko  Oviodo,  ])uts  them  north 
of  "  Cabo  do  Arenas,"  along  tho  shores  of  tho  somicircular  gulf,  so 
similar  to  our  Oulf  of  Maine.  He  has  also  a  very  prominent  headland, 
"a  uni(iuo  point;"  but  to  this  headland,  looking  so  much  like  Capo 
Cod,  he  gives  tho  name,  not  of  "  Jloof-capo,"  like  Oviodo,  but  of  "  Cabo 
de  Arenas." 

From  tliis  it  appears  probable,  that  Riboro  bad  before  him  a  copy  of 
Gomez's  chart,  which  was  either  imperfect,  or  which  ho  did  not  inter- 
pret correctly.  Ho  found  in  tho  chart  of  Gomez  a  good  representation 
of  tho  indented  coast  of  Maine,  bordered  by  innumerable  islands ;  and 
also  of  a  prominent  headland,  very  much  like  Cape  Cod.  But  for  some 
reason,  ho  took  this  headland  to  bo  tho  "Cabo  do  los  Arenas  "  of  Gomez ; 
overlooking,  or  not  having  before  him,  the  name  "  lleef-cape,"  tho  name 
by  which  this  headland  had  really  been  designated  by  Gomez ;  and, 
having  committed  this  error,  he  followed  it  out  by  placing  north  of 
this  headland  tho  names  above  mentioned,  wliich  had  been  placed  by 
Gomez  north  of  his  Cabo  do  Arenas.  These  errors  of  Ribero  wore  cor- 
rected by  Chaves  and  Oviodo,  who  appear  to  have  had  the  charts  and. 
descriptions  of  Gomez  in  a  better  and  more  complete  copy. 

From  all  that  has  boon  said,  it  must  appear  to  be  a  matter  of  deep 
regret,  that  the  chart  of  Chaves  has  not  come  down  to  us.  Nor  does  it 
appear  to  have  been  known  to  tho  geographers  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, who  continued  to  represent  our  east  coast  according  to  the  old 
map  of  Ribero,  more  or  less  inaccurately  copied.    The  chart  of  Chaves 


1     '  I 


l)it 


N?XVU 


Several /kctcbc&  0/  \\jc  Eajt  CoaJ't  oF  tbc 


N!?XVIJ 


\' 


vl  t 

I ; 


f.ft 


SKETCHES  OF  VAIUOUS  CHARTS. 


315 


■was  probably  hidden  away  in  some  inaccessible  archives;  while  copies 
of  the  map  of  Itibcro  wore  dispcrso('.  t]in)u<i[l!oiit  the  world;  the  em- 
peror himself,  by  whoso  order  they  were  comi)osed,  haviu<,f  aided  in 
makinfj  them  known. 

And  althon<;h  it  would  appear,  that  some  subsequent  geotjraphers 
must  have  had  some  incidental  knowledge  of  Chaves  and  Oviedo,  from 
their  givin"'  now  and  then  some  name  on  their  maps  not  found  in 
Kibero;  it  was  not,  however,  until  1852,  when  Oviedo's  work  was  pub- 
lished by  the  Academy  of  Madrid,  that  his  true  and  full  description  of 
the  coast  became  generally  known. 


t« 


i 


:n 


3.  Map,  Xo.  17,  Sketciii;9  1,  2,  .3,  4,  !">,  0,  7  of  tiik  East  Coast  op 
Tino  UxiTKu  States,  uy  dikfeukxt  Autiious  of  the  Six- 
teenth Cextukv. 

Under  this  head  I  will  present  a  series  of  sketches  of  our  east  coast, 
to  show  how  the  materials  furnished  by  Uibero,  Chaves,  and  Oviedo 
were  used  by  subsequent  map-makers.  By  this  it  will  appear,  that  in 
the  northern  portion  of  the  coast  of  the  ijresont  United  States,  a  gulf  is 
represented  on  all  the  maps  of  the  time,  similar  to  the  (Julf  of  Maine, 
and  south  of  it,  a  cape  resembling  Capi;  Cod. 

And  first  I  will  review  the  seven  sketches  copied  on  our  sheet,  and 
name  the  works  from  which  they  have  been  taken.  I  regret  that,  for 
want  of  space,  I  am  unable  to  add  the  degrees  of  latitude  given  on  the 
originals ;  but  in  describi'ig  them  1  will  mention,  from  the  originals  be- 
fore me,  such  as  may  appear  necessary. 


:>,.]■ 


} 


I,:  I 
'A 


No.  1  is  taken  from  an  intercepting  Spanish  manuscript  map  in  the 
possession  of  Mr.  Henry  Iluth  of  London,  kindly  allowed  ijy  this  gen- 
tleman to  be  lilliographed  for  me.  I  do  not  know  the  author  of  the  map , 
nor  the  time  of  its  composition.  But  as  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  the  isl- 
and of  Anticosti,  and  the  vestern  side  of  Newfoundland,  are  (juite  cor- 
rectly drawn,  it  cannot  have  been  made  before  the  time  of  Cartier,  who 
discovered  these  coasts  in  1534.  The  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  is  rcpre- 
•sen  ,ed,  not  as  a  river,  but  as  a  strait,  with  an  indistinct  ending,  just  as 
Cartier,  in  1534,  supposed  it  to  be.  The  map  was  therefore  made,  prob- 
ably, in  2JjM,  or  at  least  from  materials  furnished  by  Cartier  in  that 
year.  Our  copy  gives  the  map  only  from  "  C.  Hondo"  (Cape  Sable) 
near  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  toward  the  west. 

The  name  of  Gomez  occurs  twice  on  the  map ;  first  given  to  a  cape 
or  small  inlet,  next  to  the  great  inlet  full  of  islands,  which  Ribero  has 
depicted  in  the  same  manner,  and  which  Chaves,  Oviedo,  and  many 


lis:,! 


816 


SKETCHES  OF  VARIOUS  CIIAUTS. 


others  have  callecl  "  Uio  Ganias,"  the  Pcnohscot  liny.  It  is  called  on 
tliis  map  '•  Uio  do  fJomez,"  which  may,  therefore,  be  considered  as  one 
oftlio  names  given  hy  the  Spaniards  to  this  principal  river  of  Maine. 
Gomez  api)cars  to  have  explored  this  hay  somewhat  minutely,  and  may 
have  given  it  the  name  of  Deor  Ilivor;  but  others  may  have  preferred 
to  name  it  after  him,  as  being  one  of  his  principal  discoveries.  A  capo 
west  of  tlic  Penobscot  IJay,  on  Itibcro  and  t'iiaves,  is  called  "  Cabo  de 
muclias  islas," — one  of  the  headlands  near  Owl's-head,  or,  following 
Oviedo,  our  Cape  Elizabeth. 

South-west  and  south  of  this  cape  is  delineated  a  gulf,  filled  with 
small  islands,  like  tlie  (Julf  of  Maine.  This  gulf  at  the  south,  in  about 
40°  N.,  is  terminated  on  our  map  by  a  prominent  and  pointed  cape 
without  a  name,  resembling  Cape  Cod.  The  rest  of  the  coast  as  far 
down  as  Florida  is  also  Avithout  names. 


I  ii 


No.  2  is  taken  from  an  interesting  manuscript  chart,  likewise  obtain- 
ed from  the  collection  of  Mr.  Iluth.  I  do  not  know  the  author;  but  aa 
the  river  St.  Tiawrcnce,  and  all  the  discoveries  made  by  Cartier,  15.>(»to 
1542,  .are  accuiatcly  represented,  it  niust  have  been  drawn  later  than 
No.  I,  probably  soon  after  l.')42. 

Our  sketcli  gives  the  coast  only  from  "Kio  Fundo"  (Bay  of  Fundy) 
westward.  The  configuration  of  the  coast,  which  for  us  is  the  princi- 
pal point,  is  accurately  delineated  on  tlie  copy  as  in  the  original,  al- 
though I  liave  not  retained  all  the  names. 

"  Uio  de  Gramas  "  is  drawn  in  the  same  manner  and  position  as  on 
the  former  chart,  and  as  on  that  of  llibero,  and  hero  as  there  unques- 
tionably represents  the  Penobscot.  From  this  a  gulf  filled  with  isl- 
ands trends  to  the  south-west,  which  in  about  40°  N".  is  ended  by  a 
large  and  prominent  peninsula,  the  northern  cape  or  point  of  which  is 
called  "  C.  de  las  Arenas." 


i. 

I 


No.  3  is  also  obtained  from  a  manuscript  map  of  Mr.  Iluth.  A  copy 
precisely  like  it  exists  in  Germany  in  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of 
Coburg-Gotha.  There  it  has  the  inscription:  " Baptista  Agnesc  fecit, 
Venetiis,  li)4:5,  die  18  febr."  (Baptista  Agnese  niade  it,  Venice,  1.j43,  on 
the  18th  February),  ''^he  map,  like  Nos.  1  and  2,  is  evidently  made  from 
the  map  of  Ribero,  and  not  from  that  of  Chaves  and  Oviedo.  Though 
it  is  a  very  rough  sketch,  still  it  preserves  the  great  semicircular  gulf  in 
"  the  country  which  Estevan  Gomez  discovered."  The  gulf  is  termin- 
ated at  the  south,  as  on  the  former  maps,  by  a  prominent  cape,  here 
called  "  Cabo  do  Santa  Maria ; "  a  name  which  Oviedo  places  north  of 
Cape  Cod,  intending,  I  suppose,  to  designate  Cape  Ann.    The  names 


m 


SKETCHES   OF  VARIOUS  CHARTS. 


317 


'.   I; 


"  b.  do  S.  Antonio"  (Hudson  River),  "Rio  do  buona  madre,"  etc.,  are 
pnt,  as  by  Riboro,  north  of  tho  "  prominent  capo.'' 

Xo.  4  is  from  a  printed  map  made  by  "  NieoUo  del  Dollinato,  cos- 
mojfraplier  of  liis  most  Cliristlan  ^lajesty,"  and  is  annexed  to  the  work 
"  Xaviffationi  del  mondo  niiovo"  (Navigations  of  tho  new  world),  pub- 
lished in  Venice  in  the  year  ir>(')(). 

It  is  a  veiy  rouj^h  sketi;]!,  but  has  dearly  marked  upon  it  adoop  semi- 
circular jjulf  south  of  "Tierra  d(!  los  Hretones"'  (Xova  Scotia).  Tlic 
names  ''S.  Antonio  "and  '*S.  Christofalo"  show,  that  tho  same  f^ulf  is 
meant,  which  Ribero  has  placed  in  this  part  of  tho  coast.  It  is  cut  oU" 
in  the  soutli  by  tho  same  prominent  capo,  extondinj;  far  eastward,  and 
called  "  C.  do  S.  Maria." 


iJl 


No.  5  is  a  sketch  in  exact  imitation  of  the  features  of  tho  oast  coast 
of  Xorth  America,  as  drawn  in  tho  atlas  of  Gerard  Mcrcator,  published 
by  J.  Hondius  in  1(U!).  Tlioush  the  atlas  bears  this  late  date,  the  map 
itself  originated  at  a  much  earlier  period.  It  is  well  known  that  Hon- 
dius,  a  map-maker  and  map-s(;ller,  procured  all  the  old  plates  of  Aler- 
cator,  who  died  in  tho  year  1595,  and  reprinted  them  repeatedly  with- 
out improving  thom.  The  map  may  bo  ascribed  to  abouv  tho  year  15t)l). 
It  designates  the  land  discovered  by  (romez  as  "  Xorumbega,"  and  has 
along  its  coasts  all  tho  old  Spanish  names  first  given  by  (Jomez,  and 
found  on  tho  map  of  Ribero,  and  in  tho  same  order  in  which  Ribero 
has  written  thom. 

The  semicircular  gulf  formed  by  the  coast  of"  Norumbcga"  is  drawn 
much  deeper  than  usual ;  and  trending  to  the  south  as  far  down  as 
about  ;5!)°  N.,  there  ends  in  a  very  prominent  and  broad  peninsula, 
the  northern  point  of  which  is  called  "  C.  do  las  Arenas."  To  Norum- 
bcga (Northern  Virginia,  Now  England)  are  given  none  but  Spanish 
names,  while  south  of  "C.  de  las  Arenas  "in  Southern  Virginia,  some 
English  names  appear,  introduced  by  the  expeditions  made  under  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  in  158-4  and  following  years. 


, 

) 

j 

1 

C   ' 

"No.  0  is  a  sketch  taken  from  tho  "  Novus  Atlas,"  published  by  ^Yil- 
liam  and  Jcliu  Blacu,  2d  vol.  Amsterdam,  1()42.  Though  published  at 
so  late  a  date,  the  plate  must  have  been  engraved  much  earlier.  It  con- 
tains on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  only  tho  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  along  tho 
coast  of  Maine  as  far  down  as  "  Rio  do  Quenbequin"  (Kennebec)  a  few 
indications  of  tho  discoveries  made  by  tho  French  under  Do  Slonts,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  South  of  tho  Kennebec,  the 
old  Spanish  names  of  Ribero  are  retained.    Along  the  region  of  the  coast 


li 


m 


m 


318 


SKETCHES  OF  VARIOUS  CHARTS. 


of  Maine,  the  name  "  N'orumboga"  is  written;  and  here  wo  see  again  :i 
largo  gulf  with  a  prominent  capo  in  the  south,  called  "  C.  do  las  Are- 
nas," in  about  30°  30'  N. 

No.  7  is  a  copy  of  a  delineation  of  our  east  coast,  taken  from  a  map 
of  America,  contained  in  the  "  Atlas  minor  Gerardi  Morcatoris,"  pub- 
lished by  Ilondius  in  tho  year  1007.  It  gives  to  the  coast  about  the 
same  delineation  as  sketch  No.  5,  only  in  a  manner  somewhat  more 
rude. 

Each  of  these  sketches  Avill  serve  as  an  example  of  many  others.  Tho 
same  tilings  were  copied  and  published  over  and  over  again,  during 
tho  whole  course  of  tho  sixteenth  century.  I  miglit  have  given  a  great 
many  more  copies ;  but  they  would  only  repeat  the  same  or  similar 
delineations  and  names. 

The  results  of  an  examination  of  these  sketches,  and  a  comparison 
of  them  witli  each  other,  and  with  the  maps  of  Ilibero  and  Chaves,  and 
with  tho  description  of  Oviedo,  may  be  given  as  follows: 

All  the  maps  exhibit,  in  the  nortliern  region,  a  semicircular  gxilf,  va- 
rying in  its  depth,  which  in  its  latitude  and  its  configuration  resembles 
the  Gulf  of  Maine. 

They  all  have  a  very  prominent  headland  south  of  this  gulf,  and  in 
tho  latitude  of  about  40°  N. ;  where  indeed  no  prominent  headland  ex- 
ists, but  where,  on  the  contrary,  we  find  the  deep  Gulf  of  New  York 
receding  far  to  the  west;  while  a  little  more  to  tho  north,  such  a 
prominent  headland,  Cape  Cod,  is  actually  found. 

To  this  prominent  headland  nearly  all  the  sketches,  agreeing  with 
Ribero,  give  the  name  of  "  Cabo  do  Arenas ; "  while  this  name,  accord- 
ing to  'Jviedo,  originally  belonged  to  a  capo  not  at  all  prominent  on 
the  iiiner  part  of  the  Gulf  of  x'f  ew  York, 

All  these  charts  have  consequently  perpetuated  the  error  of  Ribero, 
in  placing  this  "  Cabo  do  Arenas,"  meaning  by  it  Cape  Cod,  not  in  42°  N. 
where  i*  actually  is,  but  in  40°  or  even  39°  N.  Some  of  tUem  have  given 
it  the  name  "  Cabo  de  S.  Maria,"  though  this  name  is  given  by  Chaves 
and  Oviedo  to  a  more  northern  cape,  probably  meaning  by  it  Capo 
Ann. 

As  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States,  during  tlie  sixteenth  centu- 
ry, was  visited  by  many  other  navigators  after  Gomez,  some  aduitional 
knowledge,  or  confirmation  of  what  was  previously  known,  may  have 
reached  our  map-makers  from  these  sources.  These  navigators  no 
doubt  carried  home  some  report  about  a  certain  prominent  headlacd 
existing  in  the  neighborhood  of  40°  N.,  or  somewhat  further  in  that  di- 


iL 


SKETCHES  OF  VATMOUS   CHARTS. 


319 


roction.  None  of  thorn  could  hiivo  failed  to  olisorvo  this  conspicuous 
point,  as  they  mij^ht  easily  have  overlooked  that  in  the  (Jidf  of  New 
York.  By  these  reports  the  map-makers  were  confirmed  in  lK)ldin<j 
and  transmittiufj  tho  traditionary  error,  of  identifying  the  Cabo  de 
Arenas  with  this  piominent  capo. 

Most  of  these  navigators,  like  Vcrrazano  in  I'):i4,  and  Hawkins  in 
1505,  sailed  along  tho  coast  from  south  to  north  with  tho  (Uili'-stream. 
And  having  been  borno  by  tho  (iulf-streani  further  north  than  by  their 
reckoning  thoy  would  take  themselves  to  be,  in  short,  having  uncon- 
sciously arrived  at  42°  N.  when  they  thought  themselves  to  bo  only  at 
40°,  and  having  observed  a  great  headland  lying  Ik  tho  latitude  to 
which  they  had  arrived,  they  might  naturally  havo  taken  it  to  bo  a 
headland  belonging  to  tho  latitude  in  which  they  supposed  themselves  to 
bo,  and  havo  given  it  tho  name  "  Cabo  do  Areiias,"  which  had  been  ap- 
propriated by  Ch.ivos  to  the  more  southern  headland,  Instead  of  tho 
proper  name,  which  had  been  given  to  it  by  (Jomoz,  of  Cabo  do  Arocifes. 
This  is  exactly  what  appears  to  havo  been  done  by  Kibcro,  who,  as  has 
been  before  suggested,  drew  Cape  Cod  quite  correctly,  but  gave  to  it  a 
Avrong  name ;  and  then  (luito  consistently  with  that  error,  placed  north 
of  it,  along  tho  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  .Maine,  some  names,  particularly  the 
Ilio  de  San  Antonio,  which  had  before  been  correctly  placed  along  the 
Gulf  of  New  York,  north  of  Cape  Ileulopen  or  Sandy  Hook,  tho  -  Cabo 
de  Arenas,"  of  Chaves. 


I 


ti  i 


!S 
lO 


I 


in' 


O 

d 


CHAPTER   IX. 

FREXCri  EXPEDITIONS  TO  CANADA,  IN  1534-1543;  AND  HORE'S 

VOYAGE,  153G. 


«! 


r. 


i 


1.    FiusT   Voyage  op  Tvoques  C artier  to  the  Gulf  and 
UivKii  OP  St.  Lawkexce,  in  1584. 

Some  sections  of  tlie  Gulf  and  River  St.  Lawrence,  the 
exploration  of  whicli  was  so  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
our  State,  had  been  visited  and  become  known  long  before 
the  year  1534. 

The  Portuguese  and  French  fishermen,  from  the  year 
1 504,  no  doubt  repeatedly  entered  the  gulf  and  perhajis  gave 
it  the  first  name  it  received,  of  "  Golfo  Quadrado"*  (the 
sipiare  gidf),  or  "the  great  bay."  Denys  in  150G,  and 
Aubert  in  1508, — early  French  commanders  of  fishing  expe- 
ditions,— are  said  to  have  even  made  maps  of  this  gulf. 

The  great  Spanish,  French,  and  English  oflftcial  explorers, — 
Gomez  in  1524,  Verrazano  in  1525,  and  Rut  in  1527, — no 
doubt  observed  the  entrance  of  the  gulf,  but  probably  did  not 
enter  it,  by  reason  of  information  from  the  fishermen,  that  it 
was  an  interior  basin  of  water,  surrounded  by  land. 

The  reports  and  charts  of  the  regions  north  of  Maine  and 
west  of  Newfoundland,  which  the  French  and  Portuguese 
are  said  to  have  committed  to  paper,  are  nearly  all  lost. 
Coming  from  private  persons,  and  scattered  through  many 

*This  name  is  mentioned  in  Goniara,  Hiatoiia  de  las  Indias,  vol.  20. 
Saragossa,  1553. 


HHI 


hno 

lOt 

it 
Ind 
|st. 

1 20. 


FIJENCH  KXi'KDlTlONS  TO  CANADA. 


021 


little  seaports  and  ti)\viis,  tlu>y  would  not  bo  fronerally  known 

Wo  possess,  however, 


to 


ox'oifrapliers  and   eosnio;j;rai)lu'i"s 


one  old  chart,  which  ]»resorve3  and  n'|)resents  the  iiirorniation 
concerning;  those  rejfions  gathered  dnrinij;  the  first  (luarter  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  namely,  the  chart  of  (^istaldi,  of  v/hich 
I  have  (fiven  !i  copy  in  No.  VI  ;  l)ut  e\en  tliis  cliart,  tlion<Th 
based  prol)ably  on  very  early  explorations,  Avas  not  puhlishi'd 
bt'fi)rc!  the  middle  of  tbe  century.  Another  chart  of  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence,  made  before  ( ^artier,  I  uill  <;ive  in  the  Ap- 
j)endan;e  to  this  chapter,  No.  IS  a. 

Probably  the  fishermen  and  their  (Mni)loyers  did  not  favor 
tlio  diffusion  of  knowlede-e  respectinji;  their  "  Terre  neuve." 
They,  no  doul)t,  like  the  governments  of  that  time,  had  their 
secrets,  and  did  not  like  to  have  others  intermeddle  with 
them.  Tliey  Avished  to  tradic  with  the  Indians  for  furs,  an<l 
to  dry  their  cod-fish  at  the  accustomed  stations,  accordinn;  to 
old  usage.  They  would  have  made,  if  they  could,  a  mare 
claumiii  of  the  "Square  Gulf," — this  prolific  liahitat  of  the 
walrus,  the  seal,  and  fish  of  various  sorts.  Tliey  would 
gladly  have  excluded  even  such  of  their  own  countrymen 
as  did  not  belonjj;  to  their  flshinii;  corporations,  from  s]iariiif»- 
their  knowledge  and  using  their  charts  of  these  regions  ;  just 
as  the  kincr.s  of  Spain  and  Portu<j;al  forbade  the  communica- 
tion  of  their  charts  to  foreigners.  We  observe  this  reserva- 
tion of  the  French  fishing  interest  in  every  exploring  expe- 
dition not  their  own,  and  the  hostility  of  this  interest  toward 
nearly  every  great  nndertaking  ordered  by  the  kings  of 
France.  All  the  subsequent  great  French  explorers,  Cartier, 
De  Monts,  Champlain,  and  others,  had  to  contend  with 
this  fishing  interest,  Avhich  threw  all  possible  obstacles  and 
troubles  in  their  way.  AVe  may,  therefore,  ascribe  to  this 
cause,  in  part,  the  deficiency  of  old  reports  and  charts  of  this 


region. 


II 


21 


1 


I 


i!t 


I' 


I  1 


FUKNCII    KXr'KDITION'S   TD   CAXADA. 


'I'lic  first,  nJjpAtd  (^xploriiio;  expeditions,  wliicli  clianrjod  tlii?* 
Htate  (»t'  tliin^f.s,  iind  wliicli  were;  particularly  directed  to  tlio 
waters  of  (Ik;  St.  liawrence  and  the?  north  ol'  Maine,  wore 
those;  oC  (!artier,  Iloherval,  and  their  companions  un(Kr  tlie 
French  lia<f.  I  )nrin<^  the  course  of  their  operations,  continued 
for  ahont  ten  years,  they  settli'd  nearly  all  th(»  pi'incijial  ^eo- 
;L:;ra|)hical  (pieslions  connected  with  this  ;;ulf,  and  the  l(»\ver 
part  of  the  ]ii\er  St.  Lawrence;  detei'niinud  the  sliapoof  the 
(•oasts,  the  course  and  bendinf!;s  of  tlio  river  ;  ^avo  names  to 
the  important  hays,  harbors,  i-ajjcs,  and  reniarkahli'  points  ; 
and  constructed  \ci'y  accurate  charts  ol'  them,  which  were 
soon  afterwards  coj)ied  in   Franco  and  other  countries. 

'I'he  Iti\n'r  St.  Lawrence,  includino;  its  oulf,  lyinji;  west, 
north,  and  east  of  i\[aine,  has  been  and  still  is  to  her  iidiabi- 
tants  an  object  of  considerabh?  conunei'cial  importance.  It 
was  always  a  ^reat  highroad  for  the  Indian  tribes  of  Maine. 
At  a  later  time,  it  served  as  the  basis  for  many  French  ex- 
plorini;',  commercial,  military,  and  missionary  expeditions  to 
and  through  the  territory  of  ^[aine  and  is  to-day  an  impor- 
tant outlet  for  the  noi'thorn  frontier  of  this  State.  'J'he  first 
<'tfectual  explorations  of  this  river  by  the  I'^'rench  must,  there- 
fore, bo  rei^arded  as  strictly  pertinent  to  tho  history  of  the 
discovery  of  our  State.  Ikit  since  it  will  be  impossible  for 
me  to  examine  and  discuss  all  tho  ])()ints  and  questions  con- 
nected with  the  operations  of  the  French  in  this  region,  I 
shall  here  confine  myself  to  such  only  as  \\u\y  appear  most 
apjtlicable  to  our  position. 

J.icques  Cartier  was  a  native  of  St.  IMalo,  a  principal  port 
of  iirittany.  ITe  was  born  there  in  1404,  two  years  after  the 
first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  the  now  world.  Like  many  of 
Ills  townsmen,  he  was  familiar  with  the  ocean  from  his  child- 
hood, and  accompanied,  perhaps  conducted,  fishing  expedi- 
tions to  the  Groat  Bank.     On  these  occasions  he  may  have 


H 


hort 
1  tlie 
of 
liUl- 
|c(U- 
lave 


FliKNCFF   KXPKDITIONS  TO  CANADA. 


80011  or 


llOMI'd 


.f  fl 


soincthmjj;  ot  flu*  nivitin^j;  roirioiis 


iVl^ 


viii";  west, 


and  III  tlu"  roar  of  tlu'S(>  lislmin;-!j;n)iiii(ls,*  iuid  may  liavo  coii- 

coivoil  the  |»laii  ol"  cxiiloriiii;  tliom  movo  fliorounlily  in  tlio 
iiitorcst  of  Fraiu'o. 

With  tliis  viow,  in  M")^-),  lie  addrossod  ii  U'ffcr  fo  IMiilippo 
di!  (Mial)ot,  sciiiiiour  do   Hrioii.  admiral  of   I'^riiiicc,  proposing 

voyaLjo  in  tlio  namo  and  at  tlio  cost  of  flio  kinu,  to  ooiitiimo 


a 


tlio  disoovorios  comnioiiccd  in  1>')'2[  hy  .loan  \'on'a/ano. 

Francis  I.  was  tlion — soon  after  flu-  treaty  of  Camhray, 
wliicli  o-avo  liim  I>nrii;nndy  and  peace  with  Spain — in  a  situa- 
tion fiivorahle  to  sncli  an  expedition.  lie;  a^n'od  to  the  |)rop- 
osition  of  his  a(hniral  and  his  captain  of  St.  i\Ialo.  Two 
vosstds  were  fitted  out  with  all  necessnrii's  for  an  exploring 
voyan'o,  armod  and  manned  with  a  humhvd  and  twonty  j^or- 
sons,  and  put  under  the  comniand  of  ( 'artier,  and  left  the 
port  of  St.  Malo  on  the  :i()t.h  of  April,  l.^U.f 

Like  ('ortoroal  and  many  others,  ho  directed  liis  course  to 
tlio  oast  coast  of  Newfoundland  ;  and  haviuii;  most  favorahlo 
weather,  after  a  sail  of  three  weeks  he  arrived  there  on  the 
lOtli  of  May,  near  Capo  Buonavista,  one  of  tlio  most  eastern 
headlands  of  Newfoundland,  and  usually  tlu^  "  Prima  vista" 
of  European  discoverers  sailini;  to  these  regions,  and  not  far 
from  the  land-fall  of  ('ortoroal  in  loOO. 

*  In  tlie  ilrst  royjil  commission  given  to  him  is  tlio  foUowinj?:  "Nous 
vons  avons  coniniia  ii  la  navi^^ation  dos  tcrrt;s  ^w?"  voiis  ju  'vninioicevs  a 
decouvrir." 

t  \V(!  liavo  a  roport  of  this  voyago,  Avritton  jiroliahly  liy  Carticr  himself, 
•or  by  ono  of  his  coiiipaiiions,  and  priKstu'vcil  to  ns  in  an  ItaliiUi  translation 
hy  llamnsio,  in  his  .Sil  vol.,  fol.  4:},"5  .seq.  Venice,  liWO.  This  was,  for  a  lon<^ 
time,  the  only  authority  for  Cartier's  voyaj^c  Of  late,  the  French  think 
they  liav(!  (Hscovored  in  their  an^hives  the  orijiinal  report,  written  by 
Cartier  himscdf  in  French;  and  they  have  ])ublished  it  und(;r  the  title 
"  llelation  orij^inale  du  voyage  dc  Jacques  Cartier  an  Canada  en  l.'i;i4,  etc." 
Paris,  18(57.  But  it  does  not  add  much  to  the  knoMlcdge  drawn  from 
Ramusio. 


I 


l^i 


i.  t 


• 


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rUKNCH  KXi'KDITIONS   TO  CANADA. 


From  tliis  vn\H',  ( 'artier,  likc^  Cortcrcal,  diroctiMl  liin  courso 
t(»  tlic  north,  and  was  nuidi  olistiMictcd  by  ;;r('at  masses  <»t'  ice. 
Why  he  did  M(»t  <j;n  at  niicc  to  the  south-west,  to  the  hroad 
(Mitranci'  ot  the  St.  liawreiico,  wlu'rt>  he  would  havi'  I'scapcil 
the  ice,  we  do  iiot  Ifarn,  From  some  .•dlu>iou  in  his  last 
n'|»ort  we  iiirci', — what  yet  a|)|»('ars  extraordinary, — that  at 
this  time  Iio  was  still  uiiaequainted  with  the  southern  hrctad 
entrance  to  the  <inlt'. 

( )n  the  liTth  of  May,  lie  arrived  at  the  liidl'  of  the  Castles 
((rolfe  des  chateaux),  tlu"  |)resent  Strait  of  l'.(dle  Isle.  He 
found  this  so  fidl  of  ice,  that  he  was  not  ahle  to  continue  his 
voyau;e  until  the  !>th  of  June.  Takinij;  an  ol)servation  of  lati- 
tude, he  found  his  harhor  near  the  mouth  of  tlio  strait  to  he 
in  ")1°  N.,  which  is  nearly  correct. 

Enterini;'  the  Strait  of  Iielle  Isle,  lie  ranged  alonn;  the 
south  coast  of  liabrador,  occasionally  plantin*;' names  there  in 
n  r"';nl)rance  of  some  places  of  IJrittany,  or  in  conunemora- 
tion  of  tlu!  events  of  his  voya^v  ;  as  for  instance  :  ''  IsK'  de  St. 
( /atherine,"  at  the  entrance  of  the  strait,  so  named  tVom 
one  of  his  vessels  ;  "  IJrest,"'  from  the  well-known  ])ort  in 
Bnttiuiy,  which  name  the  French  also  carried  to  the  coast  of 
JJra/il ;  "  Saint  Ser\an,"  from  a  liritish  saint ;  "  Jliviere 
('artier,"  from  the  connn.'inder's  name.  All  these  names  are 
found  on  old  maps,  but  are  now  foro;otten. 

Not  far  from  the  "Port  of  Brest,"  he  met  n  French  ship 
of  Roclielle,  occupied  in  Hshinn;;  a  ])roof  of  wliat  has  been 
stated  above,  tliat  the  French  fishermen  Avere  accustomed  to 
enter  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  before  tlie  tinu'  of  Cartier. 
He  found  also  some  aborigines  employed  in  fishing,  who  were 
"well  built,  of  good  figure,  and  tall  in  stature."  They  told 
him  that  they  did  not  live  in  that  I'egion,  but  in  a  warmer 
country,  and  that  tlic}^  came  now  and  then  to  these  northern 
shores  to  catch  fish  and  obtain  food.     This  northern  coast 


FKKNCII    KXIM'.DITHtNS   To   CANAHA 


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nppi'iircil  to  ( 'artiiM'  s(»  (lisa<;n>('Ml»lt',  impnMltictivc,  nnd  harrcn, 
that  111'  tlidu^lit  "it  out'lit  to  hf  the  coiuiti'v  uliidi  (ioil  liad 
^ivi'ii  to  Cain,"  and  ivsolvcil  to  leave  it,  and  ithss  to  tlio 
other  side  of  the  Strait  of  Jiolle  Isle,  which  had  here  beeoiiio 
very  hroad. 

After  a  sail  of  twentv  lea<fiies  from  IJrest,  not  far  from  the 
])resiMit  Cllieeatica  liav,  Uv  touched  a  ca]ie  whicli,  from  its 
ai)|)(>araiice,  he  naiiie(|  ''Cap  J)oiilile,"  tlie  present  "Point 
Iiicli,"  on  tlu!  wi'st  side  of  Ni'wfonndland.  I-'miu  this  point 
he  sailed  alon^  the  coast  of  the  ■•■i-eat  islaml,  in  a  sonlh- 
south-west  direction,  having  sometimes  line  weatlu-r,  ami 
.soInetiml^s  contrary  winds  and  fon;s ;  so  thai  often  he  could 
aeo  nothing  of  the  coast.  ( )n  tlui  'JIth  of  .luni'  lie  arriscd  at 
a  very  prominent  cape,  which,  in  honor  of  the  Saint  of  the 
day,  he  niinu'd  '"('ape  de  St.  Jean"  (St.  John's  Cape),  the 
present  ""('api!  An<;iiilie,"  the  most  southern  point  of  the 
west  coast  of  Newloundland.  This  is  the  lirst  time  that  we 
have  anv  account  of  a  navi<rator  ha\inii:  heen  on  the  west 
coast  of  Newfoundland.  This  part  of  the  coast  had  hi'en 
ncjUlected  hy  former  discoverers,  and  left  unrepresented  on 
their  maps. 

From  Cape  Aniiuille,  leavini^  Cape  IJreton  and  the  G;reat 
entrance  of  the  e-ulf  oii  the;  south,  he  sailed  westward  and 
discovered  three  small  rocky  islets,  which  were  covered  with 
larsc  flocks  of  birds  "  as  innumerahle  as  the  ilowers  on  a 
meadow,"  and  therefore  were  named  "  Isles  au\  mariiaulx." 
They  are  still  well  known  to  all  mariners  enterin<r  the  gulf, 
under  the  name  of  "  Hird   Rocks." 

West  of  these  Bird  Hocks  there  was  another  island,  about 
two  leagues  long,  and  one  league  broad  ;  which,  according  to 
this  description,  nnist  have  been  the  present  "  Byron  Island ; " 
and  then  another,  which  was  large,  full  of  beautil'ul  trees, 
woods,  pleasant  meadows  covered  with  spring  flowers,  and 


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326 


FUENCH  EXI'EDITIONS  TO  CANADA. 


]iiivln<p  lar<;o  fertile  tracts  of  land,  interspersed  with  great 
swamps.  Along  its  shores  were  many  sea-monsters  with  two 
large  tusks  in  the  mouth,  like  elephants  ;  and  the  forests 
were  throuiied  with  hears  and  wolves.  This  island  was  four 
leagues  from  the  continent,  and  was  named  in  honor  of  the 
admiral  of  France,  who  had  favored  this  ex}>edition,  "  Isle  de 
Brion."  According  to  this  description,  "  Brion's  Island" 
must  he  our  larjje  "  I'rince  Edward  Island,"  though  the 
name  "Isle  de  Brion,"  (Mi  some  old  maps,  is  given  to  a  small 
islet,  which  we  now  call  "  Byron  Island." 

Regarding  this  lirion's  Island,  Cartier  makes  the  following 
remark:  '^'According  to  what  I  understand,"  he  sa3's,  "I 
must  think  that  there  is  some  ])assage  between  the  island  of 
Brion  and  Newfoundland  ;  and  if  this  passage  should  be 
found  navigable,  it  would  shorten  the  voyage  a  great  deal." 
From  this  remark  it  would  appear,  tliat  in  1534  Cartier  was 
not  ac(|uainted  with  the  broad  passage  by  wdiich  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence  is  now  commonly  entered. 

Cartier  sailed  along  the  north  coast  of  Isle  de  Brion, 
giving  now  and  then  a  name  to  some  cape  or  island  ;  for 
instance,  "Cap  d'Orleans"  and  "Isle  Alezay,"  names  which 
are  still  found  on  old  maps,  and  which  appear  to  have  been 
placed  near  the  "North  Point"  of  Prince  Edward  Island. 
Tlience  he  went  over  to  the  continent,  entering  a  bay,  which, 
from  the  great  number  of  canoes  filled  with  Indians  which 
he  saw  there,  he  named  "  la  have  des  Barques ; "  and  another 
triangular  gulf,  in  47°  N.,  which  he  named  "the  Gulf  of 
Santo  Lunario"  (the  present  Miramichi  Bay).  "He  hoped 
here  to  find  a  passage  like  the  strait  of  the  Chateaux" 
(Belle  Isle),  and  therefore  named  one  of  the  capes  of  the  bay, 
"  the  Capo  of  Hope."  All  the  country  round  was  covered 
with  thick  forests  and  ^reen  meadows. 

In  the  same  hope  "  of  finding  a  passage,"  Cartier  entered 


FRENCH  EXPEDITIONS  TO  CANADA. 


327 


anotlior  (Iei.'|)  inlet  on  tlio  nortli.  lie  sailed  into  it  for  more 
tliiin  twentv-five  Iciiiiues,  found  it  to  l)e  a  beiuitiful  Itav  and 
country,  lint  discovered  no  opiMiing  in  the  wi'st.  As  it  was 
now  earlv  in  the  month  of  Jnlv,  he  snifered  much  from 
heat;  thouiiht  the  re<i;ion  to  he  hotter  than  Sjiain  :  and  there- 
fore called  it  "La  Baye  des  Chaleurs"  (the  hay  of  heat),  a 
name  which  has  remained  to  the  present  time. 

Having  convinced  himself  that  this  inlet  was  land-locked, 
he  left  it,  sailino-  along  the  coast  of  the  great  peninsula,  which 
afterwards  was  called  ''la  (Jaspesie,"  to  the  north-i'ast  and 
north,  and  arrived  at  another  opening,  where  he  searched  in 
vain  to  find  a  j)assage,  and  whlcdi  afterwards  was  called 
"Gaspe  Bay."  Here  he  was  detained  for  some  time  hy  had 
weather  and  contrary  winds,  and  was  at  leisure  to  deal  with 
the  Indians  of  the  place,  who  assemhled  in  great  munhers 
around  his  vessels.  Here,  also,  quite  near  to  the  mouth  of 
the  great  river  of  Canada,  he  formally,  in  the  name  of  his 
king,  took  possession  of  the  country,  erecting  on  a  prominent 
headland  a  large  cross,  with  the  inscription  "  A^ive  le  Hoy  do 
France,"  Avhich,  in  presence  of  the  assemhled  ahorigines,  he 
consecrated  and  venerated,  makino;  the  ceremonv  as  solemn 
and  imposing  as  possihle. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  "having  a  great  wind,"  he  left 
Gaspd  Bay,  taking  two  Indians  with  him,  and  sailed  toward 
the  north-east,  He  Avas  now  in  the  midst  of  that  hroad  chan- 
nel between  the  island  of  Anticosti  and  the  peninsula  of 
Gaspesie,  which  shows  open  water  at  the  west  and  east,  and 
which  forms  the  principal  entrance  of  the  great  river  St. 
Lawrence.  One  would  think,  at  the  present  time,  that 
Cartier  would  readily  have  discovered  this  wide  channel,  and 
woidd  have  sailed  at  once  to  the  west,  Avhere  lay  before  him 
the  open  passage,  for  which  he  had  searched  in  vain  every 
little  bay  on  the  coast  of  New  Brunswick.     But  to  our  aston- 


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828 


FUENCII  EXPEDITIONS  TO  CANADA. 


isliiiK'nt  he  failed  to  do  this  ;  ivnd,  ..'litiniJ!;  the  ishuid  of  Anti- 
(U),sti,  directed  his  course  northerly  to  it,  jukI  sailed  along  its 
coast  in  an  easterly  direction.  Why  he  did  so  does  not  ap- 
pear from  his  journal,  nor  is  any  reason  given  for  his  course ; 
though  it  is  easy  to  conjecture,  that  the  open  west  was  cov- 
ered with  fogs,  or  that  ho  was  driven  eastward  by  stress  of 
weather,  lie  soon  reached  the  eastern  end  of  the  island, 
which,  from  the  Saint  of  the  day,  he  called  "  Cap  de  St. 
Alovise,"  now  "  East  Point ; "  observing  at  the  same  time 
that  it  sto(jd  in  40°  CO'  N.  lie  rounded  it,  and  proceeded 
along  the  north  coast  of  Anticosti,  "  sailin<T  in  a  north-western 
direction."  He  extended  his  voyage  to  50°  N.,  and  came  in 
sight  of  the  south  coast  of  Labrador,  where  he  perceived  that 
the  channel  betvv^een  the  two  coasts  became  more  narrow. 
He  went  over  to  tho  northern  side,  and  again  to  the  southern, 
to  see  whether  it  was  a  cliannel  or  a  gulf.  Though  he  had  con- 
trary  winds,  great  waves,  currents,  and  a  liigh  tide  against  him, 
and  thougli  he  was  in  tlie  narrowest  place  of  the  strait,  among 
dangerous  rocks  (probably  the  so-called  Mingan  Islands),  still 
he  succeeded  in  advancino;  so  far  westward,  that  he  could  see 
the  country  (Anticosti)  turn  and  fall  off  to  the  south-west. 
Here  he  must  have  observed,  what  he  was  so  eager  to  find, 
open  water  to  the  west.  But  now  his  men  and  liis  means 
were  exhausted.  He  saw  the  beginning  of  a  great,  pro- 
tracted, and  perhajjs  difficult  undertaking,  the  introduction  to 
a  series  of  discoveries.  The  season  was  already  far  advanced 
for  these  northern  re<>;ions  :  for  it  was  in  the  month  of  August. 
So  he  assembled  a  council  of  all  his  officers,  masters,  and 
pilots,  and  it  was  concluded  to  return  to  France,  to  obtain  a 
new  outfit  for  another  attempt. 

Carrier  called  the  narrow  strait  which  terminated  this 
voyage,  "  le  detroit  de  St.  Pierre"  (St.  Peter's  channel). 
He  had  sounded  it  in  many  places,  and  found  it  to  be  very 


CAllTIEll'S   SECOND   VOYAGE,   1333. 


S20 


<loej),  sixty,  a  Imndred,  and  even  a  liundrcd  and  fifty  fatlioms  ; 
and  tlicTi'foiv,  perliajjs,  lie  snj)[)()sed  it  to  l)e,  not  a  river's 
month,  hut  a  sea-ehannel,  a  passage  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  western  sea  of  Verrazano.  Nowhere  in  his  journal 
does  he  say  that  he  expected  to  find,  or  that  lu-  had  as  yet 
heard,  of  a  great  river.  lie  always  declares  his  desire  to 
find  a  passage  to  the  icest. 

On  his  homeward  voyage  he  sailed  at  first  along  the  south- 
ern coast  of  Lahrador,  toward  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  which 
he  had  entered  in  May.  On  the  Lahrador  coast,  he  touched 
at  a  {)]ace  Avhicli  he  named  "  Caj)  Tiennot"  {^ov  Tieno),  a 
very  prominent  headland,  afterwards  often  mentioned,  and 
now  called  Cajie  Montjoli.  And,  after  a  ([uick  and  [)rosperous 
j)assage  over  the  ocean,  he  arrived  at  St.  ]Malo  on  the  oth  of 
September  of  the  same  year. 


n 


■  ■• 


2.  Sec'Oxd  Voyage  of  Jacques  Cartieu  to  tue  Gulf  and 
KivER  OF  St.  Law^rexce,  in  1535. 

The  report  of  Cartier,  made  soon  after  his  return,  to  the 
admiral  and  the  king,  of  the  fine-looking  coasts,  and  a  strait 
promising  to  lead  to  new  regions  in  the  west,  was  very  favor- 
ably received.  And  on  the  30th  of  October,  1534,  the  ad- 
miral gave  him,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  a  new  commission, 
by  which  were  placed  under  his  command  three  well-equip- 
ped vessels,  victualled  for  fifteen  months  for  a  new  voyage  to 
the  nortii-west,  "  to  complete  the  discovery  beyond  the  New- 
foundlands, already  commenced"  (la  navigation  ja  commencde 
Jl  descouvrir  oultre  Ics  Terres  Ncufvc.i). 

Having  everything  in  readiness,  and  having  received  the 
benediction  of  the  bishop  of  St.  Malo,  Cartier  left  this  port 
on  the  19th  of  May,  1535,  with  his  three  ships.*     He  took 

*  Tho  re]iort  of  this  second  voyage  of  Cartier  is  preserved  in  an  Italian 
translation  by  Kauiusio,  in  his  third  volume,  folio  441,  Venetia,  1556.    The 


I  ;  i 


Of)U 


CAItTIKll'S  SKCOND   VOYAGE,  IMS. 


it 


I  '  ■ 


with  him  many  export  })ih)ts  aiul  salh)rs  of  St.  Malo,  and 
several  enterprisini;"  oentlemen  and  nohUnnen  of  Brittany,  all 
under  his  eonnnand.  In  crossinn;  the  ocean  this  time  he  had 
much  bad  weather,  and  arrivetl  late,  Jnly  7th,  on  the  (>ast 
coast  of  Newfonndland. 

lie  entered  the  (Julf  of  St.  Lawrence,  as  on  his  first  voy- 
at^e,  through  the  Strait  of  JJelle  Isle,  and  coasting  along  the 
southern  })art  of  Labrador,  he  arrived  earl.y  in  August,  at 
that  strait,  which  he  had  before  called  "  St.  Peter's  chan- 
nel "  (the  present  Canadian  channel),  not  far  east  of  the 
termiiuition  of  his  former  voyajxe.  On  the  10th  of  An- 
gust,  the  day  <jf  Saint  Lawrence,  ho  ■  ntered  a  little  port 
on  the  northern  shore,  to  Avhieh  he  gave  the  name  "  Bay 
of  St.  Lawrence."  This  name  has  disaj)[)oarod  from  that 
place,  whicii  is  now  called  "  St.  John's  river,"  and  was  after- 
wards ap})lied,  we  cannot  say  how  or  when,  to  the  whole  great 
river  of  Canada,  at  the  month  of  Avhich  this  little  bay  was 
situated.  This  extension  of  the  name  "  St.  Lawrence,"  must 
soon  have  been  introduced  and  become  general ;  for  the 
Spanish  historian,  Gomara,  in  his  work  published  in  1553, 
applies  the  name  "San  Loren(;o "  to  the  entire  river  and 
gulf. 

At  tlie  Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  Cartier,  seeing  unknown 
waters  before  him,  examined  the  two  Indians  whom  he  had 
taken  at  Gaspd  Bay  on  his  first  voyage,  and  carried  to  France. 
They  told  him,  that  the  water  to  the  west  was  only  the 
mouth  of  a  large  I'iver,  which,  by  degrees,  grew  more  and 


French  original  of  this  report  liad  previously  been  printed  in  France 
in  154.1.  But  so  little  attention  had  l>e<;n  paid  to  this  interesting  i)ublica- 
tioUjthat  tlie  wliole  edition  was  soon  dispersed  and  lost,  and  tlu;re  remains 
but  one  eojiy,  whieli  is  i)rcserved  in  the  British  Museum.  In  18()4,  the  li- 
brarian Tross,  in  Paris,  published  a  new  edition  of  the  French  original  of 
this  report,  uiuler  the  direction  of,  and  with  an  introduction  by,  the  distin- 
jjuished  French  geogro4)her,  M.  D'Avezac. 


CARTIKUS   SECOND   VCJYACK,  IMS. 


831 


more  iuutow,  aiid  was  ciilled  "  tlm  river  ol  Hoclu'Iii^a ;" 
that  at  a  place  called  "  Canada,"  it  was  very  narrow,  with 
water  (jiiite  [)ure  ;  and  that  at  a  (greater  distance,  only  small 
boats  conld  pass  on  it.  ('artier  appears  not  to  have  cared  so 
much  for  a  iresh-water  river,  as  for  a  salt-water  channel,  and 
lie  therefore  went  first  ovi-r  to  the  soutliern  coast,  called  by 
tlie  Indians  "  llonniiedo,"  afterwards  named  "la  (iaspesie," 
to  find  a  jiassage,  hut  seeinii;  none,  he  returned  to  J'ort  St. 
Lawrence,  searching  candidly  the  northern  coast,  in  ho()e  of 
finding  a  north-west  passages  there.  He  had  seen  in  St. 
Peter's  cliannel  a  great  ninnber  of  whales  ;  and  thus  was 
confirnuHl  in  liis  opinion,  that  there  nuist  be,  soniewliere  in 
that  dirc!ction,  a  Indden  salt-A.ater  passage  from  one  ocean  to 
the  other. 

Having  found  no  passage,  he  shaped  his  course  west  and 
south-west  directly  into  the  mouth  of  that  inlet,  which  the 
Indians  called  a  fresh-water  river.  Ilavinn;  now  ascertained 
that  the  country  which  the  Indians  called  "  Natiscotec  "  was 
a  large  island,  he  gave  to  it  the  name  "  I'isle  de  I'assomption  " 
(Assumption  Island),  which  has  been  since  changed  to  the 
original  Indian  name  "Natiscotec;"  by  Europeans  j)ro- 
nounced  and  >yritten,  with  a  transposition  of  its  letters,  Anti- 
costi. 

The  first  remarkable  object  whicdi  Cartier  discovered  in 
sailino;  alono;  the  northern  shore  of  the  great  river  of  Hoche- 
laga,  was  the  mouth  of  another  river,  coming  down  from 
a  country  west-north-west,  of  wdiich  the  two  Indians  had  spok- 
en to  him,  under  the  name  of  "  the  river  and  country  of  Sague- 
nay."  Cartier  explored  the  mouth  of  this  rivei',  and,  sounding, 
found  it  extremely  deep,  "  more  than  a  hundred  fathoms." 
This  observation  afterwards  gave  rise  to  the  o])inion  enter- 
tained for  a  long  time  by  many  geographers,  that  this  "  Sague- 
nay  "  was  not  a  river,  but  a  passage  conducting  to  a  northern 


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1;  I 


802 


CAHTI Kit's  8KCOND  VOYAGE,  IfAl 


II 


sea.    The  rcmiirkiiblo  and  ht'.'uitifiil  river  Snf»uonay  has  pre- 
served its  aiu'ieiit  jiiid  ()i"ii;iiial  name  to  tlie  i)resent  day. 

At  some  distance  south-west  ot"  tlie  Sa<j;uenay,  Cartier  camo 
to  an  island,  wliicdi  lie  named  "Isle  aux  Coudres  "  (Ila/.el 
Island),  which  still  retains  this  name;  and  at  a  f'urtlier  dis- 
tance, another  lari^er  island,  extremely  pleasant,  covered  with 
fine  woods  of  all  sorts,  and  ahnndance  of  vines.  From  thi.s 
circumstance  Cartier  called  this  island  "  Isle  do  IJacchus," 
which  name  was  afterwards  changed  by  him  to  "  Isle  d'Or- 
Icans."     "  Ni'ar  this  island  the  country  of  Canada  l)C!o;ins." 

From  these  last-named  islands,  the  north-western  bound- 
ary line  of  the  State  of  Maine  is  only  about  ten  leagues  dis- 
tant, and  Cartier  may  have  seen,  on  this  part  of  his  sail,  from 
some  elevation  near  the  shore,  some  of  its  blue  hills  in  the 
southern  horizon  ;  and  if  so,  it  was  the  first  instance  in  Avhich 
this  State  had  been  seen  from  the  interior  by  any  European. 

The  principal  events  and  transactions  of  this  voyage  oc- 
curred in  the  vicinity  of  the  Isle  of  Bacchus,  where  the  St. 
Lawrence,  from  a  broad  estuary,  contracts  its  channel  to  a 
river,  near  the  locality  wdiere  afterwards  "was  founded  Que- 
bec, the  capital  of  New  France, — that  critical  position,  in 
which  the  fate  of  the  country  was  afterwards  so  often  de- 
cided. Cartier  found  in  this  important  geographical  ])osition 
a  village  "  Stadacone,"  the  residence  of  a  powerful  Indian 
chief,  Donnacona,  who  made  earnest  efforts  to  dissuade  him 
from  ascending  the  river  any  further,  saying,  that  he  would 
find  nothino-  there  worth  his  while,  and  that  the  navigation 
was  very  dangerous.  Cartier  took  no  notice  of  these  objec- 
tions, which  were  accompanied  by  threats  and  other  marks  of 
ill  will.  He  astonished  and  silenced  his  Indian  friends  with 
the  thunder  of  his  cannon ;  and  putting  the  two  largest 
vessels  of  his  fleet  in  a  safe  harbor  near  Bacchus  Island, 
called  by  him  the  Port  of  the  Holy  Cross,  began  to  ascend 


CAia'lKU\S   SECOND    VOVAOE,  loliS. 


:]33 


tlio  riviT  with  tlio  smallest  of  his  ships,  '' ri-iincrillon,"  whieh 
had  hiH'ii  piirposuly  prepared  in  France  lor  na\  ioatinij;  in  shoal 
water.  He  took  with  him  all  his  youn<i;  ^cntlenien,  and  fifty 
mariners,  and,  on  the  10th  of  September,  lid't  luliind  his  har- 
bor and  liis  two  ships. 

He  ascended  this  si)lendid  river,  a(hnirinii;  its  niaunifieent 
scenery,  its  broad  dee})  channel  of  clear  water,  the  idevati-d 
banks  on  both  sides,  covered  with  <^racefnlly  j[rronped  trees  of 
various  sorts,  ri(ddy  embellished  everywhere  with  \ini's,  and 
enlivened  by  beautiful  birds.  Here  and  there  he  found  a  vil- 
hiiie  or  tishin<T-station  of  Indians,  who  weiv  jdl  verv  pt'aceful, 
and  saluted  the  party  with  ehxpient  speeches.  On  the  2Sth 
of  Septend»er  he  arrived  at  a  lake  where  the  water  became  so 
shallow,  that  they  were  oblincd  to  leave  their  ship  safely  an- 
chored in  port. 

Cartier  then  in  two  small  boats  crossed  the  lake,  calk-d  by 
him  "lac  d'Angoideme  "  (now  St.  Peter's  T^ake),  and  ar- 
rived on  the  lUth  of  October  at  the  Jiulian  village  of  "  JIo- 
chela^a,"  of  which  his  two  Indians  liad  spoken  sf)  highly.  Jle 
found  this  j)lace  -svell  peopled  with  Indians,  with  whom  he 
held  daily  friendly  intercourse  by  speeches  and  festivals. 
Ilochelaga,  the  residence  of  an  Indian  chief,  was  pleasantly 
situated  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain  at  some  distance  from  the 
river.  Cartier  with  his  party  ascended  this  mountain,  and 
enjoyed  the  beautiful  view  of  the  surrounding  country,  spread 
out  widely  before  them.  He  discovered  distant  mountain 
ranges,  north  and  soutli ;  saw  his  great  river  running  far  to 
the  west,  and  observed  the  rapids  near  by,  which  seemed  to 
put  an  end,  at  this  point,  to  further  navigation. 

Thinking  that  "  Ilochelaga  "  was  the  most  convenient  place 
for  the  capital  of  the  French  province  to  be  cstablislied,  he 
gave  to  it  the  Christian  name,  "Mount  Royal."  Thus  Car- 
tier  had  now  discovered  and  designated,  and  held  under  his 


^1 


' 


,if 


P 

« 


I 


J  .-.if 


H84 


CARTFER'S   .SKCOND   VOYAOE,  inX",. 


(•()inni;\ii(l,  tlic  tliri-c  principal  jfcorrrapliical  positions  f)!'  Cann- 
fl.j,  Qncbrc,  IMontiral,  and  tli(^  central  locality  of  St.  Peter's 
Lake.  JJiit  as  now  the  ravorahie  season  was  coininjj;  to  an 
end,  he  resolved  to  rotni'ii,  collect  all  his  scattcM'cd  forces,  and 
put  them  safely  into  winter-cpiarters. 

He  iirrived,  with  his  company  in  the  ship  rEmerillon,  early 
in  Novendjer  at  his  harhor  of  the  "  Holy  Cross,"  where  his  two 
laro-e  vessels  lay  at  anchor.  Durinj:^  his  absence,  his  mari- 
ners and  soldiers  had  hnilt  a  Ibrt  and  sheds.  Here  he  ])assed 
the  winter  of  l.")')")-('>  in  the  midst  of  ice  and  snow;  nnich 
troubled  and  distressed  bv  a  sickness  amono;  his  ci'ew,  i)rol)a- 
bly  the  scurvy,  which  carried  off  twenty-five  of  his  men. 
He  would  have  lost  still  more  if  the  friendly  Indians  had 
not  checked  the  disease,  by  preparing  for  the  sick  a  Avon- 
derfully  wholesome  renu'dy,  a  decoction  from  tlie  leaves  and 
bark  of  a  certain  medicinal  five  (ameda),  with  the  virtues  and 
uses  of  wliieli  they  were  familiar.  This  was  tlic  first  time 
that  liistory  had  witnessed  a  modern  European  explorer  win- 
terino;  in  these  northern  reoions  of  America. 

These  friendly  Indians  were  a  nreat  comfort  to  Cartier  and 
his  men  ;  and,  always  havinn;  amicable  intercourse  with  them, 
lie  gained  from  their  conversation  mucli  valuable  information 
about  the  nature  of  the  surroundino;  regions  and  their  rela- 
tivo  position.  "  They  informed  liim  that  from  the  place 
where  he  bad  left  bis  shij)  in  going  to  Hochelaga,  "  there  is  a 
river  tliat  goetli  toward  the  south-west," — our  present  Riclie- 
lieu, — (y  a  vne  riuere  q  va  vers  le  Surouaist),*  a  country  in 
which  snow  and  ice  never  appeared,  and  where  many  delicate 
southern  fruits  were  found;  but  in  wliich  the  inhabitants 
were  continually  at  war  among  themselves.  They  referred, 
no  doubt,  to  the  line  of  navigation  formed  by  Lake  Champlain 


I 


*  Bref  Recit  de  la  Navigation  faite  par  J.  Cartier,  p.  34.  Paris,  Librarie 
Tross,  18G3. 


:t 


CAIITIKIIB   SKCOND   VOYAflK,  l.VW, 


aJJ") 


and  TTudsoii  T'ivor,  mikI  t<i  tlin  fuiintry  of  tin-  \v;ti-1lk('   Fivo 
Xatioiis.     Ciirtlcr  "  tlioiii-lit  tliat  this  was  tho  wav  to  Florida." 

Hilt  tlio  Indians  spoko  in  still  liiu'lici'  terms  of  tlic  "conn- 
try  of  Say-nenav,"  of  whicli  flicv  <iii\o  a  vcrv  c>xtraordinarv 
report.  Tlu'v  said,  that  llion^li  the  river  oi' Saonenay  had 
its  ori<i;Iii  in  this  conntry,  and  (K'rived  its  njnne  IVnm  it,  yet 
the;  best  mikI  most  direct  way  to  it  was  hy  the  ;j:reat  river 
Ilochehioa,  and  then  hy  anothi-r  conMuent  river,  which  also 
had  its  origin  in  the  conntry  of  Ssiniienay.  This  nnthmht- 
edly  referred  to  the  Ottawa  River.  There,  they  said,  were 
three  hir^e  lakes,  and  also  a  sea  of  fresh-water  of  which  no 
person  had  ever  s(>en  the  end.  ]\Iany  wealthy  nations  were 
settled  there,  of  a  white  color,  clothed  like  the  French,  and 
posscssinff  eold  and  copper.  What  C'artier  thoniiht  of  this 
report  he  does  not  state,  lie  jirohaMy  sni>i)ose(l  that  these 
lakes  were  the  sea  of  Verrazuno,  and  these  nations,  some  of  tho 
cnltivated  nations  of  Eastern  Asiii.  Ts  it  possihie  tliat  these 
Indians  of  Canjida  had  heard  of  the  Spaniards,  -who,  some 
years  previous,  under  Narvivez  and  Caheca  de  Vacca,  had 
heen  on  the  Lower  JNIississippi  ? 

Those  of  Canada  said  also  "tliat  it  was  from  IToclielaira. 
(Montreal),  a  navigation  of  one  month,  to  a  country  where 
they  gathered  ciinianion  and  cloves ''  (cinamomo  ed  il  garo- 
fano).*  Some  stories,  told  by  the  old  Indians,  of  men  in 
distant  lands  with  only  one  leg,  and  of  others  who  did  not 
eat,  Cartier,  of  course,  regarded  as  idle  fables. 

AVitli  respect  to  the  neighboring  territory  of  tho  State  of 
Maine,  and  other  parts  of  New  England,  we  find  no  particu- 
lar information  or  allusion  in  (Jartier's  report.  lie  repre- 
sents, however,  his  friend  Donnacona,  the  chief  of  "Canada" 
or  "  Stadacona"  (Quebec),  as  a  great  king,  and  speaks  of  all 
the  Indian  tribes  as  far  down  as  the  Saguenay  and  beyond, 

*  See  notice  of  Cartler's  voyage  in  Ramusio,  vol.  3,  fol.  453. 


'',,■ 


H 


I  ill 


ill 


m) 


CWvnVAVH  HKf'OVI)  VoVAflK.   \m. 


IIS  Ills  sulijccts.  Tt  is  tluMvt'orc  possihio  tlmt  tlic  n!iti\'»'  iiiliiili- 
ituMtH  III'  llic  iioi'tliiTii  |t;ii't  (tf  Miiiiic  iiiiiy  li:i\i'  Iuh-ii  uikIit 
his  pivcninu'iit,  iiinl  flint  amuiiM;  tlic  imiiu'roiis  Indiims,  who 
^atlii'ivd  at  CartiL'r's  wiiiti-r  .station  iumu*  (^iu'Ih'C,  tliciv  wi-re 
Indians  j'roni  tlic  t'orcsts  of  Maine,  by  wlioni,  on  tlicir  ivtnrn, 
tlic  news  of  the  J'^rcncli  and  tlicir  presents  would  bo  Mpivad 
troiii  oiu'  .st'tticnicnt  t(t  anotlicr. 

Doiinacoiia,  lliis  powcrl'nl  and  liosiiitabK'  cliicf,  and  somoof 
liis  subjects,  wi-ri'  sci/cd  bv  Cartior  in  a  trcachci'ous  manner, 
and  ki'pt  (»n  board  bis  ship  :  as  lie  was  desirous  of  liavinn  soin»' 
j)rincipal  person  of  tlu^  new  country  to  present  to  bis  kinj;. 
lie  (piieted  the  cbicf'.s  alarnu'd  subjects  by  assiwiii;;  them, 
that  be  would  be  well  ti  ^m|  and  niucli  bonored  on  tbo  oth- 
er side  of  the  water;  that  be  should  be  brouLjbt  back  in  a 
year;  and  by  addini;'  to  these  assurances  triflinij;  presents  of 
Kuropi'an  trinkets. 

He  left  his  harbor  of  the  lb»ly  Cross,  jNIay  0,  1 "):)(!,  with 
two  of  bis  vessels,  ha\iii^  abandoned  and  destroyed  one, 
wbicli,  from  losses  aiiion^  his  crew,  ho  was  not  able  to  man. 
On  his  passa;L;L'  home,  he  made  useful  souu>  discoveries,  which 
enabled  him  to  point  out  a  sliorter  route  from  France  to  Can- 
ada. One  of  these  discoveries  was  the  broad  channel  on  the 
south  side  of  the  island  of  Anticosti.  This  lie  had  not  Lefore 
ex[)lorcd,  and  doubtcid  whether  it  was  a  ^ulf  or  an  o[)en 
pass.'iire. 

ilii  also  now  avoided  the  longer  northern  route  throuii'li 
the  strait  oi'  Ib'lle  Isle,  and  passed  from  the  <fulf  through  the 
broad  southern  o[)ening  between  Cape  Breton  and  Newfound- 
land. And  what  seems  incredible  is,  that  he  should  not  have 
known  the  existence  of  this  channel  in  his  former  voyafxes, 
but  should  have  considered  it,  at  this  time,  as  a  new  discov- 
ery, lie  mentions  no  old  names  in  this  region,  but  gives  ev- 
erywhere "  new  names  ;  "  for  instance,  to  the  most  northern 


VOVACK   OF   IKHtK,    I.Vtd. 


387 


hcmlhiiid  of  Ciipc  Hrcton  tin-  n:mio"'St.  I'mil,"  wliicli  Is 
now  ciillcil  "  North  Point."  He  Miilcd  nlon;;  tin*  soiitliorti 
(•oust  of  Nt'wl'ouiKlhuul,  toiiclu'd  at  St.  IN'tor's  Island,  wliero 
lie  met  "  many  sliips  from  l''ranci>  and  IJrittany,"  und  passed 
Ciipi'  Kacc  on  tliij  I'.Uli  of  .Innc. 

Tluis  CarticM-  was  tlic  first  explorer  who  completed  the  eir- 
cnmnaviiration  of  Newfonndland,  and  saw  all  its  coasts.  It 
had  been  re^jjarded  l»y  Cortereal  and  others  as  contiiuMital, 
und  so  de[>icted  on  their  ma|)S.  It  is  trne,  however,  that 
some  others  before  Curtier  hud  called  it  "an  isle;"  not  he- 
causo  they  liud  proved  it  to  be  snch,  bnt  because  it  Avas  very 
natural  in  an  ar;e  of  discovery,  to  consider  new  countries  as 
islands,  until  the  contrary  had  been  i)rove(I. 

On  the  llith  of  July  l;'):}*},  Cartler,  with  his  two  ships, 
safely  arrived  in  the  port  of  St.  Malo. 
« 

8.    TlIK    VoYAflK  OF    JNIasTKU    iroUli:,  AND   OTIIKU   E.VGUSIiMEX, 

TO  Caim:  IWjKro.v  and  Ni:wi'oum)I,am),  ix  loJJO. 

At  the  time  wlieu  the  French,  under  (dirtier,  undertook 
their  first  explorations  of  the  lliver  St.  Lawrence,  there  was 
in  London  a  certain  "  Master  Hore,  a  man  of  great  courajLi;c, 
and  <^ivcn  to  the  studie  of  cosmo<:;raphie,"  Avho  took  U})  the 
old  project  of  the  Cabots  to  discover  a  passage  to  the  Avest 
in  the  northern  parts  of  America.  Perhaps  his  "  study 
of  cosmography  "  had  convinced  him,  as  Cabot  had  before 
been  convinced  by  liis  knowledge  of  the  globe,  that  the 
northern  route  to  the  East  Indies,  if  open  water  could  there 
be  found,  would  be  shorter  than  the  usual  route  by  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope. 

Master  Hore  encouraged  and  persuaded  "  divers  gentle- 
men of  the  Innes  of  court  and  of  the  Chancerie,  desirous  to 
see  the  strange  things  of  the  world,"  to  associate  themselves 


;i' 


'    I 


;l 
I 

'I' 


I  • 


ill 

.14 

m  1 


i  i  ig 


338 


VOYAGE  OF  IIORE,  1530. 


■ 


I 


with  him  "  for  a  voyoLfo  of  discoverio  upon  the  north-east 
parts  of  Aniori(!a/'  Many  wiUiiigly  c'nga<fc>(l  with  hiiu,  anil 
Iluiiiy  VIII.  favorod  and  assisted  the  enterprise  with  his  ap- 
l^'obatiou. 

These  persons  were  probably  stimulated  to  this  "  action  " 
by  the  <jjreat  and  successful  voya'jje  of  their  French  neigh- 
bors uniler  Cartier,  the  rumor  of  whi('h  must  have  spread 
through  England,  and  have  excited  there  that  enmlation  which 
has  always  been  felt  toward  ei.ch  other  by  these  rival  coun- 
tries. 

Two  ships,  the  "  Trinitie  "  and  the  "  Minion,"  were  manned 
"with  about  six-score  persons,"  whereof  not  less  than  thirty 
were  gentleiu'  u  "  fond  of  sport."  "  It  was,"  as  a  modern 
author  remarks,*  "  a  characteristically  En<!:lish  undertaking." 
Master  llore,  probably  taking  the  command  of  the  two  ves- 
sels, embarked  in  the  Trinity,  N/bich  was  "the  admiral." 
Amongst  others,  he  had  with  him  "  a  very  learned  and  vir- 
tuous gentleman,  Armigil  Wade.'  J 

The  two  ships  sailed  near  the  end  of  April,  153G,  toward 
tlie  north-west.  They  were  very  long  at  sea,  more  than  two 
months,  and  at  last  "  camo  to  a  part  of  the  West  Indies  about 
Cape  lireton,  shaping  their  course  thence  to  Newfoundland," 
and  along  its  coast  toward  the  north.  How  far  they  went, 
is  nowhere  stated.  But  that  they  advanced  a  considerable 
distance  in  that  direction,  and  contended  a  lung  time  with 
the  ice   in    Davis'  Strait,  is  probable  from  the  fact,  tliat  on 


*  Dr.  A.slier,  in  liis  "Henry  Hudson."  p.  xcv.    Loudon,  ISliO. 

t  All  our  original  information  on  this  interosting  voyage  was  gathered 
atul  published  by  the  indefatigable  Itichard  Hakluyt.  In  his  time  some  of 
the  gentleunni,  who  had  aecompanied  Master  Hore,  were  still  living. 
Hakluyt  visited  as  luany  as  he  could  find,  and  onco  rode  not  less  than  two 
hundred  miles  to  meet  one  of  them,  "  to  learn  the  whole  truth  of  that 
voyage."  After  these  inciuiries,  he  wrote  the  report,  to  be  found  in  hii 
work,  "  The  principal  navigations,"  etc.,  p.  517.    Loudon,  158!). 


VOYAGE  OF   HOUE,    15,50. 


339 


ruturiiinf;  to  Newfounclluiul,  tlic-^  were  nMlnced  to  the  ex- 
tremes of  fiimiiie.  Ilis  coin[)anlons,  these  weiihh y  lijentlemen, 
liiid  no  tlouht  taken  care  to  have  their  shii)S  sufHciently  fur- 
nished with  provisions,  and  they  wouhl  not,  therefore,  have 
faHen  into  so  threat  (Ustress,  if  they  had  not  had  a  long  contest 
witii  the  perils  of  the  north.* 

They  anchored  near  ^  Peni^uin  Island,"  on  the  east  coast 
of  Newfoundland,  where  their  want  of  ])rovisions  was  so 
great,  "that  they  devoured  raw  herbes  and  rootes  which  they 
sou<;ht  on  the  maine."  Tluir  e  ctreniity,  at  last,  was  so  great, 
that  some  of  them  had  begun  to  .vill  and  eat  their  companions. 
"  But  such  was  the  mercy  of  God,  that  there  arrived  just  at 
the  right  time,  a  French  fishing  vessel  in  the  port,  well  fur- 
nished with  victuals;  and  such  was  the  policie  of  the  English, 
that  they  became  masters  of  the  same,  and  changing  ships  and 
victualling  them,  they  left  the  French  to  their  fate,  setting 
sail  to  come  into  England  ;"  where  they  arrived  about  the  end 
of  October.  So  jri'eat  were  the  fatigues  and  miseries  which 
they  had  endured,  and  some  of  them  were  so  altered  in  their 
appearance,  that  their  friends  did  not  recognize  them.  The 
father  and  mother  of  a  Mr.  Thomas  Buts  "knew  liim  not  to 
be  their  son,  until  they  found  a  secret  mark  upon  one  of  his 
knees." 

It  is  only  just  to  add,  that  the  poor  Frencli  fishermen,  who 
had  been  robbed  by  the  despairing  English,  were  afterwards 
indemnified  by  Henry  VIII.  to  the  full  extent  of  their 
damage.  Tiiey  had  supported  themselves  for  a  few  months- 
by  fishing,  and  afterwards  had  safely  returned.  The  English 
might  have  sup{)l}  .'d  themselves  in  the  same  way,  if  they  had 
been  a^  well  skilled  in  fishing  as  the  French. 

This  most  unfortunate  voyage  of  Master  Here  was,  for  a 


i 


*M.  D'Avezac  also  thinks,  that  they  extended  their  voyage  "fort  avaut 
dans  le  nord."    13r6ve  Introduction,  p.  xiii. 


340 


EOBERVAL  AND   CARTIER'S  EXPEDITIONS. 


lonf;  time,  the  last  official  expedition  made  1)y  the  Enrfllsh  to  tho 
north-cast  parts  of  America  ;  altliono-h  the  fis]iiiig-voya,fTes 
wliieh  the  English  commenced  soon  after  Cabot's  discovery, 
did  not  cease.  They  are  frequently  mentioned  in  public 
documents  ;  as,  for  instance,  in  an  act  of  Parliament  of  the 
third  year  of  Edward  VI.  (1550).*  Of  the  English  fisheries 
on  these  banks,  we  have  no  particulra'  account ;  and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  they  were  pursued  extensively  at  an  early 
period.  ]3ut  later  in  the  century,  they  became  very  impor- 
tant ;  for  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  on  his  arrival  there  in  1583, 
found  English  merchants  and  fishermen  very  numerous,  pow- 
erful, and  "  at  the  head  of  all  the  other  nations."  f 


4.  Expeditions  of  Jean  FRAN901S  ]n<:  la  Roque  de  Rober- 
VAL  AND  Jacques  Cabtieb  to  Canada,  in  1540  and 
1543. 

The  report  of  Cartier  to  the  king  of  his  second  voyage 
proved  very  influential.  He  had  discovered  one  of  the  grand- 
est and  most  navigable  rivers  of  the  world,  surrounded  by 
beautifiil  scenery,  and  fertile  tracts  of  land,  "  with  copper 
mines,"  and  many  most  convenient  sites  for  erecting  fortifica- 
tions, and  establishing  ports  and  cities,  and  well  calculated  for 
the  foundation  of  a  new  colony  or  empire.  He  also  described 
other  countries  further  west,  suggesting  the  neighborhood 
of  the  region  of  spices,  and  of  waters  conducting  to  them. 
Still  there  was  one  essential  thing  wanting ;  for,  among  the 


♦  This  act  is  mentioned  in  "William  Bollan,  tlie  Ancient  Right  of  the 
English  Nation  to  the  American  Fishery,  p.  7.  London,  1764. 

t  See  Bollan,  1.  c.  p.  8  seq.,  and  Hakliiyt's  Voyages,  Navigations,  etc., 
vol.  3,  p.  150  seq.  London,  IGOO.  [The  English  were  not  found  on  the 
Grand  Bank  until  1517;  but  in  1522,  they  had  made  such  progress,  that  they 
had  erected  on  Newfoundland  forty  or  fifty  stages  for  the  convenience  of 
their  fishermen,  and  afterwards  pursued  the  business  extensively.— Ed.] 


ROBERVAL  AND  CARTIER'S  EXPEDITIONS. 


341 


products  ho  brought  home,  there  was  no  gokl.  And  tlio  poor 
northern  Indian  chief  Donnacona,  bore  httle  resenibhmce  to 
the  chiei  Atabalipa,  -wliom  the  Spaniards  had  recently  plun- 
dered. What  ^vere  all  the  beauties  of  ('anada  and  Hochelaga 
in  comparison  to  the  riches  of  Peru,  which,  at  that  very  time, 
were  poured  in  upon  Spain,  and  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
whole  world  to  South  America  !  The  capture  by  French 
privateers  of  one  or  two  Sj)anish  vessels  returning  richly 
freighted  from  the  south,  would  yield  a  far  better  profit  than 
all  that  Carticr  had  earned,  after  all  the  hardships  endured  by 
himself  and  his  men,  in  their  tedious  wintering  amid  northern 
snows  and  ice. 

Perhaps  considerations  of  this  kind  made  Francis  hesitate 
for  several  years,  before  making  up  his  mind  to  favor  again  the 
pUns  of  Cartier,  and  to  prosecute  the  work  of  discovery,  con- 
quest, and  plantation  in  the  north-cast  of  America.  At 
length  an  influential  nobleman  from  the  small  district  of 
Vimeu,  in  the  province  of  Picardy,  Jean  Frant^ois  de  la 
Roque  de  Roberval,  who  was  zealous  in  great  undertakings 
and  maritime  enterprises,  and  who,  from  his  high  aspira- 
tions and  provincial  power,  was  sometimes  called  "  the  little 
king  of  Vimeu,"  succeeded  in  overcoming  all  obstacles,  and 
in  persuading  the  king  to  renew,  on  a  grander  scale,  the  pro- 
ject of  conquering  and  colonizing  the  north  of  America. 

Roberval  was  placed  at  the  head  of  this  expedition,  and 
by  royal  letters  patent  of  the  15th  of  January  1540,  was 
named  viceroy  and  lieutenant-general  of  the  new  countries  of 
Canada,  Hochelaga,  Belle  Isle,  Saguenay,  Labrador,  and 
other  parts  of  this  wide  territory.  While  Cartier,  the  active 
discoverer,  who  best  knew  the  country,  received  only  a  subor- 
dinate appointment. 

The  expedition  was  authorized  to  carry  over  to  the  great 
river  soldiers,  priests,  men  and  women,  and  all  that  was  nee- 


: 


i      ;. 


■'     111 


"^1 

I 


,il: 


i 


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'•1 


1 


Hi'  : 


342 


ROBERVAL  AND  CARTIER'S  EXPEDITIONS. 


ossary  for  the  pliintino;  of  a  colony,  and  cstal)lisliin<;  a  f^ov- 
ornment  in  the  name  of  the  king,  over  all  the  regions  nortii  of 
40°.  These  eountries  were  considered  by  Francis  to  bo  the 
north-eastern  end  of  Asia.*  lie  now  gave  to  them  the 
general  name  of  "  New  France,"  or  at  least  officially  con- 
firmed it. 

Cartier  was  named  commander  of  all  the  ships  eqnipped  for 
this  enterprise,  with  the  title  of  "  captain-general  and  master 
pilot,"  and  was  commissioned  to  continue  his  discoveries  in 
the  far  west,  while  lloborval  was  appointed  to  establish  a 
colony  for  the  lower  parts  of  the  river,  and  organize  its  gov- 
ernment. 

Rober\al  lost  much  time  in  procuring  heavy  artillery,  and 
other  things  which  he  thought  necessary  for  the  establishment 
of  his  vice-royalty  ;  and  Cartier,  having  sooner  completed  the 
outfit  of  his  five  ships,  left  St.  Malo  on  the  28d  of  May,  1541, 
without  waiting  on  the  slower  movements  of  his  chief.f 

The  whole  undertakino;,  from  bemnnino;  to  end,  was  unfor- 
tunate.  On  the  ocean,  Cartier  was  delayed  by  contrary 
winds  and  bad  weather,  and  did  not  arrive  until  the  end  of 
August  at  his  old  station,  near  Holy  Cross  harbor.  He 
did  not  take  back  to  his  subjects  their  captured  chief,  as  h^ 
had  promised ;  for  Donnacona  and  his  companions,  after 
having  been  baptized  and  presented  lo  the  king,  had  died  in 
France.  Cartier  did  not  establish  himself  in  his  former  quar- 
ters, but  took  a  position  not  far  from  them,  and  nearer  to  the 
present  Quebec,  where  he  built  another  fort,  and  gave  to  it 


*  This  appears  in  the  Roj^al  commission  given  to  Cai'tier,  where  these 
words  occur:  "grand  pals  des  terrcs  de  Canada  et  Hochelaga, /a/sant  wn 
bout  de  VAnic,  du  aW  dc  VOccidcnt."  See  the  commission  in  Lescarbot's  His* 
toire  de  la  Noiivelle  France,  p.  412.     Paris,  1(512. 

t  See  a  translation  of  the  official  French  report  on  this  voyage,  preserved 
by  Haklnyi.,  in  tlie  third  volume  of  his  "  Voyages,  navigations,  etc.,"  p.  2.'32 
seq.    London,  1600, 


TlOnKllVAL   AND  CAIlTIEn'R   KXPEDTTTONS. 


r,43 


tlio  name  of  "  Cliarlosbonrn;  lloval."  Loavin^  tlioro  most  of 
his  cnon,  and  sending  back  two  of  liis  slii|)S  to  Franco,  lie  pro- 
ceeded immediately,  -with  some  cnter|»risini;  French  gentle- 
men, to  ascend  the  river,  and  to  make  arrangements  for  a 
fm'ther  exploration  of  the  countrv  of  8ai>;nenav,  Ix^yond 
Ilochelaga,  and  the  rapids  which  he  had  seen  in  1.'}-]^.  ITe 
found  three  cataracts,  or  rapids ;  succeeded  in  ])assing  the 
first  and  second  (the  "  courant  de  Ste.  JNIarie  "  and  the  "  ra- 
pides  dc  Lachine  ")  ;  hut  not  being  able  easily  to  overcome 
the  third  (the  "Sault  de  S.  Louis"),  he  returned  to  his  station 
at  "  Charlesbourg,"  where  he  passed  the  winter  of  1541-2. 
He  waited  some  time  in  the  spring  for  the  arrival  of  the 
Viceroy  Roberval,  who  was  to  bring  the  supplies  necessary 
for  establishing  a  strong  and  stable  colony,  liut  having  no 
news  from  him,  and  his  provisions  failing,  his  men  weakened 
by  disease  and  the  hardshij)S  of  winter,  and  the  Indians  being 
more  excited  and  threatcnino;  than  ever,  he  resolved  to  return 
to  France.  Accordingly,  toward  the  end  of  May,  1542,  he 
commenced  his  homeward  voyage,  and  on  his  way  met  tin; 
tardy  Roberval  in  the  harbor  of  St.  John,*  in  Newfoundland. 
But  neither  he  nor  his  men  could  be  persuaded  to  return  to 
the  place  where  they  had  suffered  so  severely  ;  and  they  con- 
tinued on  to  France,  where  they  arrived  at  St.  Malo,  Oct.  21, 
1542. 

Roberval,  probably  with  some  of  Cartier's  companions, 
pilots,  and  charts,  proceeded  to  the  great  river,  and  established 
liimself,  with  his  officers,  gentlemen,  soldiers,  priests,  mission- 
aries, planters,  women,  and  the  whole  apparatus  of  his  vice- 
royal  colony,  at  a  fortified  place  not  far  from  Quebec,  called 
by  him  "  France  Roy."  From  this  station  lie  made  some 
exploring  expeditions  into  the  surrounding  country,  and  may 
have  even  reached  the  borders  of  Maine. 


»  So  Hakluyt.    Others  say,  "  in  tlie  Strait  of  Belle  Isle." 


344 


llOIiKIlVAL  AND   CAKTIKllS   KXPKDITIONS. 


lil 


IIo  sent  also  ono  of  his  mtirincrs,  a  very  export  ])il()t, 
iKiiued  AI|)lionse  do  Saiiitoniije,*  to  search  for  a  north-west 
passa<^e  north  of  Newfoundland.  But  Saintongo  went  on  the 
old  route  of  the  Cahots  and  the  Cortereals  no  further  than 
ahout  52°  N.,  and  returned  without  having  ctt'ected  any  new 
discovery. 

The  same  may  bo  said  of  Roherval  himself.  His  expedi- 
tion added  nothing  new  to  the  store  of  geographical  informa- 
tion gathered  by  C'artier  on  his  two  voyages.  He  soon  ap- 
pears to  liave  come  into  trouble,  and,  in  the  year  1542,  to 
have  gone  liome  for  relief  and  succor,  leaving  a  portion  of  his 
men  at  "  France  Roy,"  their  winter  station,  where  they  suf- 
fered from  hunger,  scurvy,  and  the  Indians,  as  mucli  as  tlieir 
predecessors.  But  in  the  spring  of  1543,  Francis  sent  Cartier 
to  bring  back  the  remnants  of  this  unfortunate  expedition, 
with  wliich  he  returned  to  St.  ^lalo,  after  an  absence  of  eight 
months.* 

It  was  more  than  lialf  a  century  from  this  time  before  the 
French  made  any  effectual  attempts  at  settlement  in  Canada  ; 
although  some  authors  have  asserted,  that  Iloberval  renewed 
his  efforts  in  that  direction.  ♦ 

The  full  and  satisfactory  reports  which  Cartier  gave  of  his 
two  voyages,  his  well- written  description  of  the  countries  he 
discovered,  his  useful  remarks,  his  correct  observations  of 
latitude  and  longitude,  his  ably  composed  maps  and  charts, 
all  prove  him  to  have  been  a  man  eminently  qualified  for  the 

*  Jean  Alplionso  dc  Saintongo  was  a  very  distinguished  French  cai^tain, 
who  formerly  liad  traveled  to  Brazil,  in  Frimch  as  well  as  Portuguese 
vessels.  Hakluyt  (vol.  3,  p.  237  seq. )  communicates  excellent  sailing  direc- 
tions for  the  Gulf  and  Iliver  St.  Lawrence  made  hy  this  navigator.  See 
more  of  him  in  a  note  of  M.  D'Avezac  in  "Bulletin  de  la  Soci<5t<5  de 
Geographic,"  p.  317  seq.    Ann(''e,  1857. 

t  See  M.  D'Avezac,  iu  the  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  Cartior's  second 
voyage. 


ROBEUVAL  AND  CAUTIKR'S   FA'PEDITFONS. 


345 


task  of  exploration  and  discovery.  lie  deseiibed,  in  an  elo- 
quent and  truthful  manner,  a  <];reat  section  of  the  interior  of 
North  America,  defined  the  confij^uration  of  the  sea-coasts, 
the  course  of  the  groat  rivers  in  the  north,  north-east,  and 
north-west  of  Maine,  and  shed  much  lioht  upon  the  re<rion 
beyond  it.  Would  that  a  seaman,  like  Cartier,  had  jT;iven  us 
as  much  light  about  the  sea-coast  of  "  Norumbcga,"  about 
Passamaqmxldy,  Penobscot,  and  Casco  Bays,  their  capes, 
headlands,  and  islands,  as  is  given  by  Cartier's  writings  and 
charts  about  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs,  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, and  the  island  of  Anticosti !  * 

It  is  sad,  that  France  did  not  make  a  better  use  of  such  a 
talented  and  enterprising  man.  Francis  I,  in  the  years  sub- 
sequent to  these  voyages  of  Cartier  and  Roberval,  was  occu- 
pied with  bloody  wars  against  the  emperor  of  Germany  and 
the  king  of  England,  and  died  in  1547.  Cartier  was  forgot- 
ten,  and  appears  to  have  remained,  during  the  rest  of  his  life, 
unoccupied,  renouncing  navigation,  and  spending  his  time  in 
winter  at  St.  Malo,  and  in  summer  at  a  country-seat,  called 
Limoilou,  which  he  owned  near  that  town.  After  1552,  we 
lose  sight  of  him  altogether,  and  may  therefore  infer,  with 
M.  D'Avezac,  that  he  died  before  having  attained  his  GOth 

year.f 

As  to  the  further  career  of  Roberval,  opinions  are  still  more 
diverse.  But  I  will  not  repeat  them  here,  as  his  services  as 
a  discoverer  and  geographer  are  of  little  importance. 

Under  the  reign  of  the  successors  of  Francis  I,  namely, 


*rrom  a  letter  written  by  a  relation  of  Cartier  to  an  English  gentle- 
man in  1587,  it  appears  that  in  this  year,  a  chart  of  the  whole  River  St. 
Lawrence,  drawn  by  Cartier's  own  hand,  was  still  in  existence,  and  in  the 
possession  of  a  Frenchman  of  tho  name  of  Cremeu.  See  this  letter  in 
Hakluyt,  vol.  3,  p.  23(3,  edition  IGOO. 

t  See  M.  D'Avezac's  Nouvelles  Annalcs  des  Voyages,  torn.  3,  p.  98. 
Ann(^e,  1864. 


840 


IlonKUVAIi  AND   CAUTIEirS   EXPEniTIONS. 


I 
4 


IIi;nry  II,  Fnincis  II,  and  Ilonry  III,  the  Frcncli  nntion  wn<* 
(listurl)('(l  l»y  internal  revolutions  nnd  Moody  rcliiiious  ■wars  ; 
and  in  tlio  suiruriiiors  of  Old  Franco,  the  Now  Franco,  on 
tlie  other  sidi'  of  the  ocean,  was  forffotteii.  Tliero  was  nei- 
ther  money  nor  heart  for  the  eftectual  continuance  of  dis- 
covery and  colonization  in  the  immense  regions  of  the  north- 
east  of  America.  Nay,  even  the  reports,  books,  and  papers 
•written  on  the  old  exj)editions  of  the  Verrazanos,  Cartiers, 
and  Ilobervals,  were  so  entirely  neglected  by  their  country- 
men, that  we  owe  their  preservation  entirely  to  foreigners, 
the  Italian  Ilamusio,  and  the  English  Ilakluyt,  who  obtained, 
translated,  and  published  these  records  of  the  maritime  glory 
of  the  French. 

"  La  Nouvclle  France,"  for  a  lono;  time  after  Cartier  and 
Robcrval,  was  nothing  but  a  name;  still  found,  it  is  true,  on 
every  map  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  with  the  good  out- 
lines and  configuration  which  Cartier  had  given  to  it,  and 
described  in  the  geographical  works  of  the  time,  as  he  had 
reported  it.  But  these  maps  and  works  show  no  progress  of 
knowledge  whatever.  The  great  river  of  Canada,  for  more 
than  sixty  years,  was  invariably  drawn  from  a  point  only  as 
liigh  up  as  the  rajjids  near  Hochelaga,  where  Cartier's  pro- 
gress was  arrested  in  1535  and  1541. 

All  the  activity  of  the  French  in  the  north-east,  during 
this  period  of  internal  disturbances,  was  confined  to  the 
fishing-banks  of  Newfoundland.  To  these  banks,  the  fisher- 
men of  the  little  ports  of  Brittany  and  Normandy  continued 
their  yearly  expeditions  after  Cartier,  in  the  same  manner 
as  they  had  done  before.  And  it  may  be,  that  to  them  we 
are  indebted  for  some  new  names  which  we  find  on  maps 
after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  which  were  not  on 
those  of  Cartier. 

We  shall  show  hereafter,  that  this  continued  action  of  the 


nOTlKIlVAL  AND   CARTIER'S  EXPEDITIONS. 


847 


fislicrmcn  (if  Brittany  ami  Norinaiidy  f];avc'  rise,  not  only  to 
Cartier's  expeditions,  hut  to  nnotlier  series  oi'  Royal  expedi- 
tions, wliieli  at  lust  put  the  French  in  full  possession  of  the 
north-east  of  America,  an<l  made  them  there  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal powers,  threatening:;  for  a  time  to  overwhelm  the  terri- 
tory of  New  Euf^Iand.  lint  these  events  helouLi;  to  the  end 
of  the  sixteenth  century — the  happier  rei<;u  of  Jlenry  IV. 
Before  comint;  to  this  period,  we  have  other  important  inci- 
dents to  relate. 


Mi  i 


I'll 


ATPENDAGE  TO   CIIAPTEU    IX. 


I.  On  (Jiiakt,  No.  l«!i,  of  Niowkoundtam)  and  Trric  TfirM'  of  St. 
Lawiikxck,  uy  (lAHi'AU  ViiooAH,  \'>:H. 

Tn  tlii>  imperial  lil)riiry  at  Paris,  thou)  is  a  Port iilaiio,  composed  of 
live  or  six  shoots  of  parolimont.  Every  slieot  contains  a  chart,  depict- 
ing a  section  of  the  worhl.  Tiio  principal  charts  represent  the  re<;ion8 
on  the  Moditorninean  Sea,  and  are  all  execntcd  with  great  care. 
Among  Ihem  is  a  sheet,  of  which  wc  give  a  copy  in  No.  IHa. 

The  names  on  all  the  charts  of  this  Portulano  are  Portuguese,  and 
on  one  of  the  shoots  tho  name  of  Iho  author,  '*  (laspar  Vieans"  and  tlio 
date  of  his  work,  "  ir).'{4,"  are  carofuUy  written  in  ombollished  letters.* 

I  know  nothing  of  CJaspar  Yiegas,  nor  could  my  friends  in  Paris  give 
mo  any  information  respecting  the  author,  or  his  map.  That  part  of 
tho  shoot  containing  the  present  map  is  so  defaced,  that  the  names  on 
it  arc  scarcely  legible ;  but  the  general  conliguration,  and  the  outlines  of 
tho  coasts  roprosontcd  upon  it,  aro  clear.  It  is  so  interesting  iu  con- 
nection with  our  subject,  that  I  have  introduced  it  here. 

The  chart  roi)rcsonts  Cape  IJreton,  a  part  of  Nova  Scotia,  tho  Gulf  of 
St.  Lawrence,  and  Newfoundland.  It  i)laces  in  tho  midst  of  tho  ocean 
some  islands  which  do  not  exist  at  all,  but  which,  notwithstanding, 
were  laid  down  on  many  old  Portuguese  and  Spanish  charts,  un- 
der the  same  names,  as  "  Aredonda,"  "  Do  bretan,"  "  do  Juan  Esteva- 
noz,"  etc. 

I  have  hero  given  tho  names  as  they  were  copied  by  M.  D'Avezac, 
and  I  will  begin  the  examination  of  them  and  of  the  coasts  represent- 
ed, at  the  north-cast  coast  of  Newfoundland. 

Though  wo  know  nothing  of  tho  first  name  in  the  north-east  "  S.  f  •="• " 
nor  its  latitude ;  still  it  appears  certain,  that  it  must  bo  some  northern 
point  of  Newfoundland.  But  the  Strait  of  BoUo  Isle  is  not  found  on 
the  chart.    Newfoundland  is  not  depicted  as  an  island,  but  as  a  largo 


*Tho  celebrated  French  goographor,  M.  D'Avezac,  first  drew  my  attention  to  this 
work,  and  kindly  communicated  to  mo  a  Bketch  of  it.  A  fuc-siiuilo  was  afterwards 
taken  in  Paris,  of  which  our  map,  No.  18a,  is  a  copy, 


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rilAllT  <»K  CASPAU    VIKdAM.   IXU. 


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ptniiisiilu,  iukI  |)nrt  or  tlio  coiitiiHMit.  TIiIm  liidiciiilivM,  t\n\i  Xt'wroiind- 
Iiuid  wiiH  lli'Mt  proviul  to  1)0  Jin  IhIuikI  Ity  ('iirtl«>r'H  Murvoy  or  itM  "  liiick- 
hUIo,"  or  itM  wosh'in  couHt,  in  IMi,  und  l»y  lU  cuiniitttlu  cii'cnniniivi^M- 
tion  in  !i  snlts('(|U(«nf  voyiim». 

^oiiio  of  till)  i'mtii^iiimo  niiiiicH  on  tlio  oiiHU'i'M  conHt  of  XowTonntl- 
land,  lu-o  reproduced  on  tIdH  from  fornit<r  cliaits,  und  iiru  well  known 
to  UH  iiM  "('.  «li)  IJoiivista,"  "('.  Kioy  Luis,"  "Ct'liia,"  vU:  Sonu'  oIIhtm 
not  niciitiourd  on  forincr  I'orluj^ucHo  cliarfH,  art' new  to  us,  as  "  IliUa 
das  Ikojiis,"  "  lti(»  l!t';il,"  etc.  Vit">;as  may  liavo  lakt'U  lliimi  from  tlm 
luportH  or  charts  of  Portuj^ucso  lisluMim  ii. 

Tho  Houth-oasti'rn  point  of  Nowfoundland  lias  its  old  i'orttiKUCHO 
namo,  "('.  Uasso"  (Capo  15aco).  Its  soulhorn  coast  has  its  true  diroc- 
tion  from  vve'st-norlli-wcst,  to  cast-south-east;  and  the  jjreat  hay  in  the 
midst  of  it,  now  called  Fortune  Jlay,  is  accurately  dc|)ic(cd,  and  also 
I'lacontin  and  St.  Mary's  Hays,  oast  of  Fortune  IJay;  thou^di  tlu'y  aro 
not  reprcHcnted  in  their  truo  proportions. 

Tho  western  lialf  of  the  south  coast  of  tho  island,  proceeding  from 
Fortune  itay,  has  on  our  map  no  j^reat  hays,  in  conformity  with  tiie  ac- 
tual condition  of  tlio  coast.  And  the  l'ortu<^'ucHo  names  ^iven  to 
points  on  thi.s  Hoction,  as  ''S.Maria,''  "S.Andre,*'  "  CJ.  da  tormentu,"' 
"  C.  do  piloto,""XI  virf^cs,"  etc.,  are  nearly  all  of  them  now  to  mo. 
They  were  prohably  f^ivcn  to  tho  rospectivo  places  hy  rortujjueso  llsli- 
ormen. 

Tho  south  coast  ends  with  "C.  da  volta"  (Capo  of  return),  which  i.s 
probably  the  name  of  our  present  "(.'apo  Itay,"  tho  southern  projection 
of  tho  island  upon  tho  ;;;rand  entrance  to  thc^  (Julf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

The  opposite  Capo  of  this  f,'reat  chaniiel  has  no  name  f^ivon  to  it, 
thoufjh  tho  island  of  Capo  Ih-cton,  and  tho  Crut  of  Canso,  aro  plainly 
enough  Indicated  on  tho  chart. 

On  tho  western  side  of  tho  Gut  of  Canso,  which  is  tho  eastern  coast 
of  Nova  Scotia,  tho  followinjj;  nanu?s  occiu-:  "  C.  do  Hretan,"  "  S.  p"  " 
(San  I'odro),  "S.  Paulo,"  "  U.  da  jjento."  These  names  were  intended 
for  the  island  east  of  tho  Gut  of  Canso,  and  were  written  by  tho  map- 
maker  on  tho  place  where  they  stand,  because  there  was  more  room 
for  them  than  in  tho  place  where  they  belonj^. 

"C.  do  Bretan"  (Cape  Breton)  is  a  name  found  on  many  old  charts, 
fli'st  applied  to  the  cape,  and  afterwards  extended  to  the  whole  island, 
which  now  bears  that  name.  "  S.  Paulo "  is  also  a  name  often  met 
with  on  tho  east  coast  of  Cape  Breton.  Cartier  in  tho  report  of  liis 
voyage  of  IG.*}."!)  afiirms,  that  on  this  occasion  he  planted  hero  this 
namo.  IIo  was  not,  however,  (piite  correct  in  this  statement,  the  name 
Laving  been  previously  attached  to  it  on  such  old  charts  as  this  of  Vie- 


mO 


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350 


CIIAUT  OP  OASPAU  VIEGAS,  1534. 


J\^- 


tjas.  Ho  only  adopted  and  confirmed  the  namo  previously  ffivcii.  At 
present  it  is  attaehed  to  the  well-known  rocky  island, "  St.  Paul's," 
standiu}.?  in  the  midst  of  the  entrance  to  the  (Julfof  St.  Lawrence, and 
is  its  principal  land-inark  for  vessels  entering  it. 

The  entrance  to  the  gulf  has  nearly  its  true  proportion,  but  not  so 
the  gulf  itself.  It  is  far  too  small;  and  is  depicted  as  closed  in  the 
north-west,  where  the  Strait  of  Belle  IsK.  should  be  shown.  The  prin- 
cipal southein  entrance  to  the  gulf  had  been  repiesented,  as  I  have  be- 
fore observed,  on  many  former  maps ;  for  instancj,  on  that  of  Kiborp, 
made  after  tJomez.  *  Uut  on  no  former  chart  had  the  (Uilf  of  St.  Law- 
rence been  so  clearly  and  correctly  indicated,  an  on  the  map  wo  are  ex- 
amining; and  this  is  the  principal  reason  for  'ntroducing  it  here.  It 
is  the  best  introductory  map  for  the  voyages  of  Cartier,  which  we  have 
been  able  to  find.  It  was  made  ;u  Portugal  in  the  same  year  in  which 
Cartier  made  his  lirst  exploring  expedition ;  but  it  was  iinished  before 
the  results  of  Cartier's  expeditions  couiJ  have  become  known  to  Vie- 
gas,  or  any  other  person  in  Europe. 

I  can  give  no  explanation  of  the  names  written  on  the  coasts  sur- 
rounding the  gulf,  "  Pio  fremosa,"  "  llio  da  travera,"  "  Uio  pria,"  "  Cos- 
tacha,"  and  several  others.  They  go  to  prove  that  Portuguese  and 
French  fishermen  had  circumnavigated  the  gulf  long  before  Cartier, 
which  indeed  is  rendered  probable  by  other  reasoiis. 

The  long  inlet  or  river  at  the  north-west  of  Capo  Breton,  running 
east  and  west,  and  having  similar  proportions  witl.  the  Bay  of  Cha- 
leurs,  is  probably  ti.  «  bay,  to  which  some  names  weis;  added  on  the 
original,  which  are  now  illegible. 

The  only  indication  of  the  'nouth  of  the  great  river  of  Canada  on  our 
map  is  an  inlet  in  the  north-"ft  ^st  of  the  chart,  to  which  the  name  "  liio 
pria"  is  given. 

Newfoundland  is  represented  as  a  very  great  country,  and  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence,  to  which  no  name  is  given,  as  a  rather  small  gulf. 
These  circumstances  may  explain  Cartier's  proceedings  on  his  voyage 
of  15;34.  We  should  juppc  ,e  that  he  might  have  been  acciuainted  with 
maps  like  this  before  us,  or  that  of  Ribero  of  1529,  and  therefore  have 
been  awai-e  of  a  channel  and  a  gulf  between  Capo  Breton  and  New- 
foundland. Still  we  find  that  in  his  voyage  of  1534,  instead  of  using 
this  broad  passage  to  the  gulf,  he  entered  it  by  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle ; 
and  when  on  his  return  he  passed  out  of  the  main  entrance,  proclaim- 
ing that  he  had  discovered  a  new  and  shorter  route  to  France,  we  can- 
not resist  the  inference,  that  he  did  not  know  of  this  broad  southern 

•See  our  map,  No.  16. 


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FUENCII  MAP  OF  EAST  COAST,  154:5. 


851 


channel.  lie  must  have  supposed,  that  the  «ulf  to  which  the  Strait  of 
licllo  Isle  conducted,  was  distant  IVoni  a  smaller  ^full'  near  Cnpe  iJreton, 
which  had  been  drawn  on  Kibcro's  chart,  aiul  rci)roduccd  on  that  of 
Viegas.  When,  tliereforo,  ho  passed  out  of  the  nuvin  channel,  ho  was 
surprised  to  find  that  both  channels  conducted  to  one  broad  gulf,  of 
which  he  had  previously  no  knowledge.* 

2,  CuAUT,  No.  18,  OF  Canada  and  tiik  East  Coast  op  tiik  United 
States,  kuom  a  Map  of  tuk  Would  made  in  liJJ;). 

M.  Jomard,  in  his  "  Monuments  do  la  Gi'ographie,"  furnishes  a  fac- 
simile of  a  large  and  excellent  representation  of  the  world,  to  which 
ho  has  given  the  title  "  Mappe-monde  peinte  sur  parchemin  par  urdro 
de  Henri  II,  lloi  do  France"  (Map  of  the  world  drawn  on  parchment 
by  order  of  Henry  II,  king  of  France).  M.  Jomard  puts  its  date  at 
"  about  tho  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century."  M.  D'Avezac,  after  a 
careful  examination  of  tho  map,  has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  lij42 
must  be  adopted  for  its  date.t  ^I.  D'Ave/.ac  therefore  thinks  that  tho 
map  was  made  by  order  and  at  tho  cost  of  Francis  I,  though  perhaps 
for  the  use  of  Henry  II,  who  was  then  the  Uauphin. 

It  is  said  that,  in  1542,  a  learned  Portuguese,  "  Don  Miguel  de  Sylva," 
bishop  of  Viseu,  having  been  banished  from  Portugal,  had  como  to 
France,  and  brought  with  him  several  good  official  Portuguese  and 
Spanish  charts  and  maps.  If  this  is  true,  it  suggests  tho  source  from 
which  the  unknown  author  of  this  map  procured  the  excellent  and  true 
delineations,  which  he  has  given  us  in  his  general  map  of  the  world,  of 
the  coasts  of  East  India,  China,  Australia,  and  several  parts  of  America. 
These  concurrent  events — the  arrival  in  the  same  year,  1542,  of  new 
maps  from  Canada  on  the  one  hand,  and  from  Portugal  and  Spain  on 
the  other — may  have  given  occasion  in  Franco  for  the  composition  of  a 
new  and  splendid  atlas  of  the  world  for  Francis  and  tho  Dauphin.  But 
still,  I  think  we  should  allow  the  compiler  a  year  to  arrange  these 
abundant  materials,  prepare  and  publish  his  great  work,  and  must 
therefore  determine  tho  year  of  its  publication  to  be  1543. 

The  map  is  not  only  one  of  tlie  most  brilliant,  but  also  one  of  tho 
most  exact  and  trustworthy  pictures  of  the  world  which  wo  have  in 
tho  first  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.    It  gives  accurately  all  that  was 

*  [This  grand  entrance  to  tlie  gulf  is  about  seventy-live  miles  wide  in  its  narrowest 
part  from  Cape  Kay  to  North  Cape,  the  nortliern  point  of  Cape  Ureton.— Ed.] 

tSee  M.  D'Avezac'a  Inventaire  et  classement  raisonn6  des  "  Monuments  do  la  G<5o- 
graphic  "  in  "  Bulletin  de  1' Academie  des  Inscriptions."    Sti^nce  du  39,  aoat,  1867, 


:p 


i  ■  i 


\ 


352 


FRENCH  MAr  OF  EAST  COAST,  1543. 


known  of  the  world  in  IM'.i,  cHpccially  of  tho  ocean,  and  tlio  outlines 
of  tho  coasts  of  dilleicnt  countries.  It  is  a  sea-cliart,  and  contains 
very  few  of  tho  geo^jraphical  features  of  tho  interior  of  countries,  ex- 
cept in  Europe;  supplyiiiff  their  i>laco  with  portraits  of  kind's,  pictures 
of  the  natives,  and  the  natural  productions  of  Iho  (lountries,  the  trees, 
animals,  and  other  objects  of  interest.  JJut  on  the  sea-coasts  there  Ih 
nothinf^  fanciful.  Tho  author  of  tho  map  must  liavo  been  a  woll- 
instructed,  intelligent,  and  (conscientious  man.  Where  tho  coasts  of  a 
country  are  not  known  to  him,  he  so  designates  them.  For  his  repre- 
sentation of  countries  recently  discovered  and  already  known,  he  had 
before  him  the  best  models  and  originals.  Tho  central  parts  of  Amer- 
ica around  tho  (Julf  of  ilexico,  and  even  P^ast  India  and  Southern  Chi- 
na, arc  drawn  with  admirable  accuracy. 

No.  18,  tho  map  now  under  consideration,  is  reduced  from  a  frag- 
ment of  M.  Jomard's  copy,  representing  tho  east  coast  of  the  United 
{States  and  the  river  and  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  Tho  original  chart  is 
covered  all  along  tho  shores  with  a  multitude  of  names.  Those  which 
are  applied  to  the  coast  of  Maine,  I  have  given  in  full ;  on  more  distant 
coasts,  I  have  omitted  those  which  are  of  little  consequence  to  us,  and 
on  which  I  have  no  explanations  to  make :  noticing  only  those  which 
are  better  known  to  history,  and  which  may  serve  as  a  guide  to  my 
reader. 

The  names  on  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States  are  Spanish,  and 
nnist  have  been  taken  from  Spanish  originals.  Wo  find  in  the  south, 
"  La  Florida,"  "  Cape  St.  neleue,"  "  C.  St.  llomain,"  "  Bay  de  St.  Marie  " 
(Chesapeake  Bay),  and  others. 

Of  tho  three  great  gulfs  on  the  east  coast,  two  are  clearly  expressed, 
namely,  that  of  Georgia  in  the  south,  and  the  Gulf  of  Maine  in  the 
north.    No  trace  of  tho  Gulf  of  New  York  is  found  on  the  chart. 

Tho  names  on  the  coast  of  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia  are  also 
of  Spanish  origin.  No  evidence  appears  that  the  report  or  chart  of  the 
French  commander,  Verrazano,  had  been  used  in  constructing  this 
chart.  Not  even  the  island  of  "  Claudia  "  appears,  which  later  English 
and  German  map-makers  still  retained  at  the  time  of  its  composition. 
It  is  probable  that  the  chart  of  Verrazano  had  disappeared  from  the 
marine  arcliives  of  France ;  and  this  supposition  confirms  the  state- 
ment of  Ilakluyt,  that  Verrazano  carried  his  chart  to  England,  and 
presented  it  to  Henry  VIII. 

The  often  mentioned  "  Cabo  de  arenas,"  here  translated  "  C.  des  sab- 
Ions,"  is  placed  as  usual  in  40°  N.  It  has  large  sand-banks  before  it ; 
which  strengthens  my  opinion  that  by  this  "  Sandy  Cape,"  Cape  Cod 
was  designated,  surrounded  as  it  is  by  George's  sand-banks  and  Nan- 


r 


FRENCH  MAP  OV  EAST  COAST,  1543. 


353 


Id 


tucket  shoals ;  while  in  the  vicinity  of  Capo  ITonlopon  or  Sandy  Hook, 
there  are  no  such  proat  and  danfjorous  shoals  and  banks. 

TIjo  gulf  to  the  nortli-oast  of  "  Capo  dos  sablons,''  as  far  as  Nova 
Scotia,  represents  the  (iulf  of  Maine,  and  has  evidently  been  copied  from 
the  chart  of  llibero,  fio.  1(1.  It  has  exactly  the  same  configuration, 
the  same  chain  of  islands  characteristic  of  this  gulf,  the  same  great 
river-mouth  running  north  and  south,  and  also  the  same  Spanish 
names,  in  a  French  version;  "(1.  de  St.  Clu-istophlo,"  "11.  do  St.  Ai\- 
thoine,"  *  M.  verde"  (green  motuitain),  "  11.  do  bonne  mere,"  "  Ilayo 
de  St.  Johan  IJaptiste,"  "  Les  montaignes,"  the  "  Arcipcl  do  cstienne 
Gomez,"  and  "C.  des  isles."  Jioyond  this  on  the  ea.st,  "los  medanos" 
(the  hillocks);  and  on  the  coast  of  Xova  Scotia,  "Lea  montaignes" 
(the  mountains),  and  "  II.  de  la  volte,"  or  "  buelta"  (river  of  the  return). 

Besides  these  old  Spanish  names,  introduced  by  Stephen  (lomez  and 
llibero,  our  chart  has  many  others  along  the  coast,  not  to  be  found  on 
Itibero's  or  any  prior  Spanish  chart  known  to  us.  These  new  names 
are  from  south-west  to  north-east, as  follows:  "  Y»  des  loups"  (the  isl- 
ands of  the  wolves),  "  Les  escorey  "  (  ?),  "  Les  gcrmaines  "  (  ?),  "  ('oste 
11.  ontra"  (?),  "La  playno"  (the  plain),  and  " Auorobagra,"  as  M. 
Jomard  has  given  it.  This  remarkable  name  stands  nci\r  the  largest 
bay  of  our  coast  (Penobscot  Bay),  at  the  same  place  where  subseipient 
maps  have  the  name  "  Norumbcga."  From  the  similarity  of  those 
names,  we  might  suppose  them  to  bo  the  same,  and  that  M.  .lomard 
carelessly  substituted  "  Auorobagra"  for  the  word  "  Norobagra"  in  the 
original.  The  name  "  Auorobagra  "  runs  up  to  a  cluster  of  houses,  or  a 
castle,  in  the  same  place  where  wo  find  represented,  on  subsetiuent 
maps,  the  large  but  fivbulous  "  city  of  Norumbcga." 

It  is  impossible  for  us  to  say  whether  all  these  new  names,  the  local- 
ities of  which  I  cannot  exactly  determine,  may  be  taken  as  indications 
of  new  discoveries  made  by  French  seamen  on  our  coast. 

Beyond  Penobscot  Bay,  and  on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  as  far  as 
"  Cape  I  Breton,"  which  is  represented  as  a  very  small  island,  tho  now 
names  are  still  more  numerous.  The  name  "  Torre  des  Bretons," 
seems  to  be  given  to  the  whole  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  no  indication  what- 
ever exists  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

The  most  important  new  feature  of  this  map  is,  that  the  waters  and 
countries  in  the  roar  and  at  the  north  of  Maine  are,  for  the  first  time, 
correctly  exhibited.  The  gulf  and  river  of  St.  Lawrence  are  depicted 
with  great  trutlifulness,  according  to  the  discoveries  of  Cartier  and 
Roberval  in  1534  and  1542,  and  according  to  their  charts.  Our  map 
shows  that  Cartier  made  very  good  observations  on  latitude,  longitude, 
and  distance.    The  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  all  its  principal  bays,  head- 

23 


!■  1 


854 


CHART  OV  NICHOLAS   VALLAllI),  1547. 


liuidK,  iiiul  iHlaiuls,  aro  given  in  their  riglil,  phu'oa  and  with  ihoir  true 
«vniliHiirali(in,  as  is  also  tlio  lliviir  St.  Lawioiu^o,  as  liigli  iip  as  tlio  lirst 
raj)i(ls.  'I'lii!  ti!i  ritoiy  of  Maine,  on  tiio  peninsula  between  the  great 
river  and  tiie  Athintie,  luis  also  its  true  position  and  extent. 

Neitlier  tlie  gulf  nor  the  river  of  St.  I^awrence  has  a  name  on  this 
chart.  Tlie  name  "St.  lianrens"  is  given  to  a  small  bay  in  the  north, 
whore  ('artier  placed  it  on  his  (irst  e.\ploring  exi)editi()n.  The  river 
was  at  that  time  styled,  "  the  great  river  of  Hocholaga,"  which  was  ap- 
plied to  it  by  Cartier.  * 

The  name  Iloehelaga  (or  Ocholaga)  is  given  to  the  conntiy  north-  , 
oast  of  the  river;  and  further  on  is  laid  down  the  remarkable  river 
"  Lo  Saguenay,''  described  by  ('artier.  The  name  "Canada,"  though 
not  as  yet  generally  adopted,  makes  a  largo  liguro  on  our  chart.  JJut  I 
can  only  slightly  allude  here  to  the  history  of  those  names  and  objects 
the  details  of  which  belong  more  ])roporly  to  a  history  of  ("anada. 

A  portrait  is  given  of  the  principal  commander  of  the  expedition  to 
Canada  in  1542,  "  Monsieur  do  lloberval,"  standing  in  the  midst  of  this 
wild  country,  at  the  head  of  his  little  troop  of  French  soldiers.  Among 
the  pictures  placed  on  tho  coast  of  New  England,  arc  those  of  a  wild 
bear  and  of  a  unicorn. 

The  North  Atlantic  Ocean  is  styled,  "  La  Mcr  Oceane,"  and  tho  south- 
ern section  of  it,  "  Mer  d'espaigno."  The  northern  section,  nearer  our 
coasts,  is  named  "  Mer  do  France."  Tho  coast  of  Maine  is  also  distin- 
guished by  a  canoe  with  Indians  paddling  along  tho  shore;  and  tho 
coast  and  waters  adjacent  to  it  aro  well  delineated.  Tho  banks  of 
Newfoundland  aro  indicated  by  two  long  lines  of  points,  whoro  wliale- 
lisliing  is  going  on. 

Tho  French,  after  Gomez  and  Verrazano,  probably  came  near 
our  coast  several  times  and  planted  their  Fi-ench  names,  which  soon 
Bupersedod  the  original  Spanish. 


r  iil 


I  ;  f     .■ 


8.  On  Cuaut,  No.  19,  op  the  East  Coast  op  Noktii  America, 
FBOM  tue  Atlas  op  Nicholas  Vallahd  de  Dieppe,  1543. 

No.  19  is  a  chart  of  Canada  and  the  east  coast  of  North  America, 
copied  from  a  manuscript  atlas  now  in  possession  of  Sir  Thomas 

♦Thus  "  El  gran  rlv  "  is  still  called  "El  gran  riv  de  Oclielaga  "  by  Herrera,  in  his 
descrijition  of  America,  published  in  1601.  Tho  name  "  St.. Lawrence  lliver,"  must, 
however,  have  come  into  use  very  Boon  after  Cartier.  In  1653  it  was  used  by  tho 
Spanish  historian  Gomara.  In  his  History  of  the  Indies,  printed  in  16&3,  fol.  7,  ha 
describes  Canada,  and  then  speaks  of  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence  (gran  riv  dicho  san 
lorengo). 


M 


iLU 


(h 


^ 


N?XIX 


To 

««  . 

67  . 


SF 


PVap 


'-""v^/  '^/ 


I  /->, 


j^\i^^xj^ 


.^;^'^-^'-V    /■■A      S\   '*^ 


'v^  la  l»«rtn*ula 


WC.eioriSa.. 


Nortb  America  from  an  Atlas  of  Nic:VaUard  d^  D 


N?XIX. 


P     ?   2   C    ..f-'K""^ 


^^£^  raie  c/wtr 


Jfiluitrfua 


O^i^ 


tannu 


la  bernuuia 


allard  d^  Dieppe  madejoon  aft^rtl)^ year  1543. 


1 

!      1 

1 

'   ■         !  i 

■  i 

r  1    i 

"V-                   K 

CHART  OF  NKUIOI.AH   VALLAUD.  1M7. 


866 


riiiUlps,  n;iil.,  of  TliirlrstiiltH^  ]hnm\  ('hcltrnhiim.  TIiIh  KiikUhJi  Kciti- 
tluiiiiiii,  wt'll  known  lor  his  lii^t^  collcrtion  ol'  r;u-i>  ami  cmioiis  IiooUh, 
AISS.,  und  liistori(':il  tlornnicnlH,  li:iil  l\w  ^ilmI.  kiutinusH  lo  allow  irio, 
ill  tK')4,  t«)  tiiko  a  copy  of  MiIh  iiiiip. 

Tlio  utliis  li:is  MiIk  iiiHciiplioii:  "  XirlioliiH  Viilliinl  do  Dloppo  diinii 
l'i)niii'(\  I'ltT."  This  inscri|)lion  is  lhoU);lit  liy  sonitt  to  dmoto  Ihc  uii- 
thor  of  till)  in:ip;  iiy  othcis,  simply  Its  owner  in  \'>\1.  Tlu;  irleljiutvl 
Ki'oiicli  p-o^niplu'r,  Itarbiii  (hi  Itocai^c,  in  1ni)7,  ruiul  ii  papur  on  thJH 
iitlas  lit  a  ptildii;  huhsIoii  of  lliu  Frunnli  Acadtiiny,  in  wliit-ii  iii)  uxprusHud 
tho  opinion  "  tliat  t\w  atlas  had  Ixm'Ii  drawn  at  Dieppe,  in  ir>17,  hya 
poison  of  the  name  of  Nicholas  Vallaid."*  Sir  Kreijeiiik  Mathh-n, 
"  who  had  an  opporlnnily  of  ttxaminiii};  the  atlas,  thoii;rht  that  it  wan 
not  made  by  Vullard,  althon^h  it  boiu  IiIh  iianio  and  the  datu  1547 ;t 
but  that  the  iiamo  was  only  a  mark  of  ovvnershi]>."  TluH  is  also  luy 
own  opinion. 

Wo  know  but  little  of  Vallaid,  except  that  he  was  a  Frenchman. 
Some  have  (tailed  him  a  French  fr(!o;rnipher  and  map-maker.  Hut  it  Ih 
obviouK  from  inturnal  evidence,  that  this  atlas  eoiild  nut  have  boon 
miido  by  a  Frenchman,  but  only  by  a  I'ortiij^uoso.  There  aro  very  ac- 
curately depicted  in  the  atlas  certain  discoveries  made  by  the  I'ortu- 
guoso  ill  Australia,  which  woro  kept  societ  by  tho  kiuj;  of  I'ortu^^al, 
and  of  which  FioiKdimen  probably  could  have  had  no  kiiowledjfc  at  tliat 
tinio.  And  a^ain  tho  French  names  in  tho  atlas,  a8  I  Hhall  hIiovv  inoro 
particularly  her(!aftor,  aro  either  j^ivon  in  a  I*ortuf;ucso  translation,  or  ho 
corruptly  written,  as  to  render  tho  opinion  of  a  Fiouch  authorship 
entirely  inadmissible. 

The  question,  how  a  docurnont  like  this,  made  in  Portuj^al  and  con- 
tainin;.^  I'ortuijucso  secrets,  could  bo  brou^fbt  from  Lisbon,  and  fall  into 
tho  liands  of  a  Frenchman,  has  been  answered  by  the  conjecture,  that 
it  was  taken  to  Franco  by  Don  Mij^uel  do  Sylva,  bishop  of  Viscu,  a 
faithless  servant  of  John  III,  of  Portujjal,  This  bishop  bad  boon 
a  socrctary  and  a  favorite  of  tho  king  of  Portu<;al,  but  had  Iclt  his 
place  and  country  in  a  treacherous  manner  about  1542,  "carrying  with 
him  certain  pai)ors  of  importanco,"  with  which  tho  king  had  intrusted 
him.  lie  passed  through  FiiMico  to  Italy,  to  receive  in  liome  tho  car- 
dinars  hat  in  IMIJ.J  Among  the  documents  thus  taken  from  Portugal 
and  left  in  France,  this  atlas,  or  at  least  the  Portuguese  original  of  it, 

*Sgc  a  translation  uf  thid  paper,  in  R.  U.  Mujur'8  Early  Voyages  to  Terra  Austialis, 
Introduction,  p.  xxxv. 

tSec  Major,  1.  c.  p.  xxvll. 

tSec  It.  Ii.  Major,  Early  Voyages  to  Australia,  Introduction,  p.  xlir.  acq.  London, 
1859. 


I 


"'f   ; 


i^ 


I 


856 


CHART  OF  NICHOLAS  VALLARD,  1547. 


II 


i 


is  supposed  to  have  been  one ;  besides  which  there  were  other  precious 
Portuguese  charts,  wliich  are  wov;  deposited  partly  in  t'rench,  partly 
'\\>  English  collections.  A  French  amateur  and  painter  copied  the  Por- 
tuguese original,  and  embellished  it  with  figures  and  scones  from  life; 
and  this  French  copy  icU  into  Vallard's  hands.  At  the  beginning  of 
this  century  it  came  into  the  possession  of  Prince  Talleyrand,  and 
then  attracted  the  attention  of  the  French  geographer,  liarbic  du  Bo- 
cage,*  who  described  it  as  above  mentioned,  in  his  paper  read  before 
the  members  of  the  French  Academy.  The  work  was  afterwards  ob- 
tained by  Sir  Thomas  Phillips,  who  is  the  present  owner. 

The  title  given  in  this  atlas  to  the  section  now  under  review,  is  "  Terre 
de  Bacalos."  This  is  the  old  name  applied  to  these  regions  before  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  was  for  some  time  used  by  the 
side  of  the  nev.  name  "  Nouvello  France."  The  former  title  may  have 
been  added  by  Vallard,  the  owner  of  the  atlas. 

In  the  north,  the  map  begins  with  "  liabrador,"  our  present  Green- 
land, and  gives  to  this  countiy,  as  well  as  to  the  entrance  of  Davis' 
and  Hudson's  Sti-aits,  in  (50°  ^«f.,  the  configuration  and  features  which 
*hey  usually  have  on  old  Portuguese  charts. 

Next  follows  •'  Terra  Nova,"  our  present  Labrador  and  Newfound- 
land, with  manyii'  nes  affixed,  which  are  partly  Portuguese  and  partly 
French,  as  far  south  as  "  C  de  Rax"  (Cape  Race). 

The  best  parts  of  the  map  are  the  waters  and  coasts  north  of  Maine, 
and  the  outlines  of  the  gulf  and  river  St.  Lawrence.  Like  oar  map  No. 
18,  made  for  Henry  II,  but  better  and  more  accurate  than  that,  they  are 
evidently  drawn  from  Cartier's  discoveries  and  surveys.  The  gulf  and 
nver  of  St.  Lawrence  have  a  Portuguese  name,  "  Rio  do  Canada." 
Prince  Edward  Island,  at  the  south  of  the  gulf,  is  better  delineated  than 
on  former  maps.  Nearly  all  the  names  from  the  Strait  of  Belle  Isle  along 
the  south  coast  of  Labrador,  and  along  the  northern  shore  of  the  River 
St.  Lawrence,  are  evidently  taken  from  Cartier's  reports  and  charts, 
though  some  of  them  are  apparently  much  corrupted  by  the  Portu- 
guese writer.  We  find  from  east  to  west,  "  Belle  Isle,"  "  brest,"  "  C.  tre- 
not"  (instead  of  Cape  Tieno,  as  Cartier  has  it),  "  G.  lorens  "  (instead  of 
la  bayo  de  St.  Laurens),  "  Rio  douche"  (instead  of  Riviere  douce),  "  le 
Saguenay,"  "Hie  de  coudre"  (instead  of  Isl'  ux  coudres),  "Hie  dor- 
liens  "  (instead  of  Isle  d'Orleans),  "  Canada,"  and  "  tadacone  "  (instead 
of  Stadacone),  near  Quebec,  "  lago  de  golesme"  (instead  of  lac  d'An- 
gouleme),  "  ochelaga"  (instead  of  Hochelaga),  near  Montreal. 

Some  of  the  names  along  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  "  totomagy,"  "  es- 

*  See  Major,  1.  c.  p.  xxvlil. 


CHART  OF  NICHOLAS  VALLARD,  1547. 


357 


aine, 
No. 
are 
and 

lada." 
than 
along 
lliver 

;\iarts, 
ortu- 
C.  tre- 
;oad  of 

le  dor- 
instead 
d'An- 


tadacoe,"  "  agochonda,"  "  canochc,"  etc.,  are  not  found  in  Cartk  .*8  re- 
ports, though  they  may  have  been  on  his  charts. 

From  these  names  it  appears  to  be  quite  certain,  that  the  original 
atlas  was  composed  by  a  Portuguese;  who,  liowcver,  must  have  copied 
from  tlie  French  charts  of  Cartier,  at  least  for  the  outlines  of  the  coun- 
try of  Bacalaos ;  thus  also  proving,  that  those  French  charts  must  have 
reached  Portugal  soon  after  Cartier's  voyage  of  15;j.j.  The  Portuguese 
of  course  were  eager  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  prosecution  of  the 
discoveries,  wliiclj  they  had  begun  in  these  regions  with  the  voyages  of 
the  Corteroals,  and  where  their  fishing  operations  were  so  extensive 
and  valuable. 

Several  interesting  scenes  are  depicted  on  the  northern  shore  of  the 
river  of  Canada.  Among  them,  near  Quebec,  is  a  fort  mounted  with 
cannon,  and  a  French  settlement,  where  is  a  group  of  Frenchmen  sur- 
rounded, at  a  little  distance,  by  astonished  Indians.  In  front  of  this 
group,  the  figure  of  the  commander  stands  forth  prominently.  Among 
them  are  soldiers,  planters,  monks,  missionaries,  together  with  several 
women,  apparently  of  religious  orders,  and  also  wives  of  French  peas- 
ants. Before  them  are  some  dogs  playing,  as  if  they  were  quite  at 
home  in  this  distant  and  strange  country. 

These  representations  refer,  not  to  Cartier's  visit  in  153.5,  because 
he  had  with  him  at  that  time  only  mariners,  soldiers,  and  explorers ; 
but  to  the  later  visit  of  Roberval  and  Cartier,  in  1541-1542,  when  they 
were  accompanied  by  women,  planters,  missionaries,  and  the  materials 
for  founding  a  colony.  By  the  "  commander,"  on  our  map,  is  therefore 
probably  intended  the  royal  viceroy  Roberval,  who  had  been  berore 
pictured  on  anotlier  map  of  Canada  (No.  IS). 

Roberval  did  not  return  home  before  the  year  1542,  the  year  in  which 
these  Portuguese  maps  are  said  to  have  been  carried  to  France ;  and  it 
may  well  bo  doubted,  whether  he  and  his  company  could  have  been  de- 
picted in  Portugal,  before  this  date,  in  the  manner  here  I'epresented. 
And  the  French  would  have  been  more  desirous  oi  honoring  their  Grand 
Seigneur  Roberval  by  such  delineations,  than  the  Portuguese.  By 
adopting  the  suggestion  of  M.  Barbie  du  Bocage,  "  that  this  atlas  is  not 
the  Portuguese  original,  but  only  a  copy  of  the  stolen  Portuguese  doc- 
ument made  in  France,"  *  we  may  safely  conjecture,  that  these  pic- 
tures, not  found  in  the  Portuguese  original,  were  added  by  the  French 
artists,  who  were  fond  of  embellishing  their  maps  in  this  manner. 

The  principal  objects  on  our  map  are  the  gulf  and  river  of  Canada. 
But  it  gives  very  little  new  light  on  the  geography  of  the  sea-coast  of 


1     t ' 


m 


:| 


a.    ,   J, 


"See  Major,  1.  c.  p.  xlr. 


858 


CABOT'S  MAI',  1544. 


Nova  Scotia  and  New  England.  At  the  soutli-woat  of  Newfoundland, 
we  find  "C;.  IJrcton,"  with  a  fiiir  delineation  of  this  cape;  and  beside 
this,  the  name  "  llio  S.  Pol,"  no  doubt  the  "  Cape  do  St.  Paul,"  so  called 
by  Cartier  on  his  second  voyage  in  1535.  A  largo  channel  and  Island  are 
depicted  south  of  it;  a  misrepresentation,  probably,  of  the  "Gut  of 
Oanso."  The  "Rio  grant"  (Great  Kiver),  is  a  name  found  on  most  of 
the  old  maps  of  Nova  Scotia.  At  this  point,  tiien,  wo  arc  still  in  that 
country ;  and  so  far  as  the  geography  of  Nova  Scotia  is  concerned,  our 
map  shows  no  improvement.  West  of  this  the  entrance  of  a  large  bay 
is  indicated,  perhaps  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Then  comes  "  llio  primero  " 
(first  river),  perhaps  the  first  to  be  met  with  in  arriving  from  Nova 
Scotia  on  the  coast  of  New  England.  At  some  distp.:ice  west  comes 
"  Rio  do  gamas,"  a  Portuguese  misreading  lor  "  Rio  de  las  gamas " 
with  its  large  mouth  filled  with  islands  (Penobscot  River  and  Bay). 
Not  far  from  this  comes  "  C.  Sta.  Marie;"  and  near  this  is  a  small  semi- 
circular bay,  full  of  islands,  which  looks  like  Casco  Bay,  and  bears  the 
name  "  arcipelago."  After  this  follow  the  usual  names  given  by  Go- 
mez in  these  r3gions,  "  montana,"  "  b.  do  S.  Juan,"  and  "  R.  de  la  buena 
madre,"  changed  by  the  Portuguese  author  to  "  Rio  de  buena  madeira  " 
(the  river  of  good  timber).  The  whole  coast  from  "  Rio  dolozo"and 
"  Rio  do  gamas,"  as  far  south  as  "  C.  de  Croix,"'is  bordered  with  small  isl  - 
ets,  and  has  the  shape  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine ;  which  was,  therefore,  prob- 
ably intended.  "  0.  de  Croix,"  which  is  made  very  prominent,  and  put 
in  latitude  40°  20'  N.,  with  a  small  bay  west  of  it,  undoubtedly  denotes 
Cape  (Jod ;  having  supplanted  the  old  name  of  "  Cabo  de  Arenas,"  now 
placed  next  to  it  on  the  south.  From  this  point  to  "  B.  Sta.  Marie  " 
(Chesapeake),  is  but  a  short  distance;  while  the  waters  and  coasts  near 
New  York,  as  we  formerly  suggested,  appear  to  be  wholly  omitted 
from  the  map.  This  part  of  the  map  is  one  of  those  manifold  misrep- 
resentations of  the  exploration  of  Estevan  Gomez,  introduced  first 
in  the  map  of  Ribero,  and  after  that  repeated  in  endless  variations. 

South  of  the  Bay  of  Sta.  Marie  (Chesapeake  Bay),  as  far  down  as 
Florida,  we  find  the  customary  Spanish  names,  which  originated  in  the 
expeditions  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and  Ayllon. 


4.    No.   20,  ox   THE   ENGRAVED   MAP  OF  THE   WORTjT),  SAID  TO   HAVE 
BEEN    MADE    «Y    SEBA,:iTIA]Sr    CABOT,   IN     1544, — AND    THE    VoY- 

aoe   said  to  have  been  made  by   joun   and   sebastian 
Cabot,  in  1494. 

Our  map.  No.  20,  is  copied  from  a  fragment  of  a  very  large  engraved 
map  of  the  world,  consisting  of  several  sheets,  found  recently,  1  be- 
lieve about  the  ye^r  1855,  in  Germany,  from  which  it  was  taken  to 


''^ 


N!?XX. 


/      / 


..  .L 


JS^' 


./ .__.. 


■mi 


Tv 


I      C     U 

•5 


I       S 


■«^- 


>^       i 


Terra 

:'       1    7 


ginmn 
ir/ifunt 


tt  c  d  a  n  I  t\a  .^  J^rs^'^^^^SS^     i      \    '-'W^,    ] 


'e  spent 


de  luaiilnos 


ocort' 


From„Seba6tian  Cabot'^"  map  of  tf)c  World,  made  in  tbc  yea 


•* 


nBrnn 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1M4. 


359 


France  and  deposited  in  the  imperial  library  at  Paris.  Tlio  celehratod 
From^h  goc);,fraphcr,  M.  Jomard,  tlinmcfli  whoso  iiistnimcntiility  it 
was  procured,  embodied  a  fac-siniilo  ol"  it  in  liis  great  worlt,  "  Monu- 
ments do  la  Giioj^rapbio."  I  furnish  here  only  that  part  of  tlio  map 
which  has  a  special  relation  to  tlio  ol)ject  of  our  researches. 

Tlie  map  contiiins,  besides  its  delineation  of  all  parts  of  Ihe  world,  nu- 
merous aiul  lon<jf  inscriptions,  written  in  tlie  Spanisli  lanj^uaj^o,  and 
translated  into  Latin.  One  of  these  inscriptions,  No.  XVII,  is  as  fol- 
lows : 

"  Sebastian  Caboto  capitan  y  piloto  mayor  de  la  S.  C  C  M.  del  Impo- 
rador  Don  C.'arlos  (piinto  deste  noml)re  y  Key  nnostro  sennor  hizo  esta 
lignra  extcnsa  in  piano  anno  del  nascim"  dearo  Salvador  Jesu  Cluusto 
do  MDXLIilI  annos"  (Sebastian  Cabot,  captain  and  pilot  major  of  his 
sacred  imperial  majesty  the  emperor  Doi.  Carlos,  tlio  fifth  of  this  name, 
and  king,  our  lord,  made  this  figure  extci  did  in  plane,  in  the  year  of 
the  birth  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Clirist,  1544 V 

In  this  inscription,  the  assertion  is  plain  enough,  that  the  celebrated 
Sebastian  Cabot  "  iiiade  "  this  map  in  the  year  ir)44.  Who  malvcs  this 
.assertion,  we  do  not  know.  By  some,  it  is  supposed,  that  Cabot  speaks 
here  himself;  others  have  thought,  that  it  must  be  anotlier  person,  and 
th.at  neither  the  above  inscription,  nor  the  other  legends  of  the  map, 
were  composed  by  Sebastian  Cabot.*    I  agree  with  the  latter  opinion. 

Those  inscriptions  all  speak  of  Cabot  in  the  third  person ;  and  they 
contain  assertions,  opinions,  and  expressions  which  scarcely  could  bo 
ascribed  to  him,  as  I  shall  endeavor  to  make  clear,  when  I  come  to 
speak  particularly  of  them,  and  show  that  these  inscriptions  were 
probably  interpolated  by  the  editor  or  publisher  of  the  map,  or  some 
person  employed  by  them. 

The  inscription,  No.  XVII,  asserts,  that  Cabot  "  hizo  esta  flgura " 
(made  the  figure).  What  this  means,  and  what  kind  of  agency  it  ascribes 
to  Cabot  in  the  construction  of  the  map,  is  not  clear.  Does  the  inscrip- 
tion pretend  that  Cabot  liimself  engraved  the  map  ?  We  have  never 
heard  that  Cabot,  like  the  German  Mercator,  and  the  Belgian  Ortolius, 
engraved  maps  with  his  own  hand.  It  is  very  probable,  that  tho 
inscription  means  nothing  more,  than  that  the  map  was  drawn  ^nd  en- 
graved after  some  original  manuscript  map,  supposed  to  have  been 
made  by  Sebastian  Cabot. 

The  year  1544  is  given  as  the  date  when  the  map  was  engraved ;  and 


*  Mr.  Bancroft,  for  Instance,  in  his  articles  on  tlio  Cabots  in  Appleton's  American 
Cyclopedia,  and  also  Mr.  Charles  Dcanc  in  his  "  Remarks  oa  Sebastian  Cabot's  Mappe- 
monde,"  p.  6,  Cambridge,  1867,  are  of  this  opinion. 


860 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1544. 


this  (late  is  rojiflrmcd  by  inturnal  ovidcnco.  The  map  furnislios  a  cor- 
rect (loliiication  of  tlie  Hiver  St.  Lawrence, an  liij;Ii  up  nn  tlie  (list  rapids. 
This  delineation  was  first  made  by  Cartior  and  Uobcrval  in  1542,  and 
was  not  known  in  Europe  previous  to  154:$  or  1544. 

Again,  our  maj)  contains  an  exact  cojjyoftho  well-known  chart  of 
('alifornia,  made  in  1541,  by  tlio  pilot  Domiiif^o  del  Castillo. 

That  the  map  could  not  have  been  made  much  after  1544,  is  probable 
from  the  fact,  that  California,  as  liore  represented,  docs  not  roach 
liijjher  up  than  about  3.5°  N.,  the  extent  of  its  discovery  made  in  1541, 
by  Alarcon  and  Castillo;  and  that  from  this  point,  a  blank  space  is  left 
for  the  more  northern  discoveries  of  Cabrillo  in  the  years  1542,  1543, 
which,  however,  must  have  been  known  in  Eiu-opo  soon  after  1544. 

This  date  is  also  confirmed  by  the  outlines  of  the  west  coast  of  South 
America,  where  the  coast  south  of  (Jhili  is  laid  down  as  far  as  about 
4<)°  S.,  which  was  the  extent  of  Spanish  discoveries  and  conquests 
under  Valdiviain  1542;  while  from  that  point  toward  Majjellan's  Strait, 
our  map  presents  a  perfect  blank.  Still,  again,  the  great  island  of 
Chiloe  was  not  discovered  until  after  1544,  and  is  not,  therefore,  indi- 
cated on  our  map.  And  finally,  Sebastian  Cabot  was,  at  this  date,  1544, 
and  not  much  later,  chief  pilot  of  the  king  of  Spain,  as  ho  is  styled 
on  the  map. 

From  these  circumstances  wo  are  brought  to  tho  conclusion,  that  the 
engraving  and  publishing  of  this  chart  are  justly  placed  in  tho  year  1544. 

Neither  the  publisher  of  the  map,  nor  the  phaco  of  its  publication  is 
indicated,  which  is  a  singular,  perhaps  a  suspicious  circumstance. 
Nearly  all  good  maps  of  tho  sixteenth  century  contain  both  the  name 
of  tho  publisher  and  the  place  of  publication.  Ortolius  in  his  great 
work,  "  Theatrum  orbis  terrarum,"  *  gives  a  catalogue  of  nearly  two 
hundred  maps  of  tho  sixteenth  century,  most  of  them  engraved;  and 
they  have,  almost  without  exception,  tho  name  of  the  publisher,  the 
place  of  printing,  and  tho  yc  ar  of  publication.  Why  have  these  boon 
omitted  on  this  map  ?  Did  not  tho  publisher  and  printer  like  to  bo 
known  ? 

From  tho  fact  that  tho  inscriptions  and  names  of  the  map  are  written 
in  Spanish,  and  also  because  Charles  V,  in  one  of  the  inscriptions,  is 
called  "  Nuestro  seiior  "  (our  lord),  wo  might  be  induced  to  think,  that 
tlie  map  was  engraved  and  pT'.blished  in  Spain.  But  other  considera- 
tions render  this  supposition  improbable. 

Long  before  the  date  of  this  map,  there  were,  in  Spain,  very  able 
mathematicians  and  map-makers ;  but  they  made  their  charts  for  the 


•Edition  Antrerpiae,  1609. 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1544. 


8G1 


kitif?  of  Spain,  or  for  his  hydroRraphical  l>nr«au,  nnd  for  tho  use  of  tlio 
.Spanish  navy.  Such  charts  woro  kept  in  manusiMipt,  bocauso  tho 
Hpanisli  ollicials  wero  desirous  of  provontinj^  their  iliscoveries  from 
beiu};  known.  In  tlio  year  1.527,  only  seventeen  years  before  tho  date  of 
this  map,  tlie  English  merehant,  Itobert  Thorno,  in  his  well-known 
letter  to  Doctor  Ley,  ambassador  of  Henry  VIH.  to  tho  Kmpcror 
Charles,  says,  that  "in  Spain,  none  may  niake  Cardes  but  certain  ap- 
j»ointed  and  allowed  masters,  as  for  that  peradventure  it  wonlde  not 
Houndo  well  to  tliem,  that  a  stranj^er  shoulde  knowe  or  discover  their 
Hocretes."  And  in  sending  to  his  countryman  a  very  rough  and  small 
chart  of  tho  world,  Tliorno  entreats  him  not  to  show  or  connnunieate 
this  chart  to  tho  other  courts  of  Kuropo,  "  because  it  might  bee  a  cause 
of  paine  to  the  niakyr."  Is  it  probable  tliat  seventeen  years  aft»;r  this, 
tho  policy  of  the  Spanish  government  would  have  been  so  changed,  as 
to  allow  a  complete  and  detailed  chart  of  tho  world  to  be  engraved, 
printed,  and  published  in  Spain  in  tho  name  of  tho  royal  chief  pilot? 

All  the  first  engraved  maps  of  tho  world,  particularly  of  tho  new 
■world,  wero  published  elsewhere  than  in  Spain,  and  principally  in 
Italy  and  Germany.  Not  one  of  tho  editions  of  Ptolemy,  to  which  tho 
first  maps  of  tho  modern  discoveries  woro  attached,  was  published  in 
Spain.  Orteliiis,  in  his  catalogue  above  quoted  of  two  hundred  maps 
and  cha'ts  of  the  sixteenth  century,  has  not  mentioned  a  single  map 
representing  America,  or  any  parts  of  it,  as  having  been  engraved  and 
published  in  Spain.  The  two  maps  of  America  which  were  first  printed 
in  Spain,  so  far  as  I  know,  are  those  added,  first,  to  tho  Spanish  Avork 
of  Pedro  do  Medina,  "  Libro  do  grandozas  y  cosas  memorables  do 
Spana,"  published  in  l,'j49;  and,  second,  to  Gomara's  history  of  the 
Indies,  published  in  1554.  These,  however,  are  not  sea-charts,  but  only 
general  outlines  of  the  now  world  in  a  very  small  compass,  gathered 
from  well-known  foreign  publications.  The  publishing  of  such  small 
charts  might  have  been  easily  allowed  by  the  Spanish  government  in 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  coutury,  without  incurring  any  danger  of 
betraying  its  secrets. 

Oviedo,  in  the  second  part  of  his  groat  work  on  tho  history  of  Amer- 
ica, which  he  wrote  several  years  after  1544,  mentions  the  map  of 
Ribero  made  in  1529,  and  of  Chaves  made  in  1536 ;  but  does  not  allude 
to  a  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  as  having  been  published  in  Spain. 

The  copy  of  the  map  of  1544,  which  I  am  examining,  was  found  in 
Germany;  but  several  copies  of  maps,  ascribed  to  Sebastian  Cabot, 
formerly  existed  in  England;  and  one  is  mentioned  by  Ortelius  as 
having  been  seen  by  him  in  Belgium.  These  may  have  been  copies,  or 
perhaps  dififereut  editions  of  the  map  engraved  in  1544,  as  they  all  have 


{ 

'■ 


.1: 


i 


a02 


CABOra  MAP,  1544. 


a  Kcnorul  roHotuhlanco.  lint  tlimiyli  Hoen  In  other  rountrion,*  not  n 
Hin^lo  copy  is  known  to  liuvu  oxistud  in  Spain,  of  to  liavo  oonio  I'rom 
thoro. 

Wo  tlu'iofont  come*  to  tlio  (loncliision.  Unit  Mio  Cabot  map  was  iK'Iflior 
cii^iavod  nor  ixiiilisliod  in  Spain,  Itiit  pcrliaps  in  (iiMiiiany  or  lU^l^nitin. 
In  lU'ljfiuni,  particnlarly  in  Antwerp,  many  S[»ani.sli  Ixxil^s  wtMo  (^arly 
printud,  and  tliuru,  au  well  art  in  Spain,  tlioy  nii^lit  rail  tlio  Kinpiu-or 
CliarloH  "  nuestro  HoHor."  Tlicro,  too,  tlioy  conld  talto  nioro  lilxirty 
witli  Spanisli  socrcts;  tlioufjli  ovrn  tlioro,  tlio  pul)liHlioi'  may  liavo  lia<l 
his  reasons  for  not  montioninj;  liis  nainu,  or  tlio  pi;'  v  of  pultlication. 

If  it  sliould  a])puar  prol)al>l(),  Cor  tlio  rcasonH  addiicod,  tliat  tliis  map 
was  not  piil)lisliod  in  Spain,  bnt  in  some  otlior  conntry,  as  Bcltfinni 
for  instanco,  it  is  rondorod  cxtroincly  doiihtCiiI,  uliotlior  ( 'ahot,  wlio  waH 
tlion  residing'  in  Spain,  liail  any  a<^onc.y  in  it.  Is  it  to  i)0  supposed  tliat 
ho  would  direct  the  work  from  so  distant  a  eonntry  as  Spain,  oxaniino 
proof-slioots,  correct  errors,  and  do  otlior  necessary  acts  in  the  publica- 
tion? This  doubt  is  connrincd  by  the  contents  of  the  map,  siicli  as  tlio 
configuration  of  the  countries,  the  ortlioj^iaphy  of  the  names  attached 
to  thorn,  and  other  (urcumstauces,  which  j^o  to  show  tliat  Cabot  could 
not  liavo  prepared  or  inspected  the  work. 

In  tho  inscription.  No.  XVII,  the  map  is  called  a  marine  chart  (carta 
do  marear) ;  Ijut  it  is  not  strictly  this,  but  something  between  a  chart 
and  a  map.  For  in  regions  wl'ore  tlio  interior  was  known,  as  in  Eiiropo 
and  Asia,  tlio  map  gives  tho  rivers,  mountains,  and  cities  belonging 
thereto. 

But  tlio  shape  and  outlines  of  those  portions  of  tho  old  world, 
although  covered  by  a  series  of  names,  are  not  accurately  given.  They 
were  mucli  better  represented  on  several  maps  of  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  particularly  on  some  French  and  Italian  mai>8. 
Even  tho  coasts  of  the  best  and  earliest  known  of  all  tho  soas,  the 
Mediterranean,  are  here  much  misshapen  and  misplaced.  Even  Spain 
itself,  and  also  Groat  Britain,  tho  countries  in  which  Sebastian  Cabot 
passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life,  are  very  carelessly  represented :  as, 
for  instance,  Ireland  is  made  as  large  as  England  and  Scotland  together. 
In  Spain,  we  And  places  like  "  Guadelupo  "  mentioned,  but  not  thr  im- 
portant harbor  of  Corunna.  In  Great  Britain,  several  small  places  are 
indicated,  but  not  Bristol ! — that  commercial  centre,  in  which  tho  Cabots 
lived,  and  from  which  their  exploring  expeditions  proceeded. 

•These  engraved  maps,  ascribed  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  and  reported  to  have  been  seen 
in  England  and  Belgium,  are  enumerated  In  Charles  Doane  a  Uomarks  ou  Sobostiau 
Cabot's  "  Mappe-moude,"  pp.  3,  4.    Cambridge,  1867. 


V 


CAIIOT'S  MAP,  1W4.  . 


3(5a 


In  connocMoii  witli  nristol  I  may  also  obsorvc,  that.  th'iH  map  rivoh  to 
I(u>lanil  tlid  l()n<;itii(lo  of  tlio  .slicllaixl  Islands!  and  placrH  it  dircHdly 
north,  inshvid  ol"  tiortli-wcst  cd"  Scotland.  'J'ho  roiilo  IVoin  (tiiiat 
Britain  to  litdund  had  bcon,  IVoni  tiino  iniineniorial,  lainiliar  to  Kritish 
shipH,  ill  their  yuarly  tratlic.  That  Ictdand  was  Hitiiatctl  noith-wcHt, 
and  not  north  ol'itruat  llritain.nuiHt  iiavu  Ihmmi  known  in  ('ahot's  tinio 
to  ovcM'y  sailor  in  Ihislol,  How  thon  can  wo  acrount  lor  it,  that  Cahot, 
on  a  maritime  chart,  shonld  havo  niadoHo  );ruat  a  inistaku  with  rospoct 
to  an  island  so  w«;ll  known'.' 

The  ill  Hucccss  of  tho  author  in  (hdincatin^  tho  oldest  <'ountrios,  dooH 
not  lead  UH  to  anticipate)  any  hotter  results  in  his  attempts  in  the  now 
world.  I  may  however  add,  that  Ids  latitndes  an<l  (lrawini;s  of  the  new 
world  are,  in  some  instances,  better  than  those  of  iho  old  world,  m  in 
thoHO  of  Moxieo,  Yucatan,  Florida,  and  Honio  othors. 

Tho  lanjfua^fo  of  tho  map  is  partly  Latin  and  partly  Spanish.  Tho 
Latin  is  noi,  always  correct  or  elegant.*  Ihit  it  is  lunro  surprisiiif;^ 
that  tho  Spanish  terms  and  names  arc  corrupted  ami  disli^^uretl  in  sudi 
an  extraordinary  way,  that  sometimes  it  is  nearly  imposriiblo  to  mako 
out  what  tho  author  means.    I  will  rIvo  some  instances: 

Kspafia  is  called  "llispaia";  the  island  "S.  Mif?uel,"  "S.  Miffol"; 
tho  island  "S.  .Iiian  Hstevanoz,"  "do  Juaninos"  ( ?  ) ;  I'.imini  is  writ- 
ton  "binimi";  tho  "  Laj^una  of  Nicara<;ua,''  "  Laj^una  dc  Nicaxajjoo." 

Tho    Spanish    phrase,  which   occurs   on    tlio    map,  "p(M'    aqui    no 
puedo  passar"  (horo  one  cannot  pass),  is  written  pora  quinopcdc  p<mar 
Another  Spainsh  phrase,  "  acpii  so  desembarco  Pamlilo  do  Nareaez  " 
(horo  lauded  I'ampliilo  do  Naruaez),  is  written  thus,  of/ni  tie  .sa/i  i»arc(> 
panjio  (le  naruiicz,  etc. 

Such  errors  furnish  strong  proof  that  Cabot  had  no  aj^ency,  either  in 
writinj?  the  map,  or  corroctinjj  it,  or  in  any  way  suporintondin};f  its  pub- 
lication ;  but  on  the  contrary,  that  some  ij^norant  comi)iler  had  copied 
an  ori{j;inal  manuscript  in  a  very  careless  manner,  and  had  written,  in 
bad  Spanish,  his  construction  of  the  lau<?ua<jo.  Still,  in  the  inscription, 
No.  XVII,  tho  map  is  styled,  "  a  faithful  and  most  loamod  guide  "  (lida 
doctissimatpie  magistra) ! 

The  old  maps,  it  is  true,  often  have  a  quaint  stylo  of  their  own;  a 
mixture  of  Spanish,  Portuguese,  Italian,  etc. ;  but  such  barbarous  lan- 
guage and  such  false  orthography  as  are  seen  on  this  map  of  1544,  are 
never  found  on  the  maps  of  Ilibero  prior  to  this  date;  nor  on  the 

*  [Chytr.'cua,  In  copying  thoso  inscriptions,  taI(G9  caro  to  say,  tliot  ho  tioos  tills,  "  non 
propter  latinitatis,  qux  nan  magna  est,  clcgantiam."  Varior.  iu  £uropa  Itiner. 
Delieia;,  p.  599.— Ed.) 


'11 


I 


.! 


804 


CAIIOT'H  MAP,  1M4. 


Kiciicli  rljiuU  Moino  yuarH  liilor,  whori;  ovcrythiiig  in  comparatively 
corrccrt. 

Oil  tliiH  iniip,  in  the  ro<4ion  of  Carolina,  a  ti^oi'-lilfo  anitnal  Ih  drawn, 
wliicli,  witli  a  HWiutp  of  Ills  tall,  roinplutuly  covuih  up, or  InuHliuH  out,  a 
laimi  Ht'cliiiii  (»('  ;in  iinpfirl.mt  coaHt, 

1 1  would  iippiMi-  to  b(*  hu-ri'dil)lo,  that  a  distliit^'tdHiicd  niarliuM'  and  a 
inathciniitician,  Ulto  (?al>ot,  Mliould  not  liavo  Ik'iui  HlioclitMl  liy  HU(;h  a 
i'ou);h  and  stupid  proceed iii'^;  and  that  lie  h1i  not  have  (;on'e(;ted 

the  draltHMiau,  who  could  prefer  an  elahorati  .uturo  of  tlie  tuft  of  a 
tail,  to  a  coirecl  drawing'  oCthe  coast-line. 

This  may  huIHcc  for  the  preNciit  in  couHidcriii^  tlio  quoHtion,  hnw  far 
SobaHtian  Cabot  may  l)e  rej^ardetl  as  having  made  thin  map ;  or  ratlier, 
it  may  Nerve  to  hIiow,  liow  utterly  linprobable  it  is,  that  it  was  eitlior 
originally  drawn  by  him,  or  executed  under  his  direction  or  superin- 
tendemte.  I  will  now  endeavor  to  analyze  the  particular  (lontents  of 
tlio  fragment  of  this  maj),  of  which  wo  have  jjiven  a  sktitidi  in  No.  20. 

In  tlie  hi(;h  north,  tliere  is  depicted  a  larfje  tract  of  country,  the  coast- 
line of  which  ends  in  about  07°  '>W  N.,  with  the;  inscri[)tion,  "costa  del 
hues  norucste"  (coas4.  runiuiifr  west-north-west).  This  is  the  latitude 
ill  winch  Cabot's  voya;;e  of  1408,  ac(!ordinfj  to  his  own  statenmnt,  ended. 
It  appears  from  tins,  that  it  was  designed  to  '•ulicato  hero  the  nc  plua 
ultra  ot  tliis  voyage.     However,  in  giving  latitude  of  07°  !M)' N., 

bo  is,  at  tlic  same  time,  stated  to  have  said  there  the  (loast  had 

been,  for  some  distance,  trending  to  the  east,  x  nave  tried  to  explain 
above,  that  this  coast  could  have  been  no  other  than  that  of  Cumber- 
land Island  in  Davis'  Strait,  and  that  therefore,  with  Humboldt  and 
some  other  authors,  wo  should  look  for  the  termination  of  Cabot's 
second  voyage  on  the  shores  of  this  island.  On  the  otlier  hand,  Mr. 
Biddlo  i)uts  the  highest  northern  latitude  reached  by  Cabot  in  Fox 
Channel,  on  the  shores  of  Melville  peninsula;  while  our  map  puts  it  on 
the  shores  of  a  country  which  has  the  form  of  the  Greenland  of  all  the 
early  maps,*  and  makes  there  the  coast  turn  to  the  loent-north-weat. 
Our  map  appears,  accordingly,  to  bo  in  contradiction  to  the  statement 
ascribed  to  Cabot,  that,  in  the  high  north,  he  was  arrested  by  a  coast 
trending  to  the  east. 

Between  that  nameless  arctic  country  (Greenland)  and  the  next  large 
portion  of  territory  at  the  south,  tixe  present  Labrador,  the  map  shows 
a  gulf  in  about  58°  N.    This  gulf,  at  least  in  its  eastern  x)ortion,  must 

*  Compare  tlie  configuration  of  ttiis  arctic  country,  which  is  namclcsg  on  our  map, 
with  tho  coniiguratioD  givun  to  "  tierra  de  Labrador"  (Greenland)  on  our  maps,  Nos. 
IS  and  10. 


CAIJOTS  MAP,  1544. 


SOo 


1)0  tlio  boKiimlng  of  DavU'  Simlt.  It  rmiM  ori  HiIh  map,  howovor,  not 
liko  DuvIh  Stiiiit  ii(M'lli-ii(irtli-w<>st,  hilt,  iiiMily  iliio  «*:iHt,  and  wchI,  liktt 
iluilHotrH  Struil;  mil' is  it  as  1 1 road  as  Davis' Siiail.  'I'liirt  sliait,  iiiMloiid 
of  op«Miiii;{  ill  tint  wost  iiH  a  N|ia('iotis  Noa  liko  lIudMoirs  Strait,  Ih  ittpru- 
HOiitod  as  diHcliar^'iii^  ilsolf  in  a  IVoHli-wator  livor  (rio  diici*).  TliiM  du- 
linoalioii  of  tlio  ontranro  of  lliidsoii's  Strait  dot's  not  support  tlio 
opinion  of  Hoino  aiillioiH,  wlio  iiavc  tlioii){iit  lliat,  Caliol  passed  tlironjfh 
Hudson's  Strait,  and  dis*'ovi>ri*d  tiiti  iiroad  open  watrr  nf  lliidsdii's  Itay. 

Tin*  (Ti'oat  tract  of  (Mnmtry  Hoiitli  of  DaviH*  and  Hudson's  Straits  (Itio 
diicu),  Ih  a  disti^iirud  and  oontractcd  pictiiro  of  IIk^  present  peninsula 
of  Labrador,  wliieli,  with  portions  of  Davis' Strait,  was  delineated  much 
bettur  in  l>'>i)t,  after  tlio  chart  of  (,'ortureal,  as  appears  on  our  map 
No.  H. 

In  tho  OHHay  npon  this  map,  No.  H,  I  have  Haiti,  that  it  wan  very 
creditable  to  Cortoreal  to  have  j^ivcn  so  trno  a  picture  of  the  eoasts  of 
Labrador, (Greenland,  and  Davis'  Strait.  In  coinparison  with  that  map, 
wo  may  well  ask,  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  ( 'aliot,  who  lia<l  twict?  visited 
tlio  coaHt  of  Labrador,  and  ({one  hi^h  up  into  Daviti'  .Strait,  should,  in 
l.'')44,  have  fiunished  a  chart  of  those  regions  so  incorrect  and  imper- 
fect, as  the  one  we  are  examinin^f  i* 

IJetweeii  Labrador  ami  Newi'oundland  on  tho  soutli,  the  Strait  of 
BoUo  isle,  as  surveyed  by  Cartier  in  l.");{4,  is  clearly  depicted.  Tho 
f-npo  at  its  northern  entrance,  is  called  "  Cabo  del  K'ltlo  tlul  niaro"* 
(  ipo  of  the  Cotl-ilsh) ;  and  it  may  interest  wa  to  know,  that  hero  wo 
ha      another    'ape  Cod. 

Tliu  cape  at  tho  southern  entrance  is  called  "Cabo do  Uanias"  (Door 
Capo),  and  tho  numerous  islands  aro  arranged  in  linos,  four  and  four, 
alon^r  tho  south  coast  of  Labrador  in  a  fantastical  manner,  an  unwar- 
rantable invention  of  the  author  of  the  map,  havin<,'  probably  no  other 
authority  than  the  report  of  Cartier,  "  that  along  this  coast  were  many 
islets." 

Tho  gulf  and  rivor  St.  Lawrence  are  truly  represented  according  to 
the  surveys  and  reports  of  Cartier  and  lloberval,  whoso  charts  could 
not  have  appeared  in  Europe  before  l.'J42.  But  the  French  maps  of 
*tho  time  aro  more  complete  and  in  better  stylo,  as  is  .shown  in  our 
copies,  Nos.  18  and  li).  In  tho  present  map,  tho  French  names  are 
sadly  changed  and  corrui)ted;  as  for  instance,  "baya  del  loreme"  (  ?  ), 
"  Rio  de  S.  ([uenam  "  for  Cartier's  "  Kiviero  du  Sagucnay,"  etc.  Near 
that  part  of  tho  rivor  where  Cartier  puts  his  "premier  s.ault"  (lirst 
rapids),  our  map  has  the  corrupted  Spanish  phrase,  "pora  quinopodo 


li. 


•6 


m 


•The  map  has  incorrectly  "  maro." 


I  91: 


8GG 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1B44. 


pasar"  (horo  one  cannot  pass);  and  some  other  corrupted  names,  as 
"  tuttoiiacr,"  and  "  cstadas." 

Newfoundland  is  liero  erroneously  broken  up  into  a  proup  of  islands 
of  various  sizes,  in  accordance  with  an  antiiiuated  notion  of  this  re- 
f^ion.  Cabot  would  certainly  have  been  better  ac(iu;untcd  wit' >  New- 
foundland fch;in  to  have  so  described  it.  Tlio  names  pjiven  to  it  are 
tlie  same  as  contained  on  the  Cartier  maps,  especially  the  Portufjnope, 
whose  orthofjruphy  the  author  seems  to  have  ndopted.  We  find  no 
names  attached  to  it  such  as  we  may  suppose  Cabot  would  have  given. 
The  names  "  St.  Grc<;or,"  "  Cape  of  England,"  etc.,  on  the  south  of  New- 
foundland, which  aie  seen  on  Cosa's  map  of  i."jO'>,  and  wliich  Cosa  may 
have  taken  from  the  cliart  of  Cabot's  first  voyage,  do  not  appear  at  all 
on  this  map. 

South-west  of  In  o\\  foundland.  Cape  Breto.i  and  Nova  Scotia  may  be 
recogni/.cd.  Hero,  too,  occur  the  famous  inscriptions,  "  prima  vista," 
and  "prima  tierra  vista"  (the  land  first  seen).  These  words  are  evi- 
dently att;\Ghed  to  the  northern  point  of  the  island  of  Capo  Breton ; 
and  this  inscription  has  led  some  esteemed  authors  to  designate  that 
locality  as  the  part  of  North  America  first  discovered  by  tho  Cabots. 
These  learned  authors  are  strengthened  in  their  opinit  n  by  the  fact,  that 
*he  island  which  the  Cabots  discovered  near  their  fi.st  land-fall,  and 
^lamed  Y»  de  S.  Juan  (St.  John),  is  here  placed  near  this  "Prima 
vista,"  and  bears  tho  name  given  by  the  Co.bots.  It  is  apparently  what 
we  now  call  Prince  Edward  Island.  But  I  will  leave  this  subject  at 
present,  and  return  to  it  hereafter. 

South  and  west  of  "  Prima  vista  "  .and  Cape  Breton,  stretches  a  long 
line  of  coast,  first  in  a  soutii-western,  and  then  in  nearly  a  due  western 
direction,  through  thirty  degrees  of  longitude.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  this  is  intended  to  represent  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
England.  On  my  examination  of  CoSa's  map  and  for  other  reasons,  I 
came  to  the  conclusion,  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  on  his  voyage  of  1'198, 
surveyed  this  coast,  and  depicted,  with  much  clearness,  tlie  Gulf  of 
Maine  and  also  Cape  Cod  on  the  chart  which  he  brought  home,  and 
which  Cosa  copied  in  1500.  The  author  of  our  present  mf„p  appears 
not  to  have  used  this  survey  of  Cabot;  but  has  copied  tho  whole  coast- 
line f"om  llibero's  and  other  Spanish  charts,  which  were  themselves 
copied  from  those  of  Gomez.  For  the  illustration  of  Cabot's  own 
voyages,  this  map  of  1.544  is  not  as  valuable  as  that  of  Cosa  of  1500. 

But  the  author  of  our  map,  if  he  copied  Eibero  and  Gomez,  has  done 
it  in  a  very  careless  and  imperfect  manner.  He  places  the  entire  coast- 
line of  Nova  Scotia  nearly  two  degrees  too  far  south,  and  does  not 
give  so  good  a  view  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine  as  that  presented  in  Eibero's 


CABOT'S   MAP,  1544. 


3G7 


map;  thongli  he  has  not  omitted  the  long  chain  of  small  islands,  by 
which  tliG  coast  of  Maine  is  particularly  cliaractorizcd. 

IIo  has  inserted  upon  this  coast  many  Spanish  names,  principally 
those  which  were  adopted  hy  llilici-o  from  Gomez,  thou<;h  he  has  omit- 
ted some  of  them.  Four  or  five  of  them  he  given  in  duplicate,  namely 
the  foUowin}^:  "  baya  de  S.  Clu'istoval,"  "  riv  do  San  Antonio,"  "  liio  de 
bucna  madrc,"  "  montagnas,"  Avhich  arc  placed  in  the  centre  of  thl»» 
coast-line,  and  then  again  in  the  same  manner,  and  in  the  same  order, 
at  tho  west  end.  This  doubling  of  names  can  bo  nothing  else  than  an 
extraordinary  blunder,  or  a  mark  of  great  negligence  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  tho  map.  Wo  can,  therefore,  attach  but  little  importance  to 
these  names  as  defining  localities,  and  I  shall  pay  but  little  attention 
to  them. 

I  will,  however,  try  to  designate  some  of  the  places  passing  from  cast 
to  west : 

Along  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  some  names  arc  placed  which  I  liave 
not  seen  on  any  other  map,  as  "  C.  Madabida  "  (  ?),  "  baya  peciuena  "  (a 
small  bay),  "  rio  dabol"  (  ?),  "  cacomedas  "  (  ?),  and  after  this  "  rio  fon- 
do"  (deep  river),  an  oft-recurring  name,  which  probably  indicates  the 
Bay  of  Fundy. 

After  some  other  insignificant  names  appear  the  following :  "  rio  de 
poros  "  (river  of  dogs),  and  "  Costa  de  Don  Mai'ti "  (coast  of  Don  Marti), 
which  evidently  belong  to  the  coast  of  Maine.  I  cannot  tell  from  whom 
these  new  names  were  obtained  by  the  author  of  this  map.  Was  it 
from  some  Spanish  visitor,  a  certain  "  Don  Marti,"  for  instance,  un- 
known to  us  ? 

Near  "  Don  Marti "  is  that  large  river  which  Gomez  discovered  and 
laid  down  on  his  map,  and  which  the  Spaniards  called  "  Ilio  de  Gamas  " 
(Penobscot  Bay).  It  is  called  on  our  map  "  baya  fernosa,"  probably  a 
mistake  for  "  baya  fermosa"  (the  beautiful  bay). 

Then  comes  that  detestable  duplicate  of  a  series  of  old  Spanish 
names  of  which  I  have  spoken,  which  here  ax'e  placed  in  the  centre  of 
the  coast-line  without  any  authority,  and  then  repeated  at  its  west  end, 
after  the  example  of  Spanish  maps.  To  make  I'oom  for  these  names , 
it  seems  to  have  been  found  necessary  to  give  an  undue  extension  to 
the  coast-line.  This  may  explain  why  "  Cabo  de  muchas  islas  "  and  tho 
"  arcipelago"  (of  Gomez)  are  so  far  distant  from  the  "  beautiful  bay." 

Between  the  "  arcipelago  "  and  "  C.  do  muchas  islas,"  we  find  a  "  baya 
de  S.  Maria,"  which,  perhaps,  is  Saco  or  Casco  Bay.  It  is  filled  with 
small  islands,  and  appears  to  have  been  added  by  the  maker  of  the 
map  on  his  own  authority.  After  "  arcipelago,"  we  find  "  Capo  de 
arecife  "  (reef  cape),  the  name  which  Oviedo  seems  to  have  given  to 


368 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1B44. 


Capo  Cod,  but  which  horo  is  attached  to  another  point  not  at  all  prom- 
inent. The  names  on  the  map  are  in  such  a  state  of  disorder,  and 
show  so  much  negligence  in.  tlic  author  or  copyist,  tliat  wo  have  lost 
all  confidence  in  him  and  his  work. 

Then  follows  "  baya  de  S.  Juan  7*.aptista,"  und  the  other  Spanish 
names  found  in  this  region  on  llibcro's  and  other  Spanish  majis. 

At  the  end  of  the  coast-lino,  near  the  "  baya  de  S.  Christoval,"  we 
reach  the  aforesaid  tuft  of  a  tiger's  tail,  wliich  effaces  in  so  shocking  a 
manner  some  thirty  miles  of  the  coast. 

In  latitude  about  40°  N.,  appears  the  pointed  capo,  represented  on 
old  Spanish  maps  under  tho  name  of  "  Cabo  do  Arenas,''  which  I 
think  was  intended  for  Capo  Cod,  although  tho  capo  is  not  found  in 
that  latitude. 

Tho  map  contains  no  trace  of  tho  coast  of  Tlhode  Island  or  of  New 
York,  and  no  evidence  appears  that  the  author  knew  anything  of  that 
excellent  description  of  our  east  coast  given  by  Oviedo  in  V).]"!.  nor  of 
the  interesting  map  made  by  Chaves  in  1530,  by  command  of  the 
emperor.  We  may  therefore  properly  ask  again,  is  it  credible  that 
Cabot,  tho  chief  pilot  of  Spain,  should  not  have  been  acquainted  in 
1544  with  these  excellonL  works ;  or  that  having  these  in  view,  he  should 
have  delineated  the  coasts  in  the  erroneous  and  wretched  style  in 
which  they  are  drawn  on  this  map  ? 

South  of  Cape  Cod  I  have  selected  for  our  map  only  a  few  well-known 
Spanish  names.  Tlie  copy  ends  at  the  south-west  with  tho  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  then  called  by  the  Spaniards  "  rio  del  espiritu  santo." 

I  should  observe  that  the  term  "Terra  incognita"  is  placed  on  my 
copy  a  little  too  far  east.  On  the  original  it  is  more  west,  and  even 
runs  over  from  North  America  to  Asia  through  a  blank  space  left  be- 
tween tho  two  continents,  of  which  the  author  seems  to  have  been 
uncertain,  whether  they  were  connected  by  land  or  separated  by  water. 


Besides  what  I  have  above  described,  the  map  contains  a  great  num- 
ber of  long  legends  or  inscriptions,  added  to  the  sections  of  the  several 
continents.  These  inscriptions  are  not  now ;  but  wore  well  known  be- 
toro  the  publication  of  this  map  of  1544.  They  wore  copied,  with  a 
few  and  unimportant  variations,  by  the  German  traveler,  Nathaniel 
Kochhaf,  or,  as  ho  is  usually  called  by  his  Latin  name,  Chytrajus,  from 
another  edition  of  this  map  of  Cabot,  which  was  published  in  1549, 
and  which  was  still  exhibited  at  Oxford  after  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  They  were  then  published  by  him  in  his  curious  and 
often  quoted  book, "  Variorum  in  Europa  itinerum  deliciae."  From  this 
book  these  inscriptions,  ever  since  the  time  of  its  publication  (1594), 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1544. 


369 


have  boon  known  to  the  learned.  They  contain  nothing  new  or  very 
remarkable,  even  for  tlio  time  of  the  composition  of  the  map  in  15-11, 
and  cannot  bo  considered  as  an  important  authority  or  source  of  in- 
formation on  the  early  history  of  discovery.  They  repeat,  concerning 
Columbus,  Cortes,  Pizarro,  and  several  otlior  discoverers  and  couciuer- 
ors,  only  what  had  already  been  said  many  times  before.  And  this  is 
done  in  a  very  general  manner,  and  in  a  pedantic  style,  as  if  intended 
for  the  curious,  or  for  the  use  of  schools.  From  Sebastian  Cabot,  who 
lived  so  near  tlie  times  of  these  events,  and  was  so  prominent  an  actor 
in  them,  and  was  personally  actpiainted  witli  most  of  tlio  celebrated 
men  named  in  these  inscriptions,  it  would  be  reasonable  to  expect  some 
pertinent  observations  or  personal  anecdotes  regarding  these  men 
and  their  performances  not  found  elsewhere,  even  if  they  were  in  the 
most  brief  and  summary  form.  But  wo  have  nothing  of  the  kind  in 
these  inscriptions.  Tliey  are  of  the  most  meagre  character ;  they  con- 
voy no  historical  or  geographical  information,  such  as  we  should  expect 
from  the  hand  of  a  master,  and  especially  from  the  groat  cosmographer 
of  his  age,  which  Sebastian  Cabot  is  admitted  to  have  been.  On  the  con- 
trjiry,  the  inscriptions  are  full  of  legends  about  sea  monsters,  people 
with  one  foot,  or  one  eye,  or  immense  ears,  in  short,  all  the  old  fables 
related  by  Adam  of  Bremen  and  other  authors  of  the  middle  ages. 
The  stories  may  have  been  believed  by  Martin  Behaim,  and  perhaps 
also  by  Columbus,  when  he  was  first  entering  on  his  cosmographical 
studies  in  the  last  half  of  the  fifteenth  century.  But  to  see  them  em- 
bi'aced  and  reproduced  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  a 
man  so  enlightened  and  ingenious  as  Sebastian  Cabot,  would  be  rather 
astonishing. 

In  the  inscription  "  No.  VII,"  where  the  River  La  Plata  and  Cabot's 
expedition  to  it  are  described,  it  is  said,  that  along  this  river  a 
nation  had  been  found  »vhich  had  feet  and  legs  like  an  ostrich.  In 
No.  IX,  where  the  waters  of  Iceland  are  described,  it  is  related,  that 
there  had  been  seen  in  those  waters  a  fish  of  the  species  "  morae- 
na,"  a  veritable  sea-serpent,  and  so  colossal  that  it  would  attack  a  ves- 
sel and  snap  up  the  sailors.  "  Spectres  or  ghosts  speaking  in  the  air  " 
are  also  mentioned  in  the  inscription  "on  Iceland.  But  in  describing 
that  country,  and  Newfoundland,  and  the  northern  regions  generally, 
no  allusion  whatever  is  made  to  a  north-west  passage,  or  a  route  to 
China,  the  favorite  idea  of  Cabot,  cherished  through  his  whole  life. 

In  the  same  manner  in  No.  XIX,  where  the  seas  surrounding  Russia 
and  Siberia  are  described,  nothing  is"  said  of  a  north-eastern  passage 
to  China,  which  soon  after  1544,  and  toward  the  end  of  his  life,  be- 
came a  settled  conviction  of  Cabot.    The  inscription  No.  XII  treats 

24 


'•  ;! 


i:      th 


■'    1 


370 


CABOT'S  MAP,  1M4, 


of  a  monstrous  nation,  wlio  have  cars  so  largo  that  they  cover  the 
whole  body.  Nothing  of  this  kind  occurs  in  the  writings  of  Fernando 
Cortes,  or  of  Oviedo,  wlio  both  wrote  before  the  year  1544. 

In  the  chapters  on  East  India,  we  hear  nothing  regarding  the  history 
of  tlie  discoveries  of  the  Portuguese,  but  very  much  regarding  wid- 
ows burning  themselves  Avith  their  deceased  husbands.  And  then 
wo  have  an  archsoological  treatise  on  the  question,  wh'erc  in  the  world 
(ubi  terraruni)  the  island  "  Taprobana,"  so  much  spoken  of  by  the 
ancients,  is  to  bo  found,  and  whether  it  is  Ceylon,  Sumatra,  or 
Madagascar. 

What  has  all  this  archiBology  and  mythology  to  do  with  a  "  marine 
chart"  destined  for  mariners  "  to  sail  after?  "  Ought  not  a  chief  pilot, 
like  Sebastian  Cabot,  to  have  given  better  sailing  directions  to  the  Span- 
ish seamen  ?  No  other  chart,  pretending  to  bo  a  Portulano  or  Derro- 
tero  of  the  sixteenth  century,  has  come  to  my  knowledge,  in  which 
fables  like  these  have  been  related,  to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  com- 
mon mind. 

There  is  only  one  subject  in  all  the  nineteen  inscriptions  of  the 
map,  which  appears  worthy  of  Cabot,  that  is  tlic  variation  of  the  mag- 
netic needle,  that  great  discovery  of  Cabot,  which  is  treated  of  and 
explained  in  the  inscription  No.  XVII. 

Sebastian  Cabot  is  described  by  Peter  Martyr,  and  others  who  con- 
versed with  him,  as  an  agreeable  and  modest  man.  But  wherever  he 
is  mentioned  in  these  inscriptions,  it  is  with  some  pompous  descrip- 
tion like  this:  "navigandi  arte  astronomiaque  peritissimus"  (in  the 
art  of  navigation  and  in  astronomy  the  most  experienced  man).  Also 
in  the  inscription  No.  XVII,  where  it  is  stated  that  the  map  was  made 
by  Sebastian  Cabot,  he  is  called  "  astrorum  peritia  navigandique  arte 
omnium  doctissimus"  (of  all  men  the  most  learned  in  astronomy  and 
in  the  art  of  navigation).  These  expressions  would  appear  to  go  be- 
yond his  customary  modesty,  if  we  are  to  believe  that  it  is  Cabot  him- 
self who  here  speaks.  It  looks  rather  like  the  recommendation  of  a 
map-seller,  who  wishes  to  procure  a  large  sale,  under  color  of  a  great 
name ;  like  the  speculator,  complained  of  by  Humboldt,  who  had  pub- 
lished, against  his  will,  some  maps  under  his  na  ne,  to  which  he  had 
contributed  nothing  else.  Such  also  is  the  following  complimentary 
expression  connected  with  the  above,  which  runs  thus :  "  Therefore, 
you  may  use  this  hydrographical  chart  as  the  most  faithful  and  the 
most  learned  mistress  (fida  doctissimaque  magistra),  in  sailing  to  any 
part  of  the  ocean,  wherever  you  should  have  the  mind  to  sail."  I  can- 
not, therefore,  but  concur  in  the  opinion  both  of  Mr.  Bancroft  and  Mr. 
Charles  Deane, "  that  Cabot  himself  evidently  did  not  write  these  in- 
scriptions." 


CABOT'S  ALLEGED  VOYAGE  OF  1494. 


371 


I  think  I  have  given  in  the  fc -cgolng  analysis,  a  true  description  of 
this  nfcwly  discovered  document ;  yet  some  highly  respected  and  dis- 
tinguished geographers,  in  former  as  well  as  in  later  times,  have  based 
upon  it  the  theory  of  a  voyage  of  Cabot,  entirely  at  variance,  both  in 
regard  to  the  time  of  its  performance,  and  the  point  of  the  continent, 
first  seen,  with  the  opinion  usually  adopted,  and  which  in  this  essay  1 
have  assurned  to  be  correct. 

In  the  inscription  No.  VIII,  which  treats  of  Newfoundland,  it  is  said : 
"This  country  was  discovered  by  .John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  his  son,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  M.CCCC.XCIIII 
(1494),  on  the  24th  of  June,  in  the  morning  at  five  o'clock,  which  coun- 
try they  called  '  primum  visam ; '  and  a  large  island  adjacent  to  it  they 
named  the  island  of  St.  John,  because  they  discovered  it  on  the  same 
day." 

There  can  bo  no  doubt,  that  the  author  or  publisher  of  the  map  be- 
lieved that  a  voyage  of  discovery  was  really  made  by  Cabot  in  1494» 
This  date  cannot  be  a  misprint,  because  it  is  given  twice  in  the  inscrip- 
tion, once  in  the  Spanish  language,  and  again  in  a  Latin  version.  That 
this  date  had  already  occurred  on  former  copies  or  editions  of  this,  or  a 
similar,  engraved  map,  ascribed  to  Cabot,  for  instance  on  one  in  the 
year  1549,  is  evident  from  the  quotation  and  copy  of  the  inscriptions 
made  by  Kochhaf,  as  before  mentioned,  who  read  on  the  map  at  Ox- 
ford "  the  year  1494,"  and  who  noted  this  date  in  his  book. 

The  locality  of  this  "  primum  visam  "  or  "  prima  terra  vista,''  is  given 
on  our  map  of  1544,  as  I  have  before  stated,  at  the  northern  point  of 
Cape  Breton. 

The  same  locality  appears  to  have  been  indicated  on  another  map  of 
Cabot,  so  called,  existing  in  the  sixteenth  century  in  England.  For  a 
map  composed  by  Michael  Lok,  in  1582  (our  No.  13),  has  the  name  of 
"  J.  Cabot,"  and  the "  year  1497 "  annexed  to  Cape  Breton,  which  he 
is  supposed  to  have  copied  from  a  map  of  Cabot  in  England.  These 
maps  not  having  been  preserved,  we  have  no  means  of  judging  of  their 
authenticity  or  value. 

But  in  regard  to  the  character  and  worth  of  the  map  of  1544,  recently 
found,  I  have  clearly  expressed  my  opinion,  that  it  is  full  of  errors,  in- 
accuracies, and  misrepresentations,  which  being  made  so  near  to  the  oc- 
currences described,  are  wholly  unpardonable.  They  did  not  exist  on 
prior  maps,  and  are  convincing  testimony  that  they  could  not  have 
been  the  work  of  Sebastian  Cabot.  These  faults  must  destroy  the  au- 
thority of  this  document  for  the  establishment  of  any  historical  fact. 

But  as  some  eminent  and  esteemed  geographers  entertain  a  differ- 
ent opinion,  I  may  be  allowed  to  submit  some  remarks,  not  founded  on 


372 


CABOT'S  ALLEGED  VOYAGE  OP  1494. 


the  document  reforrcd  to,  but  derived  from  other  sources,  on  tlio  prob- 
ability of  a  voyufjo  having  boon  niiido  by  Cabot  at  tho  date  1404,  and  of 
Capo  IJroton  having  been  liis  first  land-fall. 

1.  Sebastian  Cabot  is  stated  to  have  said,  that  he  and  his  fivther,  with 
tho  people  of  Urlstol,  and  tho  court  of  Ilcnry  VII,  were  greatly  excited 
by  the  glorious  news  just  received  in  England,  of  the  great  discovery 
by  Columbus,  Avho  arrived  in  Lisbon,  from  his  llrst  successful  voyage, 
in  March,  149.').  Tho  "news  of  his  success"  would  como  somewhat 
later  to  England,  if  Cabot  had  discovered  the  continent  of  North 
America  on  Juno  24, 1494,  bo  must  have  sailed  early  in  tho  spring  of 
that  year.  In  that  case  there  would  scarcely  have  boon  a  full  year  for 
ai'ousing  tho  cautious  Henry  and  tlio  IJristol  men  to  action,  and 
the  Cabots  to  study  the  subject  and  make  their  arrangements  for  tho 
voyage.  This  is  a  very  short  time,  particularly  if  wo  take  into  consid- 
eration, that  after  having  received  their  letters  patent  and  commission, 
in  tho  beginning  of  tho  year  1490,  the  Cabots  were  delayed  a  whole 
year  before  they  wore  able  to  commence  their  voyage. 

2.  Tho  Bristol  men  are  said  by  the  Spanish  envoy,  Don  Pedro  de 
Ayala,  in  a  letter  to  Spain  written  in  1498,  to  have  made,  at  tho  instiga- 
tion of  the  Cabots,  exploring  expeditions  every  year,  for  nearly  seven 
years,  to  discover  new  countries  in  the  west.  If  a  great  country  had 
already  been  found  there  in  1494,  it  would  have  been  quite  unneces- 
sary for  the  Cabots  to  persuade  the  Bristol  men  to  continue  these  ex- 
ploring expeditions  after  that  time. 

3.  Sebastian  Cabot  is  said,  on  good  authority,*  to  have  boon  born  in 
the  year  i477;  consequently  in  the  beginning  of  1494,  ho  would  have 
been  but  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  of  age.  Wliat  geographical 
knowledge  or  reliable  opinions  could  a  boy  of  this  ago  liave  ?  How 
far  could  ho  assist  his  father  on  a  dangerous  naval  expedition  to  the 
unknown  west,  and  in  command  of  a  ship?  Would  it  not  have  been 
presumptuous  in  liim  if,  at  such  an  age,  he  had  accompanied  his  father 
in  1494,  to  say :  The  continent  of  North  America  was  discovered  by  my 
father  Giovanni  and  by  me ! — a  boy  sixteen  years  of  age ! 

4.  The  first  or  preliminary  exploring  expeditions  for  discovery  were 
generally  short  excursions ;  and  for  good  reasons,  such  as  the  uncertain 
nature  of  the  projects,  and  consequently  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  the 
requisite  means  of  conducting  them.  They  usually  commenced  such 
voyages  with  one  or  two  light  and  small  ships ;  and  after  having  made 
a  discovery,  or  even  obtained  a  distant  glimpse  of  some  new  country, 
they  were  eager  to  return  and  proclaim  their  success,  and  to  obtain  a 


•Among  others,  by  Humboldt. 


CABOT'S  ALLEGED  VOYAGE  OP  1491. 


873 


reward,  and  a  largor  outfit  for  more  thorougli  explorations.  Wo  ob- 
serve, thoreforo,  tliat  in  tlio  history  of  discov(3ry,  tlio  first  oxplorinR 
expeditions  continued  but  a  very  sliort  time;  whilst  in  the  second  un- 
dertakin{»,  a  largo  fleet  and  more  ample  supplies  have  enabled  the  ad- 
venturers to  remain  longer  abroad,  and  to  make  more  thorough  sur- 
veys. IJut  if  we  adopt  the  year  140-t  for  the  first  exploring  voyage 
of  the  Cabots,  wo  find  that  in  the  two  subsequent  years,  1405  and 
1490,  no  voyage  at  all  was  performed ;  and'  that  in  1497,  what  would 
then  bo  their  second  voyage,  was  a  very  small  undertaking  with 
only  one  little  vessel,  the  Matthew,  from  which  they  returned  tpuckly 
after  an  absence  of  only  three  months.  Such  inactivity  in  the  Cabots, 
the  king,  and  the  Bristol  men,  after  the  apparently  great  success  of 
1494,  with  the  small  outfit  and  quick  return  in  1497,  would  be  per- 
fectly out  of  analogy  with  tlie  usual  course  of  things,  and  wholly  un- 
accountable. If,  on  the  contrary,  rejecting  the  theory  which  supposes 
a  voyage  to  have  been  made  in  1494,  wo  come  ta  the  conclusion,  that 
the  first  successful  exploring  expedition  was  conducted  in  1497,  and 
that  the  great  expedition  of  1498,  for  which  Sebastian  Cabot  was  fur- 
nished with  several  ships  and  three  hundred  men,  with  which  ho  ex- 
plored a  tract  of  coast  of  more  than  one  thousand  leagues  in  length, 
and  from  which  he  returned  after  more  than  half  a  year's  absence,  was 
not  his  third,  but  his  second  undertaking,  then  everything  is  clear  and 
in  harmony  with  the  usual  and  natural  course  of  events. 

5.  A  part  of  the  above  reasoning  affects  the  locality,  as  well  as  the 
date,  given  on  our  map  to  the  first  discovery  of  North  America.  But 
there  are  other  circumstances  which  appear  to  make  this  local- 
ity particularly  doubtful.  The  northern  point  of  Capo  Breton,  which 
on  our  map  is  made  the  "Prima  ticrra  vista,"  lies  in  a  position 
somewhat  secluded  and  hidden.  It  is  the  southern  capo  of  the  com- 
paratively iiarrow  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  It  has  east  of  it 
the  long  southern  coast  of  Newfoundland,  and  several  points  and  sec- 
tions of  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Cape  Breton.  It  would  require 
considerable  skill  in  a  navigator  coming  from  England,  to  make  his  first 
land  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  without  sighting  New- 
foundland, Nova  Scotia,  or  Cape  Breton  Island.  This  could  not  have 
happened  in  one  case  out  of  a  hundred.  And  even  if  this  had  occurred 
to  the  Cabots,  their  "  prima  vista  "  would  not  probably  have  been  the 
northern  point  of  Cape  Breton,  but  the  small  island  of  St.  Paul  near 
it,  which  is  generally  the  first  land  made  by  sailors  entering  the  Gulf 
of  St.  Lawrence. 

6.  The  entrance  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  has  about  the  same  lat- 
itude as  the  south  of  England.    The  beaten  track  for  the  Bristol  navi- 


'  • 


1  ;  ^ 


874 


CABOT'S  ALLEGED  VOYAOE  OF  1494. 


(gators  was  tlio  route  to  Iceland.  The  CabotH  arc  said  from  the  boffinnlng 
to  have  directed  tlicir  attention  to  tlic  nortii-west  on  that  route.  Tho 
BuppoHition  tliat  on  a  voyage  ia  1404  to  the  north-west  from  Bristol  they 
made  their  hvnd-fixll  in  47°  N".  (tlio  hititudo  of  tlio  nortliern  lieadlatid  of 
Cape  Breton  Island),  would  involve  the  supposition,  that  on  the  alleged 
voyage  they  had  been  driven  from  their  intended  course  by  sever© 
storms  into  a  more  southern  latitude.  A  land-fall  and  a  "prima 
vista  "  on  tho  shores  of  northern  Newfoundland  or  Labrador,  accord- 
ing to  our  supposition,  is  much  more  in  harmony  with  tho  intentions 
of  the  Cabots,  and  the  direction  of  their  route. 

7.  If  it  is  difficult  to  carry  tho  Cabots  into  tho  southern  entrance  of 
tho  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  in  1494,  it  is  just  as  difficult  to  bring  them  out 
again.  If,  in  this  year,  they  entered  the  gulf,  they  must  have  seen  open 
water  before  them  at  the  west,  north,  and  south-west,  and  have  been 
tempted  to  sail  that  way,  and  to  explore  tho  entire  gulf  to  find  a  pas- 
sage to  their  desired  Cathay.  But  we  find  neither  in  their  reports  of 
their  voyage,  nor  in  tho  charts  belonging  to  it,  tho  least  trace  of  a  largo 
opening  or  gulf.  If  to  this  it  should  be  answered,  that  the  voyage  of 
1494  was  not  an  expedition  for  finding  a  north-west  passage,  but  only 
a  hazardous  exploring  expedition  without  a  certain  fixed  aim,  oven  in 
this  case,  the  Cabots  would  not  have  forgotten,  on  a  future  voyage,  tho 
open  water  at  their  "  terram  primum  visam  "  on  the  northern  headland 
of  Cape  Breton.  And  Sebastian  Cabot,  on  his  voyage  of  1498,  whicb  is 
an  admitted  search  for  a  north-west  and  west  passage,  on  descending 
from  his  high  latitudes,  and  rounding  Newfoundland,  would,  without 
doubt,  have  entered  again  this  opening,  seen  in  1494,  and  would  have 
more  carefully  explored  it.  But  ho  did  nothing  of  the  kind.  On  tho 
contrary  he  sailed  along  tho  entire  east  coast  of  North  America,  always 
looking  out  for  open  water  to  the  west,  without  finding  it. 

If  it  should  ub  suggested,  that  on  this  voyage  he  was  hindered  from 
further  exploration  by  storms,  fogs,  or  other  obstacles,  still  ho  must  have 
remembered  this  opening  at  other  times  in  his  long  life.  If  he  himself 
had  no  opportunity  to  visit  it  again,  ho  would  certainly  have  described  it 
to  Gomez  in  1525,  and  directed  him  to  explore  it  for  a  western  passage, 
to  find  which  was  the  principal  object  of  his  voyage.  But  in  the  re- 
ports of  this  voyage  of  Gomez,  we  have  no  trace  whatever  of  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  Gomez  passed  it  without  looking  into  it.  In 
fact,  throughout  the  entire  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry, the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  more  particulcirly  the  principal  en- 
trance to  it,  which  the  Cabots  are  said  to  have  found  in  1494,  was  so 
little  known,  except  perhaps  by  Portuguese  and  French  fishermen, 
that  even  Cartier,  in  1534,  appears  to  have  been  ignorant  of  it.    He  en- 


CADOT'S  ALLEGED  VOYAGE  OF  1404. 


875 


torcd  tho  Oulf  of  St.  Lawronco  through  tho  .trait  of  Bollo  Isle,  and, 
sailiiiR  out  frot.i  it  through  tho  princiiKvl  southern  entrance  in  1.W5,  con- 
sidered thJH  to  ho  a  new  discovery. 

Ortclius,  as  I  havo  hcforo  stated,  wlien  in  ir)70  ho  prepared  his  cele- 
brated map  of  America,  had  seen  a  map  of  tlio  world  made  hy  Sohas- 
tian  Cahot.  On  his  map  Ortclius  laid  down  an  island  on  tho  coast  of 
Labrador  called  St.  John,  in  about  57°  N.  lie  did  not  give  that  name 
to  Princo  Edward  Island.  Now  if  Ortclius  had  seen,  on  his  map  of  Ca- 
bot, tho  names  "  St.  John"  and  "  Prima  vista  "  allixed  to  tlie  northern 
point  of  Capo  Breton  and  to  Prince  Edward  Island,  as  rei)rcsciitcd  on 
our  map  No.  20, 1  think  ho  ^  'ould  have  taken  notice  of  them,  and  intro- 
duced them  on  his  map.  But  not  having  done  this,  wo  infer  that  ho 
dkl  not  find  them  on  his  map  of  Cabot,  which,  in  other  respects,  also 
may  havo  been  dificrent  from  ours. 

Any  argument  to  prove  that  Capo  Breton  was  Cabot's  "  Prima  vista," 
from  tho  adjacent  Princo  Edward  Island  having  been  called  St.  John, 
may  be  dismissed  at  once.  Tlic  name  "St.  John"  was  also  given  to 
Princo  Edward  Island  by  the  French,  and  Cabot  may  havo  taken  it, 
not  from  his  own  survey,  but  from  French  maps,  from  which  ho  also 
took  tho  whole  configuration  of  tho  gulf  and  river  of  St.  Lawrence. 

8.  Cabot,  tho  alleged  author  of  this  map,  in  the  inscription  No.  V., 
kpcaking  of  his  discovery  of  the  first  Li.id  on  his  first  voyage,  says  "  this 
country  is  sterile,"  and  "has  an  abundance  of  white  bears,"  and  other 
wild  animals,  which  ho  describes.  This  applies  much  better  to  tho  coast 
of  Labrador,  than  to  any  part  of  Capo  Breton,  Nova  Scotia,  or  Princo  Ed- 
ward Island.  At  tho  sight  of  these  countries  in  the  month  of  Juno, 
the  Cabots  would  have  been  more  struck  by  tho  abundance  of  their 
trees,  and  their  fresh  green  aspect,  than  by  their  sterility.  And  con- 
cerning tho  "  abundance  of  white  bears,"  they  are  raroly  seen  south 
of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

9.  Tho  Venetian  mere  bant,  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  who  in  Cabot's 
time  was  living  in  London,  in  a  letter  to  Venice,  dated  August  23,  1497, 
speaking  as  an  eye-witness  of  the  return  of  John  Cabot  from  his 
voyage  of  this  year,  describes  his  reception  as  follows :  "  Vast  honour 
is  paid  to  him;"  he  is  styled  "tho  Groat  Admiral,"  "ho  dresses  in 
silk;"  and  adds,  "these  English  run  after  him  like  mad  people,  so 
that  ho  can  enlist  as  many  of  them  as  he  pleases,  and  a  numbor  of  our 
own  rogues  besides."* 

According  to  tlie  opinion  of  those  who  contend  for  the  voyage  of 

*Seo  this  letter  reprinted  in  Proceedings  of  the  annual  meeting  of  tho  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  Oct.  21, 1865.    Mr.  Halo's  report,  p.  21.    Cambridge,  1S6Q. 


lill'i. 


.ill 


*i  > 


I  I 


876 


CALOT'8  ALLKGKD   VOYAGE  OF  1401. 


1404,  and  tlio  ^roat  (llHcovt^'y  miulo  at  that  time,  tli«  ahovo  doHoiiption 
of  John  Caldtt'H  rocoption  must  rofor  to  a  hccioikI  voyage  Now  if 
John  ('ahot  niado  Hiudi  a  HcMisation  anion^f  tlio  ICnt^liHh  on  liin  loturu 
fioni  his  Hocoiid  voyanv,  when  Iio  couhl  have  uxhihitcd  noothi-r  i-csuUh 
than  had  beon  alroatly  obtainud  on  hi8  flrHt  voya^o,  what  rc<roption 
wouhl  th(iy  Iiavo  pivon  Idni  on  hin  rotnrn  from  his  llrht  voyaf^o,  when 
tho  (Uicisivo  and  j^roat  discovery  was  made,  wliudi  lovoaUid  to  his  mind 
tlio  (laKti'in  hoadlanils  of  "  tlic  country  of  tho  (Jioat  (!han?"  That 
event  and  llio  year  141)4,  wouhl  not  have  been  foif^otton  by  them,  and 
wouhl  have  boon  a  marked  one  in  thoir  nnnals.  Ihit  wo  hoar  of  no 
Hueh  announcement  or  reception  whatever  in  that  year.  No  forcij^n 
ambassador,  no  Knj^lish  annalist  lias  made  any  report  of  a  sensation 
created  by  the  return  of  a  discoverer  in  141)4;  while  all  our  reports,  and 
the  notices  of  foreigners  as  well  as  Knjjlishmo'n,  about  tho  (-'abots, 
rofor  to  tho  years  141)7  and  141)8,  oxeei)t  those  wretched  charts  of  ir>44 
and  l.')4l>.  Tho  great  sensation  of  14U7  can  thoroforo  refer  to  nothing 
elso  but  to  a  first  success. 

10.  Many  of  my  objections  to  tho  date  and  locality  of  tho  first  dis- 
covery of  tho  continent  of  Amori( "  contained  on  this  map  of  KAi, 
are  founded  on  tho  conviction,  that  Cabot  could  have  had  very  little 
to  do  with  this  document.  But  even  if  this  position  should  prove  false, 
if  Sebastian  Cabot  really  examined  and  approved  tho  contents  of  tho 
map,  and  furnished  to  tho  engraver  the  date  and  locality  in  question ; 
still  it  would  not  bo  safe  to  adopt  them  against  all  tho  ojjposing  authori- 
ties. It  has  been  suggested  by  Aslier,  that  Cabot,  in  1544  and  1540,  was 
already  an  old  man,  and  may  have  been  of  feeblo  memory;*  and  in 
speaking  of  events  which  had  taken  place  in  his  early  youth,  half  a  cen- 
tury before,  he  may  have  made  erroneous  statements.  Several  of  his 
statements,  made  during  his  life,  were  contradictory  to  each  other.  He 
stated,  for  instance,  to  the  English  Edon,  that  he  had  been  born 
in  Bristol,  and  at  another  time  to  the  Venetian  Contarini,  that  his 
birth-place  was  Venice.  Every  day's  experience  teaches  us,  that  we 
all,  with  respect  to  the  dates  of  events  in  our  own  lives,  aro  very  apt 
to  make  blunders.  Humboldt  quotes  both  Christopher  and  Bartholo- 
mew Columbus  as  having  made  erroneous  statements  with  respect  to 
dates  of  their  own  voyages.t 

From  these  considerations  I  repeat,  that  the  voyage  of  1404,  and  the 
locality  of  the  "prima  vista"  in  Cape  Breton,  appear  to  me  to  be 

•Aaher's  Hudson,  p.  Ixvili. 

t  Sco  Humboldt,  liriti^^clie  Untersuchunscn,  vol.  3,  p.  145. 


• 


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rtt}-J\iiigrka  by  1)\to,o  ^omcm  1558. 


^ 


DIEGO   HOMEM'S  CHART,  1558. 


377 


doubtful;  tliougli  I  will  not  pretend  to  speak  decisively  on  tlio  subject. 
The  materials,  documents,  and  authorities  for  jud^inj^  on  nil  the  ques- 
tions con""i't'.Hl  with  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  are  so  scanty  and 
meagre,  and  the  whole  matter  is  so  difficult  and  intricate,  that  the  time 
to  speak  positively  about  them  has  not  yet  come.  Every  year,  in  recent 
times,  has  contributed  evidence  to  complete  or  correct  some  point  of 
their  history;  and  further  researches  in  the  archives  of  Europe  will 
undoubtedly  throw  more  light  upon  this  obscure  subject.* 


6.  On  Cuart,  Nv>.  21,  of  the  NortTn-EAST  of  North  Amehica,  by 

DiEOO  IIOMEM,  A  POKTITOUESE,  IX   1558. 

Diego  Ilomem  was  one  of  those  distinguished  Portuguese  map- 
makers  of  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  of  whom  Dr.  Asher  says, 
"  that  they  wore  privileged  individuals,  who  received  from  the  ariiving 
explorers  such  new  communications  as  might  serve  to  correct  the 
charts,  and  who  made  admirable  use  of  their  opportunities."  "Such 
men,"  he  adds,  "as  De  la  Cosa,  Sebastian  Cabot,  Ilibero,  and  Ilomcm, 
are  among  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  chart-makers."  t 

Ilomem  composed  several  maps  of  the  world,  sea-atlases  and  "  portu- 
lanos,"  which  are  still  preserved  in  the  collections  of  Germany,  Eng- 
land, and  France.  In  these  works  lie  depicted  America  at  difl'erent 
periods,  and  in  different  ways.  We  know  little  of  his  birth,  life, 
or  death.  Though  a  Portuguese  by  birth,  he  appears  to  have  re- 
sided at  Venice  during  a  large  part  of  his  life,  where  several  of  his 
maps  appear  to  have  been  composed  and  dated.  The  Venetians* 
envious  of  the  Spaniards,  Portuguese,  and  other  nations  of  the  west  of 
Europe,  watched  with  eagerness  the  progress  of  their  discoveries.  The 
Venetian  ambassadors,  on  all  sides,  sent  borne  reports  of  all  new  suc- 
cesses in  this  direction.  Several  of  the  first  discoverers  and  sea-cap- 
tains, employed  by  other  nations,  were  Italians,  who  frequently  re- 
turned home  after  their  expeditions.  The  Cabots  had  emigvated  from 
Venice.  Ramusio,  one  of  the  first  and  most  eminent  collectors  of 
original  reports  of  voyages  and  discoveries,  lived  in  Venice,  and  there 
published  his  works.  Several  of  the  earliest  maps  of  America  were 
printed  in  Venice.  Here,  therefore,  was  a  favored  center  of  geographi- 
cal intelligence ;  and  Homera  was  probably  attracted  by  these  circum- 
stances to  that  city. 

*Seo  the  most  just  and  modest  expressions  on  this  point  made  by  M.  D'Avezao  in 
"  Bulletin  de  la  soci(5M  de  G6ograplile,"  p.  233  seq.  DecGmbre-.Juillet,  AnB6e,  1857. 

tSee  Dr.  Asher's  Introduction  to  "  Henry  Hudson,  the  Navigator,"  edited  by  the 
Hakluyt  Society,  p.  ci.    London,  1860. 


ii- 


:«'  ! 


378 


DIEGO  HOMEM'S  CHART,  1558. 


(  i 


Tho  representation  of  the  north-eastern  portions  of  America,  given 
in  No.  31,  is  contained  in  a  largo  and  beautiful  atlas  made,  as  an 
inscripticii  on  one  of  the  sheets  informs  us,  by  Diego  Homem  in 
1558.*  This  Interesting  work  has  been  preserved  in  tho  manuscript 
collections  of  tho  British  Museum,  under  tho  signatnre,  "Addendji, 
No.  5415  A."  The  atlas  is  often  quoted  by  Dr.  Major.t  It  is  a  beautiful 
production,  and,  in  many  respects,  very  interesting  to  the  history  of 
discovery. 

The  section  which  wo  give  here  has  some  features  not  to  be  found 
on  other  maps,  and  some  indications  of  discoveries  perfectly  new  at 
the  time  when  the  map  was  compos: ed. 

I  will  now  describe  the  map  and  explain  its  contents,  beginning  at 
the  north-east,  and  proceeding  to  the  south-west. 

In  tho  north-east  corner  of  our  sketch,  the  south  of  Greenland  is  de- 
picted with  tho  same  accuracy  in  regard  to  its  outlines,  as  in  tho  first 
Portuguese  charts,  drawn  soon  after  the  voyages  of  Gaspar  Cortereal ; 
as  appears,  for  instance,  on  our  map  No.  8.  It  ends  in  the  south,  not 
far  from  60°  N.,  the  true  position  of  Cape  Farewell.  It  is  called  "  Terra 
agricule"  (tho  country  of  the  laborer,  or  Labrador).  I  have  before  ob- 
served, that  this  name  is  often  given  to  Greenland  on  very  old  maps, 
and  was  afterwards  transferred  to  tho  present  Labrador. 

In  the  highest  noi-thcrn  quarters,  above  the  name  "  Ten-a  agricule," 
■we  find  the  name  "  Dcscrtum  busor,"  probably  "  busorum,"  tho  "  desert 
of  the  Busi."  In  the  northern  regions  of  Europe  and  Asia,  the  old  ge- 
ographers and  map-makers  of  the  middle  ages  had  placed  the  deserts 
of  fabulous  nations,  which  afterwards  were  carefully  transferred  to  the 
desert  countries  of  the  new  world,  where  they  were  sought  for,  and 
sometimes  thought  to  be  found.  A  people  called  "  Busi "  is  mentioned 
by  the  old  historian,  Adam  of  Bremen,  in  chapter  228  of  his  Eccle- 
siastical History ;  where,  speaking  of  the  countries  north  of  the  Baltic, 
he  enumerates  all  the  nations  said  to  exist  there :  "  the  Amazons,  most 
beautiful  women,  who  live  without  men;"  "tho  Cynocephali,  who 
bave  the  head  in  tho  midst  of  their  breast,  bark  like  dt)gs,  and  are 
often  seen  as  captives  among  the  Russians ; "  "  tho  Albani,  who,  on 
their  birth,  are  grey-haired  and  white,  like  old  men ; "  and  many  other 
monsters  "  often  met  with  by  navigators,"  among  them  tho  "  Busi," 
who  "  being  pale-yellow  or  somewhat  greenish,  are  so  called  from  their 
color."!    Like  other  fabulous  nations,  these  "Busi"  were  transplanted 

*"  DIegus  llomem,  cosmograplius  fecit  hoc  opus  anno  salutis,  1558." 

tSe9  p.  Ixili  of  his  Introduction  to  "Early  voyages  to  Terra  Australia. " 

*See  Adami  liremensis  histor.  Eccl.,p  139.  Lugd.  Batav.,  1595.    Du  Fresne,  In  his 

"Glossarlum  media:  et  inflma;  Latlnltatis,"  translates  "busus"  or  "busius,"  by  tha 

old  Saxon  "Gealu,"  "gelvus,"  "helvus,"  meaning  yellowish. 


I 
r 
1 

fj 
i 


DIEGO  nOMEM'S  CHART.  1M8. 


879 


to  America.  So  ftxr  as  color  is  concerned,  the  name  may  be  properly 
applied  to  the  Esquimaux  of  Greenland. 

South-west  of  Greenland  is  indicated  the  entrance  to  Davis'  and 
Hudson's  Straits,  in  00°  N.,  to  which  the  Portuguese  had  been  con- 
ducted in  the  course  of  their  discoveries.  Ilavinj;;  observed  whales  in 
fliat  region  (one  is  represented  swimming  about  in  the  locality  of 
Hudson's  Bay),  they  naturally  concluded  that  there  must  be  a  largo 
body  of  water  lying  in  the  west. 

At  tho  entrance  of  these  straits,  in  00°  N.,  lies  "T.  da  fortuna," 
probably  identical  with  the  "  y.  da  tormento,"  or  the  "  y.  do  la  tor- 
menta"  (island  of  storms),  which  is  placed  on  tho  map  of  Reinel 
(No.  9),  and  the  map  of  Ribero  (No.  10),  adjacent  to  it.  It  is,  per- 
haps, "Resolution  Island,"  and  was  probably  discovered  by  Gaspar 
Cortercal,  or  sonic  other  Portuguese.  "  Tho  Portuguese,  after  tho 
time  of  the  Cortcreals,"  says  Dr.  Ashcr,*  "  continued  their  surveys  of 
the  northern  coast;  most  likely  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  discover 
advantageous  fisheries.  They  seem  to  have  advanced  slowly,  step  by 
step. . .  .  With  the  ancient  maps,  we  can  trace  their  progress.  In  1544, 
they  seem  not  yet  to  have  reached  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  Strait.  In 
1558  (the  date  of  our  chart  of  nomcm),  their  geographical  knowledgo 
extends  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  strait." 

The  names  of  places  on  the  east  coast  of  Labrador  and  Newfound- 
land, are  generally  Portuguese,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  French 
names  about  tho  Strait  of  Belle  Isle.  Tho  west  coast  of  Newfound- 
land is  left  undefined.  Ilomem  must  have  overlooked  or  ignored  the 
fact,  that  Cartier  sailed  along  this  coast,  and  mado  an  actual  survey  of 
it  in  1534. 

The  south  coast  of  Labrador  has  French  names,  taken  from  tho 
charts  or  reports  of  Cartier,  and  presents  numerous  small  islands, 
more  than  are  actually  there.  But  Cartier,  in  his  report,  said  expressly, 
that  they  were  numberless,  and  so  the  map-makers  depicted  them. 
The  whole  draft  of  tho  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  necessarily  taken  from 
Cartier,  though  our  Portuguese  author  has  badly  changed  and  cor- 
rupted the  names  of  his  French  original. 

Our  author  appears  to  have  liad  a  great  passion  for  islands,  and  a 
strong  belief  in  north-west  passages,  from  the  Atlantic  to  tho  Western 
Ocean.  Ho  cuts  up  the  whole  of  northern  New  Franco  into  large 
islands,  and  converts  several  branches  of  the  St.  Lawrence  into  sea- 
channels  and  straits.  He  puts  down  a  strait  in  every  place  where 
.Cartier,  in  his  report,  had  said  he  had  looked  for  one,  oven  if  he  did 


;  '  ■■ 


;  ! 


•i;;k 


*ln  his  Introduction  to  Henry  Hudson,  etc.,  p.  xcvi. 


380 


DIEGO  HOMEM'S  CHART,  1558. 


not  fiml  it.  Thus  lie  miikcs  tlio  "Bay  of  Chaleur"  long  and  open,  as 
Caiticr  supposed  it  would  prove  to  bo.  He  also  represents,  on  the 
northern  as  well  as  the  southern  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence River,  certain  stri^iits  which  Carticr  said  he  had  looked  for  in 
vain.  lie  describes  the  whole  country  north-west  of  this  river  as  very 
narrow,  and  intersected  by  channels;  probably  on  the  representation 
of  Cartier,  that  the  Saguenay,  and  other  feeders  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
were  very  deep  at  tlieir  mouths,  and  frccpiented  by  whales.  This  part 
of  the  map  well  illustrates  a  passage  in  llamusio,  in  which  his  lan- 
guage corresponds  witli  tlie  representations  of  the  map,  namely: 
'*  From  the  reports  of  Cartier,  wo  are  not  clear  as  yet,  whether  New 
France  is  continuous  with  the  terra  flrma  of  the  provinces  of  Florida 
and  New  Spain,  or  whether  it  is  all  cut  up  into  islands;  and  whether 
througli  those  parts,  one  can  go  to  the  province  of  Cataio,  as  was 
written  to  mo  many  years  ago  by  Master  Sebastian  Cabot,  our  Ven- 
etian."* As  tliis  work  was  printed  in  Venice  in  lu'-d,  Homem  had 
pro\)ably  read  and  thoroughly  pondered  this  passage. 

He  has  changed  the  great  lake  of  fresh-water,  of  which  the  Indians 
spoke  to  Carticr,  into  salt-water.  In  the  great  sea,  depicted  upon  his 
map  in  the  north  and  west  of  New  Franco,  and  called  by  him  "  Mare 
loparamantium,"  there  appears  to  be  a  combination  of  the  notions  or 
reports  on  Hudson's  Bay,  which  the  Portuguese  had  gained  near  the 
above-mentioned  "  I.  da  fortuna,"  and  of  the  reports  on  the  great 
North  American  lakes,  given  by  the  Indians  to  Cartier  at  the  rapids  of 
the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Montreal. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  meaning  or  etymology  of  tho 
name  "  Mare  leparamantium,"  nor  to  find  it  on  any  other  map ;  and, 
therefore,  think  it  may  be  introduced  like  other  mythical  names,  as 
"  Desertum  Busorum,"  or  be  some  sea-monster  that  I  have  not  seen 
mentioned  elsewhere.  The  beginning  of  this  word  "  Leparamautmrn" 
.seems  something  like  the  famous  German  "  ie&ersee,"  t  mentioned 
by  Adam  von  Bremen,  in  the  chapter  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  "  De- 
sertum Busorum." 

In  the  central  part  of  the  map,  south  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
and  south-west  of  Newfoundland,  Ilomem  delineates  a  large  peninsula, 
simibr  to  the  territory  of  Nova  Scotia,  but  of  larger  extent.  The  pen- 
insula terminates  at  tho  north-east  in  a  cape  called  "  C.  de  bertoens  " 
(Cape  of  the  Bretons),  and  at  the  south-west  in  a  rectangular  cor- 


*  llamusio,  Discourse  at  tbo  beginning  of  tlie  tliird^yolume  of  his  Collections,  fol.  4. 
Venice,  1556. 
tSee  on  this  word,  llumboldt,  Kritische  Untersuchungen,  vol.  1,  pp.63,  402,  404. 


#< 
63,  1 


ill 


\m 


DIEGO  nOMEM'S  CHART,  1M8. 


381 


ner  and  cape,  to  which  is  given  the  naino"bcu  sablom"  (Sable  Bay) 
Cape  Sable  is  probably  intended,  lletvveen  these  two  points,  the  south- 
ern coast  of  the  peninsula  runs  east-north-east  and  west-soutli-west, 
agreeinjjf  exactly  with  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  which  is  undoubtedly 
meant.  Tl»o  names  annexed  to  it, "  Ilibera  de  S.  Joaui,"'  "  Itibora  f^ram," 
"  Kibera  do  jardins,"  and  the  rest,  are  partly  Por(u<;uc.so  and  partly 
French ;  but  the  greater  part  are  not  found  on  other  maps. 

Af'beu  sablom  "the  coast  turns  nortli  at  a  riglit  angle,  like  the 
coast  of  Xova  Scotia,  in  latitude  about  4;i°  ;J0'  N.  After  some  distance 
comes  a  group  of  islands,  which  may  bo  those  at  the  entrance  of  the  IJay 
of  Fundy,  "Brier  I.,"  "Long  I.,"  "Grand  Menan,"  etc.,  though  these 
last  are  nnuch  further  south  than  those  without  names  on  this  map. 
Beyond  tliis  group  of  islands,  two  branches  of  a  gulf  extend  northerly 
toward  the  Bay  of  Chaleur,  but  their  termination  is  undclincd  and  rep- 
resented as  unknown.  I  think  that  this  is  intended  for  tiie  Bay  of 
Fundy,  and  is  the  first  attempt  to  depict  it. 

Homem  does  not  mention  the  sources  from  which  he  derived  his 
sketch  of  Nova  Scotia;  but  it  is  apparent  that  he  had  for  models  good 
French  or  Portuguese  charts  taken  from  actual  survey,  especially  for 
its  south  coast  and  western  end.  It  is  brtter  drawn  than  on  any  chart 
previous  to  1558,  or  on  any  subsequent  to  it  for  many  years.  It  is  bet- 
ter than  the  celebrated  map  of  Mercator  in  1500,  as  in  our  map,  No.  22, 
or  that  of  Ortelius  in  1570.  We  may  justly  call  it  an  imi>rovement  on 
the  map  of  Gastaldi  (No.  11),  which  was  the  commencement  of  a  more 
accurate  representation  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  was  copied  from  similar, 
but  older  and  poorer  materials  than  this  map  of  Homem. 

None  of  the  great  official  explorers,  so  far  as  I  know,  had  surveyed 
or  described  Cape  Sable  or  the  Bay  of  Fundy.  Neitlier  Verrazana  nor 
Gomez  make  any  allusion  to  them  in  their  reports ;  and  Cartier  and 
Roberval  did  not  go  so  far  south.  No  doubt  the  Breton  and  Norman 
fishermen  extended  the  discoveries  of  those  great  official  explorers  into 
this  region  (in  the  same  manner  and  for  the  same  purpose  tliat  the  Por- 
tuguese fishei'men  did  those  of  the  Cortereals  northerly'  toward  Hud- 
son's Bay),  and  as  I  have  said  in  my  description  of  Gastaldi's  map  (No. 
11),  probably  had  their  harbors  of  refuge  on  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia. 
,  The  fishing  has  always  been  very  good  along  this  whole  peninsula,  par- 
ticularly at  Cape  Sable,  where,  in  former,  as  in  modern  times,  an  abun- 
dance of  cod-fish  has  been  found.*  North  of  Cape  Sable,  also,  along  the 
coast  toward  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  the  fishing  has  always  been  produc- 

*See  D{5nya,  "Description  gtJographique  de  1'A.merique  septontrionals,"  torn.  1,  p. 
63,  Paris,  1672;  and  Haliburton's  Kova  Scotia,  vol.  1,  pp.  189, 190,  Halifax,  1829. 


i 
i 


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,r»H 


I'd    P  L 

m  i 

;lfi„. 

If 


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If 


882 


DIEQO  HOMEM'S  CHART,  1638. 


il 


tivo.  Capo  Sable  is,  in  many  respects,  a  most  prominent  object ;  being 
situated  at  the  extreme  point  of  a  largo  tract  of  country,  and  rendered 
remarkable  by  its  sandy  beaches,  quite  unusual  in  Nova  Hcotia,  and  its 
"  white  cllrt's  distinguisliable  at  a  distance  of  ilvo  leagues."*  If  such  a 
prominent  point  were  overlooked  by  official  explorers,  it  would  not  es- 
cape the  observation  of  the  numerous  fishermen  searching  for  their 
prey;  and  would  become  famous  among  them.  This  capo,  as  wo  loam 
from  our  map,  had  received  its  name  before  KmS,  derived  from  its  sandy 
clifl's  and  banks.  And  the  other  names  along  tho  coast  of  Nova  Scotia 
•were  not  the  inventions  of  Ilomcm,  but  taken  from  the  best  authori- 
ties, and  from  the  information  and  charts  of  the  fishermen,  as  can  be 
proved  regarding  some  of  them.  !Many  of  them  have  retained  thoir 
place  from  that  day  to  this.  Where  Ilomem,  for  instance,  puts  the 
name  "golfo  de  petis  "  (a  name  half  Portuguese  and  lialf  French, 
•which  probably  should  bo  "petits"),  wo  find  on  subsequent  maps  of 
Nova  Scotio,  "  La  petite  lliviere,''  and  on  quite  modern  charts  the  name 
"  Petits  Island,"  a  little  oast  of  Capo  Negro.  And  not  far  from  tho 
place  where  Ilomom  has  put  "  la  beau  bai "  (probably  "  la  belle  baye  "), 
wo  find  on  m jdorn  mips  the  name  "  Port  Joli,"  which  has  the  samo 
signification. 

But  on  the  west  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  Ilomcm  does  not  appear  to  bo 
so  well  informed  as  on  the  south  coast;  his  latitudes  are  too  high,  and 
tho  configuration  of  the  coast  is  misshapen.  It  seems  as  if  ho  followed 
here  the  uncertain  reports  of  fishermen  or  of  Indians.  In  tho  long 
nameless  lagoon,  which  he  puts  at  some  distance  north  of  "  beu  sablom  " 
(Capo  Sablo),  we  may  recognize  "  St.  Mary's  Bay,"  rt'hich  has  nearly 
tho  samo  size  and  extent.  North  of  this,  after  a  group  of  islands 
(Grand  Mcnan,  (?)  etc.),  tho  upper  part  of  tho  gulf  is  divided  into 
two  arms,  extending  into  tho  interior  of  the  country,  terminating  our 
author  does  not  know  how  or  where,  and  therefore  leaves  them  unfin- 
ished. I  think  that  here  tho  two  branches  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  at  its 
easterly  end,  arc  intended,  namely.  Mines'  Basin  and  Chignccto  Bay, 
although  on  the  map  their  location  is  too  far  north,  to'.v:ud  the  Bay 
of  Chaleur.  Still  tho  map  indicates  that  as  early  as  1558,  tho  Portu- 
guese and  French  fishermen,  those  pioneers  of  north-eastern  discov- 
ery, had  found  thoir  way  to  tho  interior  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy ;  a  fact 
which  might  have  been  anticipated,  without  such  proof. 

And  tho  reason  that  wo  do  not  find  this  remarkable  bay  distinctly 
laid  down  on  maps  of  the  sixteenth  century  is,  not  that  it  was  unfre- 
quented by  these  fishing  pioneers,  but  that  geographers  were  ignorant 


*  Soo  Haliburtou,  1.  c. 


DIEGO  UOMEM'S  CUART,  1558. 


383 


of  those  sources  from  which  Iloinoni  drew  his  informtttion,  and  from 
the  h)S8  of  many  early  maps  on  wliich  it  may  have  been  represented. 

Tlio  old  French  name  llrst  piven  to  this  bay, "  La  Baye  Fran^oiso," 
had  no  donbt  been  in  use  amonff  the  French  fishermen,  althuu(;h 
Do  Monts  and  I'ontrincourt  thou;fht,  when  they  entered  it  in  1004,  that 
they  were  making  a  new  discovery.  In  placing  this  name  on  their  nuips, 
they  probably  did  nothing  new,  bnt  only  conlirme<l  what  was  already 
in  use.*  The  draft  which  they  made  of  it  was,  however,  not  much 
better  than  that  made  by  Diego  Ilomem  in  15oS.t 

From  Nova  Scotia  and  tlio  cast  coast  of  the  Bay  of  Fnndy,  which  is 
by  far  the  most  interesting  part  of  onr  map,  I  now  proceed  to  examine 
the  coasts  west  and  sonth-west  of  Nova  Scotia.  And  to  make  the  ex- 
amination more  intelligible,  I  will  begin  at  Fh)rid;i,  in  the  south,  wliero 
we  find  points  and  places  long  before  deliiieated  on  Spanish  maps,  as 
"  C.  de  St.  Ellena,"  "  C.  de  S.  Itoman,"  and,  in  37°  N.,  the  "  B.  do  Sta. 
Maria"  (Chesapeake).  Between  this  and  the  next  inlet,  a  peninsula  is 
formed,  which  in  its  coniiguration  is  much  like  a  prolongation  of  tlio 
I)eninsnlas  of  Delaware  and  New  Jersey.  Tho"Cabo  de  arenas  "is 
about  in  the  latitude  of  Cape  llenlopen.  North  of  the  inlet  at  "  C.  de- 
8orto"and  near  the  "B.  de  St.  Jago,"  the  coast  begins  to  turn  to  the 
east  for  about  ninety  leagues,  (juito  well  agreeing  with  the  description 
wliich  Oviedo  gave  of  this  part  of  the  coast  before  the  middle  of  tlio 
sixteenth  century,  according  to  the  chart  of  Chaves.  I  tiiiiik,  there- 
fore, that  Ilomem  must  have  had  before  him  this  chart,  which  unhap- 
pily we  have  not.| 

Arriving  at  a  very  prominent  point,  near  which  is  written  the  name 
"  0.  de  las  muchas  islas,"  the  coast  abruptly  turns  to  the  north,  form- 
ing a  large  peninsula,  resembling  that  of  New  England.  The  prom- 
inent cape  near  the  above  name  I  suppose  to  be  Capo  Cod.  The  con- 
figuration of  the  coast  is  correctly  draAvn ;  but  the  name  of  the  cape 
appears  to  be  misplaced;  for  Oviedo  says  clearly  enough,  that  Cape 
Cod  was  called  "  Cabo  do  arrecifes  "  (Cape  of  the  reefs),  and  he  puts  the 
"  Capo  of  many  islands  "  much  further  to  the  north  on  the  coast  of 
Maine,  as  do  Ilibero  and  all  the  old  maps.§ 

•Lescarbot,  llistoiro  de  la  Nouvello  France,  p.  454  seq.    I'aris,  1012. 

t  See  tliis  map  in  Lescarbot,  1.  c. 

t  Sec  our  remarks  on  Oviedo's  description,  and  tlie  map  of  Chaves,  Appendage  to 
chap.  VIII,  No.  2. 

§[From  the  fact  that  on  the  old  maps  referred  to,  the  name  "C,  de  las  muchas 
Islas,"  is  placed  north  of  "  Cabo  de  arrecifes"  (Cape  Cod);  that  is,  on  a  part  of  the 
Gulf  of  Maine,  and  would  therefore  be  m'.splaced  on  the  map  under  examination,  if 
put  on  or  aouth  of  Cape  Cod,  we  are  led  to  suggest  whether,  contrary  to  the  first  appear- 


11 


884 


MEUCATOR'S  MAP,  IBflO. 


I; 


Beyond  Capo  Cod  the  coast  runs  far  north,  and  is  bordered  all  alon;; 
by  a  I'liaiii  of  Hin;dl  JHlands,  and  indented  with  hir^^e  inhttH;  and  is 
clearly  to  bo  distinguished  as  tiio  coatit  of  tho  Oulf  of  Maine.  Over 
this  whole  peninsula  of  New  England  the  Hag  of  Spain  is  si)road. 

The  large  gulf,  which  in  this  manner  is  formed  between  Nova  Scotia 
and  Capo  Cod,  must  be  taken  to  bo  tho  (iulf  of  Maine,  extending  in 
the  north  into  tlio  Hay  of  Fundy.  Tho  entrance  to  tiio  gulf  is  too 
narrow,  the  distance  between  "  beu  sablom  "  (Capo  Sable)  and  "  C.  do 
las  nuichas  islas"  being  far  too  short. 


Wo  may  sum  up  tho  chief  results,  gained  from  an  examination  of 
Ilomem's  map,  which,  in  connection  with  our  subject,  is  tlie  most  in- 
teresting wo  can  produce  from  the  middle  of  tho  sixteenth  century,  in 
tho  following  brief  terms : 

Tho  coast'of  the  (Julf  of  Maine  is  hero  represented  much  more  truly, 
trending  toward  the  north;  while  on  nearly  all  former  maps  it  is  in- 
correctly made  to  run  east  and  west. 

Tho  peninsula  of  Now  England,  for  tho  first  time,  has  its  true  con- 
flgiuation;  thougli  the  names  added  to  it  are  incorrectly  given. 

The  Bay  of  Fundy'is  hero  indicated  for  the  first  time,  though  only 
by  a  few  uncertain  lines ;  sufiicient  to  show  quite  clearly,  that  it  was 
known  to,  and  visited  by,  French  and  Portugucso  fishermen  before  the 
middle  of  tho  sixteenth  century. 

The  great  country  of  Nova  Scotia,  adjoining  Maine  on  tho  east,  is 
hero  for  tho  first  time  correctly  delineateil;  especially  Cape  Sable, 
whoso  name,  with  its  vicinity,  was  already  well  known. 

6.  Ok  a  CiiAiiT,  No.  22,  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  Amebica, 

FIIOM  A  JLVl'  OF  THE  WORLD  BY  GebARD  MeRCATOB,  IN  1569. 

Gerard  Mercator,  whoso  German  family  name  was  "  Kramer,"  *  was 
born  in  1512,  of  Gorman  parents,  at  Riipelmundo  in  Belgium,  where  his 
mother  was  on  a  visit  to  her  friends.  lie  spent  his  childhood  in  the 
Duchy  of  Jiilich  in  Germany,  which  he  regarded  as  the  home  of  his 
family .t  He  studied  mathematics,  history,  and  geography  with  the 
greatest  zeal  at  Lijwen,  where  tho  learned  German  cosmographer, 


ance,  It  may  nnt  be  loally  intended  by  Ilomcm  for  one  of  the  projecting  points  on  the 
coast  of  Maine  to  wliicli  it  may  be  most  appropriately  applied,  either  to  Cape  Eliza- 
beth or  Owl's  lleiid,  each  of  which  is  remarkable  for  its  numerous  islands.— Ed.] 

*Not  "Kaufmann"  as  some  have  &uid. 

t  Mercator  says  this  of  himself  in  the  dedication  of  his  great  atlas  (edit.  1586)  to  the 
Dulce  uf  Jiilicli.    The  dedication  is  prcfi.xed  to  the  map  of  France. 


;<  :ia 


N'»XXII. 


S:  L«ar«nti 


t:^n^^,.:^^imS^ 


W'H!^ 


\ 


v/  iP   ! T^"^^^    /  Norortti'/liigas     f  ^iLa i,rni  ' 


"^•=s.. 


v\„vhv.yftww/( 


\)\   ~^ip  ikivniintnul 


iy.,'  /g  !*/»/«'  rufai/a^ 


''L/fa.'fU- 


Ear4-  Coar>t  oj  Nortb  -America jVomtbo  May  oftheWc 


N«»XXII. 


.•47<« 


MO 


1  li'wfji  ?  j.fv- 


«>*>*  w 


am 


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^    -4     S'K'itnmiki 


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hm/n),  ttn  Hnirs  IJalliii 


3,  .^:!Sh...^!MH.r,i:?^^^+ 


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,-0 

(  )  S/ininiin 


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SepI  lili: 


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5'i'  .\hniifo 


C ''-  ijS  Hnindtiin 


V  Ir/A- 


/hull  •j'rp  ^  „ 


liro 

Acpres 
mmle 


■5::> 


l)c  Map  of  (l)cWorld  of  G.  Mctcator.  Duitiburci  1569. 


MKUCATOn'8  MAP,  l.WO. 


Wi 


CJoMitnii  KriNitiH,  wum  IiIh  ttvichcr.  lUi  iici|iiin<il  tlio  arl  of  flni^nviriK 
ntid  iiiiil^lii;,;  Hcioiilillc  iiisliiiinoiitri.  'I'liiis  ijualilk'il,  liu  gavo  iiuaily  liiit 
wholu  lifu  to  ({oo^iapliy  and  map-making. 

Tluf  lli'Ht  map  of  Murcator,  aH  of  many  otlior  (*omi>oflurH  of  niapH.waH 
ono  of  I'alcMlinu;  tlio  Mocoml,  of  n««lj;inm.  His  iinxt  attompt  was  to 
maku  a  torrustrial  and  a  ((tlfstial  Kloho.  Hut,  hiAu^i  a  I'rotuHtant  liu  liu- 
Cftmo  involvod  in  tronldo  witli  tlio  Spanisli  Kovcrnmont  of  nol}rinm, 
and  omifrratod,  witii  otliur  citixcMiM  of  tiio  country,  Hoon  aftor  infiL',  to 
iJiiiNburj;,  on  Mio  lower  IMiino  in  (ionnany,  wIiito  Iio  HottliMl  undor  tiio 
protoctlon  of  tint  Diiki)  of  .liilidi,  "natural  maHtcr,"  as  In*  callH  him, 
of  his  paiHMits  and  himself.  Iio  continntMl  to  ntsidc  thi<n>,  with  his  nu- 
morouH  family,  till  his  duath  in  lom,  alwnyH  occnpiud  in  thu  Htndy  of 
(foo^rraphy,  tlio  composition  of  maps,  and  thtt  ronstruction  of  nialliu- 
matical  instruments  for  the  «'mpcior,  and  oliiei-  prominent  perHons.* 

Aftor  much  study  and  readin;,^  ho  comi>leled,  in  Duishurj^  in  liVIl), 
that  ({roat  and  much  admited  map  of  the  world,  in  which  he  combined, 
in  ono  (rrand  view,  upon  oi^ht  larjje  shoots,  all  his  j{ooj;iai)hioal  knowl- 
cdfto  of  the  ;jlohe.  Thin  mai»,  with  tho  assistanoo  of  thioo  sons,  his 
pupils,  he  not  only  drew,  but  also  en,i;raved.  It  was  considered  at  tho 
timo  as  a  won<loi'ful  work,  and  was  thu  foundation  of  his  famo  as  a 
cosmofiiaphor. 

For  tho  composition  of  this  groat  map,  Morcator  had  coUoctod  many 
printed  and  manuscript  majts  and  charts,  and  many  rojtorts  of  voyaj^oH 
of  discovery.  Those  ho  carefully  studied  and  compared,  selecting 
from  thom  those  onlj  which  ho  thought  the  most  reliable.  He  gave  to 
Ilia  map  a  new  projection  of  his  own  invention,  and  ono  extremely  con- 
venient to  navigators,  which,  over  since,  has  boon  called  from  him, 
"Mercator's  Projection."  This  useful  and  ingenious  invention  was 
applioil  for  tho  lirst  timo  on  tho  chart  hero  introduced;  and  .altliough 
for  a  century  it  encountered  opposition  by  its  novelty  from  ignorant 
navigators,  it  camo  at  last  into  geno'-al  use  on  sea  charts;  and  Its  ad- 
vantages are  now  gonorally  acknowledged  and  adopted. 


•  Ilospcoting  Ills  life  and  works,  soo  Lolowol,  "  O^ographlo  du  moyon  age,"  torn,  2, 
p.  181,  IJruxollos,  1852;  and (jiialtorliisi  CiiniiniuH,  "Vita  (ierurdlMcrcatorls,"  In  M<'r- 
cator's  atlas.  Diil;*burgl,  1595.  A  very  cxciilh.'iit  lU'i'  of  Murcator  lias  been  written  by 
Dr.  A.  Urouslng,  a  dlstlngulsliod  matliuniatician  and  goograplior  In  llroinon,  who  had 
tho  klndnciis  to  lend  ino  his  manuscript,  which  will  soon  be  published,  and  from  which 
I  have  chlelly  takim  the  above  facts.  Dr.  llreusing  clearly  proves,  that  Morcator  was 
a  German,  and  that  he  regarded  himself  as  such,  and  not  i.,  Uelglan,  as  has  been  Incor- 
rectly stated  by  many  former  writers.  M.  D'Avezac,  tho  admirable  P'rench  author, 
agrees  with  Dr.  Brouslng,  and  calls  Mercator  "le  Grand  Geographo  Allomand"  (tho 
great  German  geographer).  See  D'Avezac,  "  Coup  d'oell  Uistorl<iuc  sur  la  projection 
des  cartes  do  Geographic,"  p.  10. 

25 


I 


'Hi 


'  '  -   ifi 


'i;  t 


i- 


ll:i! 


380 


MEIICATOK'S  MAr,  IflCa. 


i4 


It    I 


?   li 


By  tills  invention,  anil  this  large  chart  of  1500,  Mercator  became  emi- 
nent, and  was  considered  tin  most  distinguished  cosmographtfr  of  his 
time.  Ills  friend  Ortelius,  whoso  name  is  often  associated  with  his, 
and  who  shared  his  laurels,  repeatedly  calls  him,  in  his  great  atlas,  the 
first  edition  of  which  was  published  in  1570,  "nostri  saeculi  Ptole- 
niaeus"  (tlic  Ptolemy  of  our  age),  and  "  Geographorum  nostri  temporis 
oorypluDus  "  (t)ie  corypheus  of  the  geographers  of  our  time) ;  and  mcji- 
tions  his  chart  of  ]5(i!),  in  tlie  following  terms :  "sua  nunquam  satis 
laudata  universalis  tabula"  (his  r  jver  enough  praised  universal  chart). 

But  this  work,  so  admired  and  copied  by  contemporaries,  was  eclipsed 
by  later  improvements,  and  fell  into  neglect.  Most  of  the  copies  were 
thrown  aside  and  destroyed  in  the  progress  of  time,  until  at  last  in 
T852,  only  one  copy,  preserved  in  the  imperial  library  in  Paris,  was 
'cnown  to  bo  in  existence.* 

M.  Jomard,  in  his  great  work  "  Monuments  do  la  Geographic,"  has 
reproduced  all  the  large  sheets  of  the  work,  and  given  lithographic  f;ic- 
similes  of  them  in  the  size  of -the  originals.  Fi'om  one  of  these  our 
i'ragmont,  No.  22,  is  a  reduced  copy. 

On  the  whole,  Mercator's  work  is  most  interesting  and  P,ccurato  in 
the  delineation  of  iho  old  world,  particularly  of  Europe,  with  which 
he  was  best  acquainted.  In  regard  to  Africa,  and  southern  and  east- 
ern Asia,  he  does  not  appear  to  be  so  well  iniormed.t  In  the  chart  of 
America  several  parts  are  not  so  well  represented  as  they  had  been  in 
previnis  manuscript  maps  of  the  time;  but  other  sections  are  so  strik- 
ingly well  dolineatjd,  and  so  superior  to  all  that  existed  in  former 
maps,  that  wo  seek  with  astonishment,  but  in  vain,  for  the  sources 
fi'om  which  he  deri  xd  his  information. 

The  chart  bears  many  signs  of  the  great  and  often  unnecessary  ap- 
plication of  our  studious  cosmogvapher ;  for  ho  has  reproduced  the 
fabulous  islands  of  "  St.  Brandan,"  "  Y.  Verde,"  "  Arredonda,'"  etc., 
traditional  among  the  leariicd,  and  which  were  laid  down  on  many 
charts  before  the  time  of  Columbus.  These  are  placed  iu  the  Atlan- 
tic Ocean,  together  witli  th.c  Azores  and  Bermudas,  the  only  islands 
^1  all  he  h  's  named  really  entitled  to  a  place  there. 

Mercator  was,  like  his  cor.lomporaries,  a  ;Mcat  admirer  of  the  chart  of 
the  7  vA,  which  had  been  published  about  ten  years  before  his  own,  and 
whose  work  he  attempted'  to  harmonize  with  that  of  other  early  map- 
makers,  an,'  to  embody  in  his  map.  Ills  mode  of  proceeding  was  singu- 
lar, and  had  an  inliuenco  on  the  geography  and  discovery  of  his  time; 

'  So  Lelewel  supposed  in  his  "  Geographic  du  moyen  age,"  torn.  2,  p.  183,  note  368, 
f  The  same  rsmark  lia^  been  made  by  others. 


!i 


M 


MERCATOR'S  MAP,  IBCO. 


387 


for  believing  his  charts  to  bo  accurate,  navifjators  took  them  for  a 
guide. 

Ho  copied  exactly  from  the  Zetii's  chart  t'lo  entire  representation  of 
Greenland  with  its  latitudes,  as  given  upon  tin  engraved  map  of  1558, 
without  suspecting  that  tliese  latitudes  were  not  given  in  the  original 
of  1330,  but  wore,  as  we  believe,  afterwards  added  to  tho  map  of  1558. 
Adopting  thorn  as  reliable,  ho  consequently  put  tho  southern  point 
of  Greenland  "Trin  prom"  (Capo  Farewell)  nearly  under  tho  arctic 
circle,  while  in  reality  it  lies  six  degrees  further  south. 

South  of  this  Greenland  of  the  Zeni,  ho  depicted  tho  true  Green- 
land ending  in  latitude  (30°,  with  its  true  configuration  as  described  on 
the  old  Portuguese  and  Spanish  charts,  and  called  "  terra  Agricohc," 
or  "  Labrador,"  to  which  he  gave  tlie  name  "  Estotilant,"  as  had  been 
done  on  the  map  of  the  Zeni.  Between  these  countries  he  made  a 
bro.ad  strait;  and  thus  Mercator  has  laid  Greenland  down  twice  on  his 
map,  once  with  its  correct  configuration,  but  the  wrong  latitude  of  tho 
Zeni's  cliirt;  and  ag.iiu,  in  tlic  true  latitude  of  Corteroal  and  his  fol- 
lowers, i)ut  with  ,\  wrong  delineation. 

West  of  Greenland  he  placed  tho  large  island  of  Iceland,  to  which  he 
added  some  of  the  names  found  on  the  Zeni's  map,  as  "  Foglasker," 
"  Skalholdin,"  "  Wostrabord,"  etc.,  though  he  did  not  give  it  the  latitude 
and  configuration  of  tho  Zeni,  and  must  therefore,  I  think,  have  fol- 
lowed some  later  map  of  that  island.  lie  also  restores  to  his  chai-t  a 
rock  between  Iceland  and  Greenland,  which  Gunnmorn  is  said  to  have 
discovered  six  hundred  years  before.  The  rock,  in  Mercator's  time, 
had  entirely  disappeared  unJer  accumulated  masses  of  ice;  yet  he  re- 
stored it  and  placed  it,  nicely  engraved,  on  his  chart  by  tho  name  of 
"  Witsarc,"  which  is  the  name  of  a  mountain,  placed  in  the  chroni- 
cles of  the  Northmen,  on  the  coast  of  Greenland,  but  not  intro- 
duced on  the  map  of  the  Zeni.  I  cannot  imagine  where  Mercator 
heard  of  it,  unless  from  correspondents  in  Iceland. 

South-west  and  south  of  Iceland,  Mercator  has  produced  an  exact 
copy  from  the  Zeni's  map  of  the  islands  "  Icaria  "  and  "  Frislant,"  with 
their  names.  He  had  not  ascertained  as  yet  that  this  "  Frislant"  was 
no  oth< :  than  tho  "  Fariie  Islands,"  much  enlarged  and  wrongly  situated, 
as  we  now  know.  He  regarded  "Frislant"  as  a  great  island  existing 
on  tiie  south  of  Iceland,  and  put  the  little  group  of  tho  Far.ie  Islands 
in  their  proper  position,  as  they  are  found  on  modern  maps ;  and  thus, 
as  in  tho  case  of  Greenland,  he  has  i-epresented  this  group  twice ;  once 
in  its  true  size  and  longitude,  and  again  incorrectly,  as  copied  from 
the  Zeni. 

The  country  "  Drogeo,"  which  is  placed  in  tho  south-western  corner 


I 


!    : 


I     1, 
;      » 


t  ': 


u\ 


388 


MERCATOR'S  MAP,  1569. 


1 


♦ 


of  the  map  of  the  Zoni,  Mercator  regarded  as  an  island  in  the  midst  of 
the  Atlantic,  and  has  so  laid  it  down.  In  Aict,  this  name  Drogoo  de- 
notes the  present  north-eastern  termination  of  New  England,  and  is 
placed  by  Malto  I3run  and  Lclewcl,  on  their  maps,  exactly  on  the  coast 
of  Maine. 

But  the  best  portion  of  Mercator's  Avork,  and  a  real  and  valuable  im- 
provement upon  all  former  maps,  is  his  delineation  of  the  largo  penin- 
sula of  Labrador,  lying  south-west  of  Greenland.  On  all  foi'mer  maps, 
that  region  was  ill-shajjen  and  most  incorrectly  drawn.  But  here,  un- 
der the  name  of  "  Terra  Corteroalis,"  it  receives  its  proper  shape,  with 
a  full  and  just  development,  which  had  not  been  given  to  it  on  any 
map  prior  to  lofiO.  lie  makes  its  eastern  coast  run  south-east  and 
north-west,  as  it  really  does  from  about  53*^  to  G0°  N.  In  the  north  he 
plainly  shows  the  narrow  entrance  of  Hudson's  Strait,  and  at  the  west 
of  it  a  largo  gulf,  called  by  him  "  Golfam  do  Merosro."  This  remarka- 
ble gulf  may  be  an  indication  of  either  Hudson's  Bay  or  only  the  Bay 
of  Ungava.  I  think  that  the  latter  was  meant;  first,  because  the  "Gulf 
of  Merosro"  has  the  longitude  of  the  mouth  of  the  lliver  St.  Lawrence, 
which  is  also  the  longitude  of  the  Bay  of  Ungava;  second,  Locpuse 
the  said  gulf  is  represented  as  closed  in  the  west.  The  western  coast 
of  the  Bay  of  Ungava  runs  high  up  to  the  north,  where  Hudson's 
Strait  is  often  filled  with  ice.  This  may  have  led  the  unknown  discov- 
erers, the  informants  of  !Mercator,  to  suppose  that  it  was  closed  in  the 
vpest.  If  they  liad%oked  round  Cape  Wolstenholm  into  Hudson's  Bay, 
they  would  have  perceived  a  broad  bay  and  open  water  before  them. 

Mercator  does  not  indicate,  so  for  as  I  know,  the  soui-ces  from  which 
ho  derived  these  remarkable  improvements  for  his  chart,  which  were 
not  known  by  Homem  in  1558,  and  of  which  there  are  only  slight  indi- 
cations on  the  Cabot  map  of  1.544.  He  adopts  the  Portuguese  names 
for  his  "  Terra  Corterealis,"  namely,  "  Golfam  de  Merosro,"  "  Y.  dus  de- 
monios,"  "  Cabo  Marco,"  "  Ilha  da  fortuna,"  "  Baia  dus  medaus,"  "  Eio 
do  tormenta,"  "  Ylhas  de  caravillo,"  "  Baia  de  malvas,"  etc.  Some  of  the 
names  are  not  new,  but  had  been  long  known,  though  not  always  put 
in  the  same  position.  We  know  of  no  official  Portuguese  exploring 
expedition  made  to  these  regions  betwcsn  the  time  of  Honicm  (1558) 
and  Mercator  (15G9);  and  therefore  the  suggestions  of  Dr.  Asher, 
for  the  solution  of  this  problem,  have  a  high  degree  of  probability.  Ho 
says:*  "The  PoioUguese  fishermen  continued  their  surveys  of  tho 
northern  coasts,"  commenced  by  Caspar  Cortereal  in  1500,  "  most  likely 
for  no  other  purpose  than  to  discover  advantageous  fisheries.    They 

*See  G.  M,  Asher's  Uenry  Hudson,  Introduction,  p.  xcvi.    London,  1860. 


I 


MERCATOR'S  MAP,  IflGO. 


389 


Beem  to  have  advanced  slowly,  step  by  step,  first  along  the  shores  of 
Newfoundland,  tlien  up  to  the  mouth  of  Hudson's  Strait,  then  through 
that  strait,  and  at  last  into  Hudson's  Bay,"  or  as  I  think  into  Ungava 
Bay.  "  With  a  certain  number  of  ancient  maps,  ranging  from  1529  to 
1570  before  us,  we  can  trace  this  progress  step  by  step.  In  1544,"  the 
time  of  Cabot's  map,  "  the  Portuguese  seem  not  yet  to  have  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  Strait;  and  in  1570,"  or  as  I  think  1500,  the  date  of 
our  Mcrcator's  map,*  "they  have  reached  the  bay,"  Hudson's,  or  at 
least  Ungava  Bay.  "  Wo  can,  therefore,  state  with  the  greatest  cer- 
tainty, that  Hudson's  Bay,"  Hudson's  Strait  as  far  as  Ungava  Bay, .  .  . 
"  had  been  discovered  before  the  publication  of  Ortelius's  atlas,  which 
took  place  in  1570,"  or  better,  before  the  publication  of  Mcrcator's 
chart,  which  took  place  in  1500.  "  But  we  are  not  equally  certain,  that 
the  (Jjscovery  falls  within  the  years  1558  to  1570,"  or  better,  15(50,  "  be- 
cause Ave  have  only  the  negative  evidence  of  Diego  Homem's  chart  to . 
support  the  latter  assertion.  The  fact  itself  is,  however,  probable 
enough." 

Diego  Homem  was  living  in  Venice  several  years  after  1558.  He 
therefore  may  have  made  other  charts  of  later  date  than  that  preserv- 
ed in  the  British  museum  of  1558,  and  may  have  represented  upon 
them  the  latest  discovcties  of  his  countrymen ;  and  it  is  therefore  pos- 
sible that  Mercator  may  have  had  before  him  a  chart  of  Labrador  by 
this  Portuguese;  though  it  would  appear  from  other  °octions  of  his 
chart,  that  he  was  not  acquainted  with  Homem's  map  of  1558. 

South  of  "  Terra  Corterealis  "  are  Newfoundlancl,  still  called  "  Terra 
do  Bacallaos,"  and  "  Nova  Francia."  The  latitudes  for  Newfoundland 
•are  partly  correct;  for  instance.  Cape  Race  in  4G°  .30' N.,  is  nearly  in 
its  true  latitude.  The  names  along  the  east  coast  of  Newfoundland 
remain  as  they  had  been  from  the  time  of  the  Corteieals,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a  few  French  names  from  the  voyage  of  Cartier. 

Mercator  has  made  a  good  use  of  the  charts  of  Cartier  and  Roberval, 
which,  in  1560,  furnished  the  only  materials  for  the  construction  of  a 
map  of  New  France.  Fully  and  correctly,  with  slight  exceptions,  he 
adopts  all  their  names  along  the  gulf  and  river  of  St.  Lawrence.  It  is 
the  best  draft  which  one  could  have  for  illustrating  and  understand- 
ing the  voyages  and  proceedings  of  Cartier,  not  excepting  even  the 
French  copies  of  the  charts  of  this  explorer,  which  I  have  examined  in 
former  essays.    The  only  neglected  part  is  the  western  shore  of  New- 


♦Dr.  Asher  does  not  mention  Mcrcator's  niapofl5G9.  He  had  before  him  the 
map  of  Ortelius  of  1570,  who  was  only  a  follower  and  copyist  of  Mercator,  but  adopted 
hia  views. 


\ 


X 


T 


\ 


■ ' 


890 


MERCATOU'S  MAP,  15C9. 


foundland,  which,  with  the  assistance  of  Carticr,  might  hav«f  been  made 
more  accurate. 

The  principal  afllucnts  of  the  St,  Lawrence,  the  Sagucnay,  the  St. 
Maurice,  the  St.  John,  and  the  Ottawa,  are  all  indicated  with  nearly 
their  true  features,  which  he  could  have  thus  delineated  only  by  pro- 
ceeding on  a  correct  hypothesis.  On  the  Ottawa,  left  without  a  name, 
there  is  written  the  following  inscription  :  "  Hoc  lluvio  facilior  est 
navigatio  in  Sagucnai"  (by  this  river  the  navigation  is  easier  to  Saguc- 
nay),  that  fabulous  country  in  the  north-west,  from  the  riches  of  which 
Cartier  hoped  so  much.  To  the  west,  at  the  head  of  this  river,  in  about' 
00°  N.,  appears  a  part  of  a  large  lake,  with  the  inscription :  "  Ilic  mare 
est  dulcium  aiiuarnm,  cujus  tcrminum  ignorari  Canadcnses  ex  relatu 
Saguenaionsiuni  aiunt"  (hero  is  a  sea  of  fresh-water,  the  end  of  which, 
say  the  Canadians,  according  to  the  report  of  the  Sagiicnay  people,  is 
unknown).  The  high  latitude  would  lead  us  to  think,  that  Lake  Su- 
perior was  referred  to,  though  of  course  it  may  have  been  Lake  Hu- 
ron. The  manner  in  which  the  St.  Lawrence  has  been  drawn  west  of 
Montreal  proves,  that  neither  Cartier  nor  Mercator  had  any  knowledge 
of  Lake  Ontario. 

South  of  New  France  and  Newfoundland  we  come  to  Nova  Scotia;  for 
a  description  of  which,  Mercator  might  have  learned  much  from  the 
Portuguese  chart  of  Ilomein  of  1558,  our  No.  21.  But  it  is  evident  that 
ho  had  no  knowledge  of  It,  nor  is  Homom  mentioned  in  the  celebrated 
catalogue  of  chartographers  given  by  Ortelius. 

Mercator  has  drawn  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  New  England,  and,  in 
fixct,  the  entire  east  coast  of  the  United  States,  nearly  corresponding 
with  the  French  jhart  of  1550,  our  No.  18.  He  has  given  to  these  coun- 
tries the  same  configuration  and  latitudes  as  are  seen  on  that  map,  and 
must  have  had  a  copy  of  it  before  him.  The  names  on  this  coast,  which 
are  mostly  of  Spanish  origin,  arc  very  mu'-h  corrupted,  and  sometimes 
are  scarcely  intelligible.  Some  of  them  have  a  Portuguese  appearance ; 
as  in  the  inscription  given  to  Nova  Scotia:  "Esta  ho  a  terra  dus  Bre- 
tonos"  (this  is  the  country  of  the  Bretons).  Many  oin"tic(piaintance8 
from  the  map  of  Kibero — names  introduced  by  Gomez — are  found 
amG:'.g  them ;  but  arc  placed  in  such  different  positions,  varying  some- 
times for  hundreds  of  miles,  tliat  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  harbor 
or  locality  is  intended;  for  instance,  the  name  "Rio  primero"  is 
placed  on  Mercator's  map  on  the  west  of  Cape  Breton,  while  on  the 
map  of  Vallard,  our  No.  10,  it  is  on  the  west  of  Nova  Scotia. 

Near  the  name  "  C.  da  lexus  (  ?  ),"  not  far  from  "  rio  hondo,"  a  rectan- 
gular cape  is  depicted.  This  was  probably  meant  for  Capo  Sable. 
There  is  no  other  indication  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  although  it  hcd  been 


3 


MERCATOR'S   MAP,   inOO. 


391 


placed  in  1558  on  tho  map  of  Ilomom.  Verrazano's  "  island  of  Clau- 
dia," which  scorns  to  Hit  from  place  to  place  along  the  whole  coast» 
according  to  tho  will  of  tho  chartographora,  is  placed  on  our  map  near 
the  cape  last  mentioned. 

At  tlio  great  river  of  Norumbcga  (rio  grande),  we  arrive  oa  well 
known  and  sure  ground.  This  great  river  with  its  broad  mouth  is,  no 
loubt,  the  "  Rio  do  las  Gamas ''  of  Riboro  and  Gomez,  and  our  Penob- 
scot Bay  and  River.  The  coast  of  Maine  is  indicated,  as  usual,  by  a 
long  chain  of  islets.  To  the  territory  of  Maine,  tho  famous  name  of 
"  Norumbcga"  is  given,  and  in  the  midst  of  it,  on  the  east  bank  of  tho 
great  river,  a  splendid  capital,  "Norumbega,"  is  depicted.  Mercator 
gives  to  his  "Rio  grando"  of  Norumbega,  tv.o  branches  or  forks* 
which — curiously  enough ! — happen  to  be  nearly  correct. 

The  cape  to  tho  wesfe  of  the  great  river  of  Norumbega,  usually  called 
"  Cabo  do  muchas  islas,"  has  on  our  map  the  name,  "  Cabo  do  lagus 
islas  "  (  ?  ).  Tlien  comes  a  bay,  "  Orsmora"  [^  };  after  this,  "  arciel  do 
ostevan  gomons"  (Instead  of  ^Nrclpelago  de  Estevan  Gomoz).  It  is  evi- 
dent that  our  excellent  Mercator  had  no  accurate  knowledge  either  of 
tho  name  of  Gomez  himself,  or  of  the  names  given  by  him  to  this  coast. 

All  tho  following  names  of  Gomez  and  Ribero  have  been  corrupted 
in  a  similar  manner;  so  that  they  can  scarcely  be  recognized  or  ex- 
plained. These  names  of  Gomez  had  now  grown  vcy  old ;  they  had 
boon  copied  by  many  authors ;  and  copies  became  more  dcgciiorate  tho 
further  they  were  removed  from  the  date  of  the  original.  So  that  Mer- 
cator's  map  has  exactly  its  weakest  part,  and  has  the  fewest  now  and 
good  things  to  tell  us,  on  that  section  of  the  coast  which  interests  us 
most,  namely,  tlie  coast  of  New  England. 

From  the  "  terra  dus  Bretones,"  for  about  twenty  degrees  of  longi- 
tude, the  coast-lino  runs  duo  east  and  Avest  in  about  42°  N.  Then,  not 
far  west  of  the  river  Norumbega,  it  turns  to  the  south-south-west, 
forming  that  semicircular  gulf,  lined  with  little  islands,  which  points 
out  the  Gulf  of  Maine,  ending  at  the  projecting  "  Cabo  do  arenas." 
This  cape  on  Ribero's  map,  stands  in  latitude  40°  N. ;  on  Mercator's,  it 
is  two  degrees  south,  in  38°  N. ;  on  the  French  chart  of  1550,  our  No.  18, 
in  39°  30'.  However,  from  tho  manner  in  which  Mercator  depicts  the 
reefs  and  banks  near  this  cape,  it  is  evident,  that  in  other  respects  he 
follows  the  French  chart.  Ho  gives  to  these  banks  the  same  two  little 
crosses,  and  the  same  configuration,  which  are  to  bo  found  on  the 
French  chart. 

Except  this  "  Cabo  de  arenas"  (Cape  Cod  ?  )  nothing  is  to  bo  found 
on  our  chart  of  the  peninsula  of  New  England,  or  of  the  gulf  and  harbor 
of  Now  York ;  nothing  of  all  that  Vorrazano  discovered,  excej)t  his 
island  "  Claudia,"  misplaced  far  to  the  east. 


I   i 


!  W 


W'l  ' 


i: 


1 

. 

y     i 

4    Ws': 

mil 

ll 

392 


MEllCATOU'S  MAP,  inOO. 


As  our  chart  has  duplicatod  tho  Fariio  Islands,  Greenland,  and  Davis' 
Strait,  so  has  it  given  us  two  States  of  Miino,  one  under  tho  name 
of  Norunibcga,  in  the  rij^ht  place,  and  another  under  tho  name  of 
"  Drofjco,"  misplaced,  and  swimming  far  to  the  north,  as  an  island  in 
tho  midst  of  tho  ocean. 

That  part  of  tho  cast  coast  which  lies  south  of  •*  Cabo  do  arenas," 
had  been  represented  much  better  on  former  Spanish  charts.  We 
scarcely  recognize  in  :54o  ;j()'  N.,  the  I3aia  do  Sta.  Maria  (Chesapeake 
Bay) ;  the  name  of  wliich  has  been  here  omitted.  But  ho  has  given 
not  far  from  where  it  shoidd  be,  some  indication  of  a  bay,  under  tho 
name  "  del  principe,"  which  is  a  Spanish  name  always  given  to  one  of 
tho  rivers  entering  the  Chesapeake  Bay. 

The  only  thing  on  the  map  which,  in  this  part  of  our  cast  coast,  we 
can  praise  as  meritorious,  is  the  long  mountain  range  following  the 
coast-lino  at  some  distance  in  tho  interior.  Mercator  is  tho  first,  I 
think,  who  delineated  the  chain  of  tho  Alleghany  Mountains,  and 
gave  to  them  their  true  distance  from  the  Atlantic ;  and  he  has  done 
this  in  a  very  happy  manner,  lie  makes  them  run  in  their  southern 
section, from  the  south-west  toward  the  north-cast;  and  in  the  north  of 
Norumbega,  he  gives  them  an  eastern  direction.  This  northern  branch 
may  bo  in  part  conjectural,  but  in  part  may  have  been  taken  from 
Carticr's  report,  who,  as  I  have  said,  saw  from  tho  St.  Lawrence  tho 
mountain  range  that  borders  the  northern  portion  of  Maine.  The 
southern  portion  of  the  Alleghanies  was  discovered  by  Do  Soto  on  his 
grand  expedition  to  the  Mississippi  Valley  in  153S-1543.  And  Mercator 
must  have  studied  the  reports  of  this  expedition,  which  were  for  a  long 
time  the  only  source  of  information  on  the  southern  region  of  tho  Alle- 
ghanies; deriving  from  it  the  names  which  are  found  on  his  map, 
namely,  ''  Mocosa,"  "Apalchen,"  and  others. 

The  great  and  well-deserved  authority  which  tho  "  Ptolemy  of  the 
s  xteenth  century"  enjoyed,  gave  him  numerous  followers  and  copy- 
ists. Tho  picture  of  America  given  in  his  chart  of  1509,  was  at  once 
copied  by  his  friend  Ortolius  in  1570,  and  afterwards  by  innumerable 
others.  His  successors,  Wytfliet  (1597),  Quaden  (1600),  Ilondius,  and 
others,  would  sometimes  change,  or  add  something  to,  Morcator's  draw- 
ings and  names.  But  one  thing,  the  "  Rio  grando  of  Norumbega," 
pleased  them  so  much,  that  they  allowed  it  to  remain.  And  so  we  see 
that  the  Penobscot,  with  its  two  branches  coming  in  from  the  oast  and 
west,  and  with  the  fabulous  city  "Norumbega"  on  its  banks,  makes  a 
great  figure  on  all  the  subsequent  charts  and  maps  just  mentioned; 
and  also  on  those  of  John  Deo  (1580),  of  Hakluyt  (1589),  and  several 
others.    It  is  everywhere  the  same  figure  which  Mercator  partly  bor- 


yt 


MEUCATOR'S  MAP,  1509. 


393 


rowod  from  former  Spanisli  maps,  and  partly  drew  from  his  own  re- 
sources. 

It  is  a  remarlcablo  fact,  tliat  wliilo  tho  icy  seas  and  coasts  of  Green- 
land, Labrador,  Nowfoundliind,  and  Canada  wore  depicted  on  tlie  maps 
of  tho  sixteenth  century  witli  a  high  degree  of  trutl>,  our  coasts  of 
Now  England  and  New  York  were  badly  drawn,  so  late  as  ir)f>n. 
Though  these  countries  bail  been  known  in  tho  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries,  and  had  been  visited  by  navigators  and  sometimes  colonies 
from  Norway,  Spain,  Franco,  and  England,  still  their  geography  was 
little  understood,  and  their  chartography  was  very  defective,  and  so 
remained  through  nearly  tho  whole  of  tho  sixteenth  century.  And 
when  at  the  end  of  this  century,  and  tho  beginning  of  the  seventeenth, 
tho  modern  French  and  English  discoverers,  (J  osnold,Pring,DeMonts, 
Weymouth,  Hudson,  Smith,  and  others,  arrived  on  these  coasts,  they 
had  to  begin  tho  work  of  exploration  anew.  Hudson,  when  in  KiOO  he 
sailed  to  the  south  of  Cape  Cod,  and  entered  tho  Gulf  of  New  York, 
was  perfectly  justified  in  saying,  that  he  entered  "  an  unknown  sea."* 

But  the  results  of  these  later  discoveries,  and  tho  improved  charts 
brought  out  by  them,  belong  to  another  period  of  time,  and,  per- 
haps, may  bo  considered  in  a  subsequent  volume.  For  tho  present,  I 
conclude  my  iSeries  of  chJirtographical  illustrations  with  this  chart  of 
Mercator.  Between  1509,  tho  year  of  its  composition,  and  loSn,  tho 
time  of  Gilbert's  expedition,  the  interval  which  separates  tho  present 
volume  from  its  successor,  I  find  no  other  map  or  chart,  manuscript  or 
printed  having  any  relation  whatever  to  our  subject,  or  adding  any- 
thing now  to  the  stock  of  our  knowledge  of  the  coast  of  Maine. 

•Seo  Auher,  1.  c.  p.  68. 


I 


■ 


\ 


CHAPTER    X . 

CONTINUATION  OF  THE  SPANISH  EXPEDITIONS  ALONG 
THE  COAST  OF  FLORIDA. 


1.  Expedition  of  Lucas  Vasqukz  de  Ayllon"  to  the  Coun- 
try CiiicoBA  ((\vu()i,ina),  in  1526. 

Lucas  Vascjuez  de  Ayllon,  as  I  have  said  before,  re- 
turned to  Spain,  probably  in  1521,  from  his  exploring  voyage 
of  1520,  to  report  his  success  and  induce  the  government  to 
assist  him  in  the  conquest  of  Chicora,  his  newly  discovered 
country.  lie  represented  it  as  fertile,  rich,  abounding  in 
pearls  and  other  valuable  productions,  suitable  for  settlement, 
and  inhabited  by  a  good  sort  of  jieople  of  clear  understand- 
ing, and  governed  by  a  king  of  gigantic  figure.  lie  succeeded 
in  concluding  with  the  government  an  agreement  (una  capit- 
ulacion),  the  articles  of  which  were  signed  on  the  12th  of 
June,  1523.* 

The  royal  decree  gave  him  permission  to  fit  out,  arm,  and 
man  at  his  own  cost  as  many  vessels  as  he  thought  neces- 
sary. He  was  to  return  with  them  to  "Chicora"  (Caro- 
lina), and  continue  the  discovery  and  exploration  of  the 
country  as  far  as  eight  hundred  leagues  to  the  north  ;f  and  if 
in  this  navigation  he  should  find  a  strait  going  to  the  west,  he 
was  to  enter  and  explore  it,  and  procure  an  exact  knowledge 

*  See  these  articles  iu  Navarrete,  CoUeccion  do  los  viages,  etc.,  torn.  3, 
p.  153  seq. 

t  "  Nauegareia  ochocienta  leguas."    Navarrete,  1.  c. 


'' 


EXPKDITION    OF  AYLLON  TO   CIIICORA,  ir)2rt. 


3% 


of  all  the  ronjions,  whotluu*  isluiuU  or  continent,  and  report 
upon  the  nnniher  of  the  former,  and  the  extent  of  the  latter;* 
and  slioiild  also  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  country,  and  what 
valuahle  productions,  useful  to  conimercc,  it  nii^ht  contain. 

After  this,  the  country  was  to  be  settled,  and  in  all  its 
parts  were  to  ho  erected  such  fortifications  as  nii^ht  bo  neces- 
sary for  the  protection  of  commerce.  To  Ayllon  was  given, 
at  the  same  time,  the  title  of  "  Adelantado  of  the  country  of 
Chicora ; "  under  which  name  a  rovy  lar^^o  portion  of  the 
eastern  coast  may  have  been  comprised.  This  title,  and  the 
privileges  connected  with  it,  were  made  hereditary  in  his 
family. 

From  these  facts  it  is  evident,  that  the  plan  of  this  enter- 
prise embraced  the  whole  of  the  cast  coast  of  the  United 
States,  and  also,  as  in  the  case  of  Gomez,  the  discovery  of  a 
north-west  passage.  Ayllon  was  also  enjoined  that  if  he 
should  discov^cr  this  passage,  he  should  be  careful  not  to  in- 
terfere with  the  possessions  of  Portugal,  end)racing  the  Spice 
Islands. f  Hence  it  will  be  perceived,  that  this  voyage  was 
intended  as  a  grand  exploring  expedition,  and  might  extend 
even  to  a  circumnavigation  of  the  n;lobc. 

It  was  sti[)ulatcd  thac  Ayllon  should  sail  as  early  as  the 
spring  of  1524,  and  complete  his  expedition  within  three 
years  from  the  day  of  his  departure ;  but  this  last  condition 
he  was  unable  to  fulfil. 

He  returned  to  St.  Domingo,  and  spent  there  not  less  than 
two  years  in  making  his  outfit,  until  he  was  admonished  and 
even  urged  by  the  counci]  of  the  Indies  to  make  more  haste 
with  his  expedition.  We  are  not  informed  of  the  causes  of 
this  delay  ;  but  it  appears  that  there  were  dissensions  between 
hini  and  his  former  associates,  Maticnzo  and  Caballero,  who 

*  See  this  in  Navarrete,  1.  c.  p.  154. 
t  Navarrete,  1.  c.  p.  155. 


^^)i, 

!!'i^^ 


I   1    'B 


■\'S^ 


111  I  ill' 

1' 


n\ 


5 


:V.)G 


KXl'KDirrON  OP  AYLLON  TO   CFTICORA,  IBM. 


ii 


cliiiined  to  luivo  as  miirli  rl{j;lit  and  titk*  to  tlu!  nortliorn  con- 
<|uest,  as  Aylloii  liiiusclt';  und  protended  tluit  lie  had  made 
false  rei)resentations  to  the  kin<f  on  the  events  connected 
with  the  first  discovery  in  1520.* 

At  last,  in  the  spring  of  152(1,  the  arnianient  was  ready. 
It  consisted  of  six  well-provided  vessels  with  (Ivo  luindred 
sailors  and  soldiers,  and  sonic  women  ;  and  from  eighty  to 
ninety  horses ;  in  furnishing  all  which,  Ayllon  is  said  to 
liavo  spent  not  less  than  100,000  ducats.  It  was  as  large 
an  armament  as  that  with  which  Cortes  had  set  out  for  the 
conquest  of  Mexico. f 

The  expedition  sailed  from  Port  do  la  Plata,  in  Ilayti,  in 
the  middle  of  July,  1520, J  and  arrived  at  St.  Helena  Sound, 
called  "the  River  Jordan,"  on  the  coast  of  "  Chicora,"  where 
it  came  to  anchor. 

But  the  whole  cx[)edition  was  a  series  of  misfortunes. 
Ayllon  may  have  been,  as  Oviedo  describes  him,  a  "distin- 
guished scholar,  a  virtuous  cavalier,  and  a  jjcrson  of  good  in- 
u/iicct ;"  but  he  probably  was  neither  an  experienced  naviga- 
tor, nor  a  fit  commander.  Ilerrcra  says,  "  he  did  not  know 
how  to  govern  his  people,  nor  they  to  obey  him  ;"  §  and  the 
chief  pilot  of  his  fleet,  Diego  Miruelo,  who  led  the  expedition 
to  Chicora  in  1520,  was  also  unsuccessful  in  his  arrangements. 
Of  him  Barcia  relates,  that  his  naval  operations  were  exe- 
cuted in  so  unsatisfactory  a  manner,  that  he  went  mad,  and 
died  from  grief.  j| 

•Herrera,  Dec.  Ill,  lib.  8,  cap.  8. 

t  Gomara  anil  Herrera  make  it  consist  only  of  three  vessels.  But  Ovie- 
do gives  the  numbers  above  mentioned. 

t  So  says  Navarreto,  after  the  manuscript  of  Oviedo.  Herrefa  puts  the 
expedition  in  152')-,  Gomara  and  Barcia  in  1524.  The  authors  last  nafned, 
seeing  in  the  royal  decree  that  Ayllon  had  promised  to  sail  in  1524,  proba- 
bly supposed  that  he  did  so,  not  knowing  his  hindrances. 

§  Herrera,  1  c.  cap.  8,  "  ni  el  sabia  governar,  ni  ellos  obederle." 

II  Barcia,  Ensayo  cronologico  de  la  Florida,  p.  8. 


KXI'liDITION   OF  AYM.ON  TO  CHICOUA,  152(1. 


ao7 


Tho  first  in  tlio  sorios  of  misclmncos  was  the  loss  of  tlio 
admiral's  ship  (la  Capitana)  ;  wliicli,  on  cntoriiif;  tiu»  river 
Jordan,  /iroundiMl  and  nccanu!  a  total  loss,  with  all  her  carj^o 
and  |)rovisi()ns,  tlion^^h  tlio  crow  woro  saved.  Tlio  other  ves- 
sels l)ein<ir  smaller,  entered  the  port  without  dan<^er. 

A  part  of  tho  soldiers  were  put  on  shore,  undi'r  the  con- 
duct of  their  oIKcors,  to  explore  the  interior  of  the  country. 
Tho  vessels,  meanwhile,  were  sent  north,  to  make  a  further 
survey  of  the  coast,  which  they  '*  fxamint'd  rxtcnsiveli/,''  *  and, 
in  a  short  timi;,  returned  with  tho  news,  that  they  had  found 
in  th(!  north,  at  tho  distance  of  about  forty  or  fifty  leagues,  u 
much  better  country,  to  which  they  had  ^iven  the  name  "S. 
Mi<Tuel  de  (iualdape." 

Tho  company  on  shore  wore  o;lad  to  hear  this,  for  they  had 
already  be<^iui  to  sutler  from  sickness  and  want  of  provisions ; 
and  the  women  and  the  infirm  were  at  once  transported  in 
tho  shi[)3  to  "  S.  Mioucl  do  Guiddapo."  The  rest  marched 
along  tho  shore  to  tho  same  point,  whoro  they  erected  the 
royal  standard,  and  constructed  houses. 

They  found  tho  country  to  be  level,  and  full  of  lagoons, 
with  a  largo  river  (Rio  caudaloso)  abounding  in  fish.  But  the 
entrance  thereto  was  obstructed,  and  the  ships  could  pass  the 
bar'only  at  high  tide.  I  suppose  that  this  is  the  present  Capo 
Fear  River ;  but  I  will  not  discuss  hero  the  ])articulars  of  a 
question  which  belongs  to  tho  special  history  of  tho  coast  of 
Carolina. 

We  are  more  particularly  interested  in  tho  "extensive  sur- 
vey" of  the  coast  north  of  tho  Rio  Jordan  (St.  Helena 
Sound),  which  the  ships  of  Ayllon  completed  soon  after  their 
arrival  in  tho  country ;  and  it  is  much  to  bo  regretted,  that 
we  have  not  more  full  information  on  this  part  of  tho  enter- 
prise.    We  do  not  know  how  long  they  wore  out,  and  only 

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398 


EXPEDITION  OF  AYLLON  TO   CHxCORA,  1520. 


(I 


lienr,  that  tliey  examined  the  coast  in  detail  (prolixamonte) 
througli  forty  or  fifty  leagues  to  the  anchorage-jjlace  at  "  S. 
Miguel  de  Gualdape."  Bat  as  this  could  scarcely  bo  called 
an  extensive  examination,  it  is  probable  that  they  surveyed 
the  coast  much  further  north. 

This  idea  would  be  more  in  accordance  with  the  plan  and 
instructions  of  Ayllon,  by  which  he  was  to  go  along  the  coasts 
"for  more  than  ein;lit  hundred  leagues,"  and  to  look  out 
for  a  north-west  passage.  The  harbor  of  San  Miguel  being 
alone  mentioned,  would  not  imply  that  no  other  places  were 
discovered  on  this  occasion.  It  was,  no  doubt,  the  com- 
mencement of  an  extensive  exploration  of  the  coast,  which 
Ayllon  had  intended  to  make,  and  was  not  a  mere  search  for 
a  good  anchorage,  which  had  been  found  before,  and  only 
afterwards  proved  to  be  inseciu'e. 

We  should  infer  from  the  chart  of  the  imperial  cosmog- 
rapher,  Ribero,*  in  1529,  that  more  was  accomplished  than 
is  communicated  in  the  historical  reports.  This  chart  repre- 
sents the  outlines  of  the  coast,  according  to  original  surveys, 
as  far  as  it  had  been  discovered  up  to  that  time  ;  and  is  even 
more  authentic  than  the  accounts  of  Gomara,  Oviedo,  and 
Herrera.  It  was  made  only  four  years  after  the  voyage,  and 
is  the  oldest  document  on  the  expedition ;  while  some  of  the 
narratives  of  the  above-named  historians  were  written  twenty, 
and  others  sixty  years  after. 

On  this  chart  we  find  laid  down  all  the  regions  discovered 
by  Ayllon  in  1526.  They  are  indicated  under  the  name, 
"  Tierra  de  Ayllon,"  which  covers  all  the  eastern  countries 
south  of  40°  N.,  namely,  the  present  States  of  Virginia, 
Maryland,  Carolina,  and  Georgia. 

In  the  southern  part  of  this  territory,  near  32°  N.,  we  find 
Avllon's  "  C.  de  S.  Elena,"  and  a  little  further  to  the  north 


*  See  map,  No.  16. 


EXPEDITION  OF  AYLLON  TO   ClIICORA,  1526. 


899 


of  it,  his  "Rio  Jordan."  Tlicnco  the  coast  runs  nortli-cast, 
exhibiting  several  inlets  and  capes  as  high  as  40°  N.,  where 
we  find  the  far  projecting  "C.  de  Arenas." 

From  the  manner  in  whicli  Ribero  writes  the  name  "  Tiorra 
de  Ayllon,"  it  is  clear  that  he  includes  under  it  all  the  coasts 
south  of  "  Cabo  do  Arenas."  This  cape  and  its  neighbor- 
hood appear  to  mark  the  division  between  "  Tierra  de  Ayl- 
lon" and  "Tierra  de  Gomez,"  and  might  be  ascribed  either 
to  the  one  or  the  other.  I  have  already  given  my  reasons 
for  believing  that  it  must  be  ascribed  to  Gomez  ;  at  all  events, 
we  may  be  sure  that  south  of  85°  or  3G°  N.,  the  discoveries 
of  Ayllon  begin,  and  that  the  delineation  of. that  coast,  and 
also  the  names  given  on  the  chart,  must  be  considered  as  being 
made  after  tlie  survey  and  chart  of  the  pll6ts  cf  Ayilon  in 
152G.  We  know  of  no  other  explorer  wlio  sailed  along  this 
part  of  the  coast  between  1526,  the  date  of  Ayllon's  expe- 
dition, and  1529,  the  date  of  Ribero's  map. 

We  find  a  little  north  of  Rio  Jordan,  in  not  quite  33°  N., 
'"  C.  de  S.  Roman  "  (Cape  Romain),  in  its  true  latitude. 

Further  on,  in  about  33°  30'  N.,  occurs  "  Rio  del  Prin- 
cipe." It  may  be  Georgetown  entrance.  This  name,  "  Rio 
del  Principe,"  occurs  on  many  subsequent  Spanish  charts, 
but  at  length  disappears. 

In  about  34°  30'  N.  we  find  "  C.  TraflPalgar;"  a  name 
which  remained  conspicuous  during  the  whole  Spanish  era, 
and  is  still  found  on  some  charts  of  the  last  century.  It  is 
generally  thought  to  be  Cape  Lookout ;  but  to  me  it  appears 
to  correspond  better  to  Cape  Hatteras. 

In  35°  N.  is  a  great  bay,  Avitli  many  islands  before  it,  called 
"B.  de  Sta.  Maria"  (St.  Mary's  Bay).  The  latitude  and 
configuration  given  to  it,  its  islands  and  many  entrances, 
would  indicate  that  Pamlico  Sound  was  here  intended ;  but 
for  other  reasons  and  from  a  later  exact  description  of  it,  we 


a 


400 


EXPEDITION   OF  AYLLON  TO  CHICORA,  152G. 


A 


consider  it  certain,  that  it  is  the  entrance  of  Chesapeake 
Bay. 

As  I  consider  it  essential  to  tlic  Instory  of  Ayllon's  expe- 
dition, and  a  true  understanding  of  tlic  map  of  Ribero,  to 
settle  this  question,  and  to  gain  at  St.  Mary's  Bay  a  fixed 
point  south  of  New  England,  I  will  here  anticipate  a  little 
the  order  of  events. 

The  "  exact  description  of  St.  Mary's  Bay,"  to  which  I 
allude,  is  that  given  by  Don  Pedro  Mcnendez  Marques,  who, 
in  1573,  made  a  very  minute  survey  of  the  coast  of  Florida, 
and  after  describing  its  more  southern  capes  and  inlets, 
comes  to  "  Bahia  do  St.  Maria,"  of  which  he  speaks  in  the 
following  terms  :  "  This  bay  has  at  its  entrance  a  breadth  of 
three  leagues,"  which  is  exactly  the  distance  between  the 
two  well-known  capes  at  the  entrance  of  Chesapeake  Bay.* 
"  You  enter  into  St.  Mary's  Bay  toward  the  north-north- 
west;" whicli  is  in  fact  the  trending  of  the  main  body  of 
Chesapeake  Bay.  "  At  the  entrance  of  St.  Mary's  Bay  on 
the  south  side,  near  the  land,  are  found  soundings  from  nine 
to  thirteen  fathoms  ;  but  on  the  north  side,  only  from  five  to 
seven  fathoms."  Our  modern  surveys  show  that  the  south- 
ern Cape  Henry  has  deeper  soundings  than  the  northern 
Cape  Charles.  "  But  two  leagues  out  to  sea,  you  find  the 
same  depth  and  soundings,  both  north  and  south,  and  more 
sandy  bottom  than  within  the  bay.  Passing  through  the 
channel  you  have  from  nine  to  thirteen  fathoms,  and  on  both 
sides,  within  the  bay,  are  numerous  rivers  and  ports,  where 
ships  can  be  moored."  This  needs  no  comment ;  the  whole 
description,  and  particularly  that  of  the  soundings,  leaves  no 
doubt  tlicvt  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  no  other,  can  be  here 
intended. 


*See  Barcia,  "  Ensayo  Cronol.,"  etc.,  p.  146  scq.   Madrid,  1723. 


■!!!!~!^BH 


EXPEDITION  OP  AYLLON  TO  CHICORA,  152G. 


401 


Both  the  latitudes  of  St.  jNIary's  Bay  given  in  the  fore- 
going description,  "  37°  N."  and  "37%S0'N.,"*  apply  to 
Chesajieake  Bay,  but  the  former  is  more  correct. 

In  the  course  of  my  examination,  I  shall  have  occasion  to 
make  use  of  this  result,  and  to  speak  more  at  large  on  the 
interesting  survey  of  Menendezin  1573.  I  will  now  return 
to  Ayllon  and  his  unfortunate  crew,  whom  we  left  at  their 
anchorage  in  S.  Miguel  do  Gualdape  (Cape  Fear  River). 

Want  of  provisions  soon  forced  them  to  make  further  ex- 
cursions into  the  country.  Autumn  Avas  wearing  away,  and 
winter  was  drawing  near.  Many  Spaniards  sickened  and 
died,  and  among  them,  Oct.  18,  1526,  Ayllon  himself,  the 
chief  commander. 

One  of  the  officers,  Francisco  Gomez,  succeeded  him  in  the 
command  of  the  army  and  fleet,  but  was  not  acknowledged 
by  some  of  the  officers.  Disobedience,  dissensions,  and  re- 
volts followed.  Some  of  the  soldiers  disbanded,  marched  into 
the  interior  of  the  country,  and  lost  their  lives  in  battle  with 
the  Indians,  who  defended  their  homes  against  their  assaults.f 

At  last,  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  out  of  the  five 
hundred  which  had  set  out  on  this  enterprise,  remained  alive ; 
and  these,  discouraged  and  exhausted,  returned  to  S.  Do- 
mingo, where  they  arrived  in  a  miserable  condition,  after  a 
stormy  and  dangerous  passage. 

The  widow  and  son  of  Ayllon  afterwards  solicited  the 
Spanish  government  to  continue  to  them  the  grant  made  to 
him  ;  but  wo  do  not  know  that  they  effected  anything  for 
the  continuance  of  the  enterprise.:}: 

*  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  pp.  119  and  148. 

tHerrera  relates  (1.  c.)  that  on  one  occasion  not  less  than  two  hundred 
Spaniards  were  slain  by  the  Indians. 

t  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  9,  says,  that  the'son  of  Ayllon  tried  to  do  something  for 
a  new  expedition  to  Chicora,  but  was  not  able  to  raise  the  necessary 
funds,  ami  di«d  in  despair. 

26 


ii 


S 


|S 


I 


402 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  DE  SOTO,  1538-1543. 


2,    True   ExPKmnoNs    ok  Fkuvaxdo  de  Soto,  Dieqo   Mal- 

DONADO,   AND   GoMKZ    ArIAS,    1538-154'}. 

After  the  discovery  of  Florida  by  Ponce  do  Leon  in  1512, 
many  tliought  that  this  country  was  only  a  lar<»;e  island. 
When,  in  1519,  the  exciting  news  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico 
by  Cortes  reached  tlie  Spanish  governors  and  settlers  of  the 
Antilles,  several  "conquistadors"  and  adventurers  hastened  to 
the  northern  sliores  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  seek  there  for 
a  country  similar  to  the  realm  of  Montc/Aima. 

In  1519,  Alonzo  Alvarez  Pineda,  in  the  service  of  Fran- 
cisco de  Garay,  governor  of  Jamaica,  surveyed  a  great  part 
of  this  northern  coast,  and  in  1520,  Pamfilo  do  Narvt  .z  was 
sent  out  on  the  track  of  Cortes  by  Velasquez,  governor 
of  Cuba,  with  eighteen  vessels.  In  the  same  year  Pineda 
sailed  again  to  Panuco,  in  the  north  of*  Mexico.  And  in 
1521,  the  old  governor  of  Porto  Rico,  Ponce  de  Leon,  once 
more  undertook  an  expedition  to  his  government  of  Florida, 
where  unhappily  he  lost  his  life,  leaving  a  son  his  heir  and 
successor,  who  did  not,  however,  follow  the  career  of  his 
father. 

By  all  these  expeditions,  principally  however  by  those  of 
Pineda,  it  was  proved,  that  Florida  was  not  an  island,  but  a 
peninsula  joined  to  a  great  continent  in  the  north,  and  that 
there  existed  no  passage  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  either  in 
the  north-east  or  north-west.  The  same  fact  was  also  proved 
in  the  search  on  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  by  Ayllon ; 
who,  on  his  second  expedition,  in  vain  sought  a  strait  to  the 
west  as  high  north  as  Chesapeake  Bay. 

When  it  was  ascertained  that  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  was  a 
closed  basin,  Cortes,  who  was  now  the  governor  of  all  these 
regions,  and  assumed  to  be  the'  head  of  all  enterprises  con- 
nected with  them  and  the  north  of  Florida,  now  directed  his 


ti  m 


11  *a»aM—ii 


EXPEDITIONS   OF  DE  SOTO,  1538-1541?. 


403 


attention  to  the  subject  of  a  nortli-west  passaf];e.  In  a  letter 
dated  Oct.  15,  at  the  otiy  of  Teuiistitan,  lie  wrote  to  the  Em- 
peror Charles,*  that  he  was  quite  certain  that  a  strait  existed 
between  the  Atlantic  and  the  South  Sea,  and  that  ho  was  de- 
termined to  solve  the  problem.  "  Though  exi)enses  crowded 
upon  him,"  he  says,  "  though  he  thought  the  enterprise 
would  cost  him  more  than  11,000  ducats  ;  still  he  had  given 
orders  to  fit  out  several  vessels,  some  to  cruise  along  the 
Pacific  shore  to  the  north,  and  others  concurrently  alonfi  the 
coast  of  Florida  to  the  Bacallaos.  This  grand  exploring 
scheme  of  Cortes  embraced,  accordinn;lv,  a  search  of  the  coast 
of  New  England,  which,  however,  was  never  carried  into 
effect.  For  Cortes,  soon  after  1524,  found  in-gent  occu- 
pation in  the  south.  The  search  along  the  Pacific  was 
undertaken,  and  resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  rocky  penin- 
sula of  California,  and  its  long  gulf,  sometimes  named  after 
liim  "  the  Sea  of  Cortes." 

Though  Pineda  did  not  bring  home  very  encouraging  ac- 
counts  from  the  northern  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where 
he  saw  nothing  but  sandy  islands  and  shores,  still  it  was 
thought  by  some  enterprising  Spanish  captains,  that  there 
might  be  found,  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  another  Mexico 
or  Peru.  And  hence  two  expeditions  were  undertaken  in 
that  direction;  one  under  Pamfilo  de  Narvacz,  in  1528;  the 
other  and  most  important,  under  Fernando  de  Soto  in  1538- 
1543. 

The  expedition  of  Narvaez  was  most  unfortunate,  and  pro- 
ductive of  no  good  results.  It  was  confined  wholly  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  ended  in  the  loss  of  his  own  life  and 
that  of  most  of  his  companions. 

The  expedition  of  De  Soto  in  1538-1543  was  more  exten- 
sive and  more  interesting.     But  before  proceeding  to  a  par- 

*  See  this  letter  in  Kamusio,  vol.  3,  fol.  294.   Veuetia,  1556. 


t    I* 


'is! 

:■■■] 
3"  !:'t. 


r:' 


I 


404 


EXPEDITIONS  OF  DE  SOTO,  1538-1543. 


I 


ticular  narrative  of  it,  I  will  give  a  brief  account  of  some 
expeditions  which  were  made  during  the  period  of  more  than 
twelve  years  between  the  voyages  of  Ayllon  and  De  Soto. 

It  is  not  impossible,  that  during  this  period  some  parts  of 
our  coast  may  have  been  descried  and  sailed  along  by  Span- 
ish vessels.  Nay,  it  is  scarcely  credible  that  it  should  not 
have  been  so.  Soon  after  the  discovery  of  the  Gulf-stream 
navigation  by  Alaminos,  in  1519,  many  Spanish  vessels  sailed 
on  the  track  of  this  navigator.  On  the  one  side,  in  the  south, 
the  commerce  and  navigation  of  Havana,  on  the  coasts  of  the 
Bahama  channel,  had  begun  to  be  flourishing.  On  the  other 
side,  in  the  north,  the  Spaniards,  after  the  time  of  Gomez,  had 
begun  to  take  a  lar";e  share  in  the  cod-fisheries  of  the  Banks 
of  Newfoundland.  "  These  banks,"  says  Asher,  very  ap- 
propriately,* "  were  at  a  moderate  distance  from  the  Spanish 
colonies  in  the  West  Indian  Archipelago.  It  is  therefore  but 
natural  for  us  to  imagine,  that  the  Spaniards  sometimes 
included  both  points  in  the  same  voyage."  It  is  also  very 
probable,  that  some  of  those  vessels,  sailing  along  the  east 
coast  of  North  America,  may  have  been  occasionally  forced 
out  of  their  way,  and  driven  upon  our  shores.  If  we  were 
better  acquainted  with  the  history  of  Spanish  shipwrecks, 
we  should  probably  learn,  that  the  connection  of  Spanish 
navigation  with  our  coast  was  not  wliolly  interrupted  during 
this  period. 

I  may  also  remind  the  reader  of  the  sentiment  expressed 
by  Gomara,  who  incidentally  remarks,  "  that  many  voyages 
of  discovery  had  been  made  to  the  Western  Indies,  particu- 
larly to  the  north,  of  which  we  have  received  no  record."  f 

It  must,  however,  be  confessed,  that  we  know  nothing  for 

*See  Asher,  Henry  Hudson,  Introduction-,  p.  C. 

t  See  this  observation  in  Gomara,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  fol.  20. 
Saragossa,  1553. 


|i^^ 


DISCOVERY   OF  BERMUDA. 


405 


certain  roffardinfj  such  expeditions.  Not  a  single  lop;  or  jour- 
nal of  any  Spanish  vessel,  sailing  through  our  waters  during 
this  period,  has  been  preserved.  And  it  is  also  worth  the 
mention,  that  Oviedo,  who  wrote  his  history  of  Spanish  ship- 
wrecks in  the  West  Indies  in  the  year  1535,  does  not  mention 
any  shipwreck  as  having  hapjjened  on  our  coasts.* 

From  our  only  happening  sometimes  to  hear  incidentally  of 
similar  disasters,  even  in  later  times  when  the  published  re- 
ports respecting  our  coast  were  more  numerous  and  comj)lete, 
we  can  easily  explain  how  these  early  events  may  have  failed 
to  have  reached  these  general  historians.  In  the  year  1584, 
when  Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  captains,  Amadas  and  Barlow, 
came  to  the  shores  of  Virginia,  they  learned  from  the  In- 
dians, that  about  twenty  years  before  (1504),  a  great  vessel, 
belonging  to  a  Christian  nation,  had  been  wrecked  on  the 
coast.  And  again,  in  the  year  1(307,  when  the  English  cap- 
tains Popliam  and  Gilbert  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Maine, 
the  Indians  of  this  country  came  out  to  them  "  in  a  Spanish 
shallop,"  probably  the  boat  of  a  Spanish  vessel  f  that  had 
visited  the  coast,  or  had  been  wrecked  there.  How  many 
may  have  been  the  accidents  of  this  kind,  of  which  no  report 
had  ever  come  to  European  ears  !  © 

There  is,  however,  one  event  of  considerable  interest  to  us, 
and  well  ascertained,  which  occurred  during  this  period,  at  no 
great  distance  from  our  coasts  ;  namely,  the  discovery  of  the 
island  of  Bermuda.  This  took  place  probably  in  about  the 
year  1526,J  by  the  Spanish  captain  Juan  Bermudez,  from 

*See  Oviedo,  Historia  General  de  las  Indias,  lib.  20.  "De  los  infortu- 
nios  y  naufragios.    Sevilla,  ir)35. 

t  [Stracliey  mentions  two  sliallops,  Historie  of  Travaile,  p.  163.  Edited 
by  R.  H.  Major.  London,  184J).  A  "Biscay  shallop"  find  articles  of  Eu- 
ropean clotliing  are  mentioned  in  Archer's  account  of  Gosnold's  voyage,  at 
"Savage  Rock"  (C.  Neddoc),  in  1602,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  3d  series,  vol.  8, 
p.  73.— Ed.] 

X  The  exact  date  of  this  discovery  is  given  neither  by  Herrera,  nor,  so 
far  as  I  know,  by  any  other  Spanish  author. 


t':' 


i',  v! 


406 


niSCOVKUY   OF  nEIlMUDA. 


vvliom  it  received  its  name,  tlioiigli  it  was  also  called  by  tho 
Spaniards,  "  La  Garcia." 

Soon  after  this  island  was  discovered,  the  kinf»  of  Sj)ain 
desired  to  ])lant  u  colony  there  ;  and  in  ir)27,  Hernando 
Camelo,  a  J'ortuguese  from  the  Azores,  offered  to  make  a 
settlement.  He  concluded  with  tho  Spanish  government  a 
contract,  by  which  he  engaged  to  carry  over  to  the  liermu- 
das  cattle,  seeds,  plant?.,  and  men,  and  to  establish,  within 
four  years,  a  settlement  of  Portuguese  and  Spaniards  ;  and 
in  consideration  of  this  service,  he  received  tho  appointment 
of  governor  of  the  Bermudas. 

The  reason  for  this  anxiety  of  the  king  of  Spain,  that  a 
plantation  should  be  effected  at  the  Bermudas,  is  given  by 
Herrera  as  follows  :  "  That  nearly  all  his  West  Indian  fleets 
passed  the  vicinity  of  uninhabited  islands,  and  that  it  would 
be  a  great  advantage  for  them  to  have  a  hospitable  station 
on  their  route.  He  hoped,  also,  that  by  the  cultivation 
of  the  Bermudas,  the  swamps  on  them  might  disappear, 
which  were  considered  to  be  a  cause  of  the  bad  weather  and 
of  the  great  gales  usually  prevailing  about  those  islands." 
Had  such  a  Spanish  colony  been  established  at  the  Bermudas, 
growing  out  of  tho  colonies  at  the  Azores  and  Canaries,  it 
would  probably  have  given  rise  to  another  Si)anish  planta- 
tion on  our  coast.  But  Herrera,  who  tells  us  all  this,  adds, 
that  "  notwithstanding  all  the  promises  of  Camelo,  and  all 
the  advantages  conceded  to  him  bv  the  king,  no  colonization 
of  the  island  was  effected ;  and  that  up  to  his  time,  1600,  he 
could  find  no  record  of  any  renewal  of  the  attempt."  *  And 
as  for  the  Bermudas'  gales,  they  of  course  were  not  done 
away  with. 

How  intimately  the  Bermudas  are  connected  by  their  po- 
sition with  the  history  of  the  discovery  of  our  coast,  became 

*  Herrera,  Dec.  IV,  lib.  2,  cap.  6. 


i 


DE   SOTO'S  KXl'KDITION,  103fi-*lf543. 


407 


still  more  evident  at  a  later  time,  when  tlioy  wore  re(liso()v- 
ered  by  the  ICnglisli  on  their  expedition  to  V^irginia  ;  and 
then  planted  by  an   English  colony. 

On  the  chart  of  Itibero,  only  three  years  after  their  dis- 
covery, the  Hernuulas  are  placed  in  their  true  latitnde,  32° 
N.,  and  nearly  at  their  true  distance  from  our  coast.  They 
may  be  used  sometim(*s  as  a  way-mark,  in  examining  the  po- 
sition of  certain  localities  on  our  coast. 


I  now  return  to  the  expedition  of  Do  Soto,  1.538-ir)43. 
In  the  course  of  three  years  he  marched  over  a  large  portion 
of  our  southern  country,  exploring  and  taking  jiossession  of 
it  for  the  crown  of  Spain.  From  his  landing-place  on  the 
west  coast  of  Florida,  ho  proceeded  first  to  the  north-east, 
an  ■  came  to  that  part  of  the  east  coast  which  Ayllon  had 
visited  in  152G,  and  amonjj;  the  Indians  of  the  region  now 
known  as  South  Carolina  found  Spanish  arms  and  iron  im- 
plements. Some  of  his  companions  suggested  the  reasonable 
idea,  that  a  settlement  might  be  made  on  this  part  of  the  coast 
for  the  benefit  of  Spanish  navigation  and  commerce.  But 
De  Soto's  imagination  was  occupied  with  schemes  which  he 
thought  more  profitable,  and  much  grander.  A  conqueror 
of  Peru,  he  could  not  descend  to  so  small  a  matter  as  found- 
ing a  colony  for  merchants.  He  thought  of  the  conquest  of 
another  Peru,  and  another  Atabalipa,  to  be  accomplished  in 
the  interior  of  North  America.  Leaving,  therefore,  the  oceanic 
route  and  the  sea-shore,  he  marched  into  the  interior,  at  first 
in  a  north-north-western  direction,  probably  along  the  Savan- 
nah River.  On  this  route  he  came  to  a  great  mountain-range, 
running  parallel  with  the  coast.  He  and  his  company  were 
the  first  Europeans  who  had  seen  this  range  of  mountains  in 
its  southern  section ;  the  northern  section,  on  the  northern 
frontier  of  Maine,  had  been  seen  at  a  distance  by  Car  tier  in 


il^!^- 


iH  ,  ! 


■  UJ 


408 


im  HOTO'H   KXI'KDITION,  in.T8-lM3. 


1585.  Do  Sotn  pive  tluiin  tlic  niiiiu!  of  "  inountiiiiis  ('if 
Apiiliu'lie,"  which  found  ii  phice  on  tlu;  maps  of  tlio  niidilh! 
of  tho  sixtc'i'ntli  centuiy.*  Tlio  ohsti'uctions  whicli  lu;  found 
in  thu  passes  of  these  nu)untuina  turn(!d  Iiini  tovviird  the  south- 
west and  tlu!  (jiulf  of  JMexieo,  where  l)u  luid  k'ft  Ids  fleet 
under  his  cajitain,  Die^o  Maldonado.  His  most  northern  ter- 
nunu.>>  on  tjje  AUeirhauy  ran^e,  may  be  put  in  about  30°  40' 
N.,  not  far  from  Chiyton.f 

From  tile  (iulf  of  Mexico,  Dc;  Soto  s(!t  out  a^ain  with 
fresli  courage  in  a  north-western  direction  ;  and  after  trav- 
orsin<^  a  laroe  part  of  the  present  States  of  Ahdjama  and 
Mississippi,  readied  tiie  banlvs  of  tlie  "  Great  Jliver  of  Flor- 
ida" (the  Mississippi),  at  some  point  *m  its  interior  section, 
which  was  then  seen  for  the  first  time  oy  Euro[)eans,  though 
its  mouth  had  been  known  to  the  Spaniards  since  the  expe- 
dition of  Pineda  in  1519,  under  the  name  of  "Kio  del  Es- 
piritu  Santo."  De  Soto  explored  this  river  to  a  point  as  high 
as  about  tho  mouth  of  the  Ohio ;  and  liaving  experienced 
great  hardships  there,  and  encountered  many  perils  in  con- 
flict with  the  savage  tribes,  and  performed  many  gallant  ex- 
ploits, this  heroic  conqueror  died  without  having  gained  the 
objects  of  his  enterprise,  and  was  buried  in  the  waves  of  the 
great  river  which  lie  had  discovered.  A  part  of  his  company, 
after  many  other  adventures,  and  after  a  toilsome  and  ardu- 
ous march  still  further  west  to  the  "  country  of  the  wild 
cows,"  at  last  sailed  down  the  Mississippi  to  the  gulf,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Mexico,  where  the  misorable  remnant  of  this  ill- 
fated  expedition  arrived  in  the  summer  of  1543,  after  an  ab- 
sence of  five  years.  De  Soto  appears  to  have  gone  as  far 
north  as  38°  ;  and  in  this  space,  though  he  had  failed  to  find 

*  See  our  map  of  Mercator,  No.  22.| 

t  [In  Georgia,  at  the  baae  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  about  180  miles  from  Mil- 
ledge  ville.—Eu.] 


I 

! 


MALDONADO'H   KXI'KDITION.  IMl. 


400 


the  siilt-w.'itcr  of  tin-  South  Si'a,  luul  inadi'  ii  discovory  almost' 
as  grand  in  tlio  ina^fiiitici'iit  ItiviT  Mississippi.  As  lu>  saw 
its  great  atHiU'iits  pouring  in  on  one  side  and  on  the  otlior, 
lie  must  have  heconio  impressed  with  the  i(U'a,  tliat  tliey 
coultl  come  otdy  from  tlie  territory  of  an  immense  conti- 
nent, exten(Hng  to  higii  nortliern  latitu(h>s.  In  Hke  manner 
the  discoverer  of  tlie  St.  Lawrence  must  liave  hecome  im- 
pressed with  tlie  vastness  of  the  continent  in  wliicii  its  triltu- 
tary  rivers  had  their  origin.  And  thus  hoth  Cartier  and  J)c 
Soto  must  have  learned,  that  the  great  Western  Ocean  of 
■which  they  were  in  pursuit,  must  bo  very  far  distant ;  and 
that,  contrary  to  the  former  views  and  the  delineations  of  the 
old  maps,  the  western  half  of  North  America  must  have  the 
vast  dimensions  which  they  are  now  known  to  ])ossess ;  thus 
securing  to  the  States  on  the  east  coast  a  spacious  and  ade- 
(juate  back-ground. 

The  names  introduced  by  Do  Soto,  and  the  information 
imparted  by  him  in  the  reports  of  his  discoveries,  furnished 
the  ground-work  of  the  geography  of  the  whole  south  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  principal  source  of  knowledge  regard- 
ing these  regions,  for  more  than  a  hundred  years. 

The  closing  expedition  of  De  Soto  gave  rise  to  extensive; 
voyages,  which,  reaching  as  far  as  the  New  England  coasts, 
are  specially  interesting  to  us,  although  unhappily  wo  have 
but  little  information  regarding  them.  These  expeditions 
were  undertaken  by  his  wife,  the  accomplished  Isabella  de 
Bobadilla.  During  the  abSfence  of  her  husband,  she  resided 
at  Havana,  and  had  charge  of  the  government  of  Cuba.  Her 
anxiety  for  the  safety  of  her  husband,  kept  her  continually 
on  the  watch  for  him ;  and  at  last,  troubled  and  distressed  by 
his  long  absence,  she  fitted  out  an  expedition  under  command 
of  De  Soto's  faithful  captain,  Diego  Maldonado,  to  go  in 
search  of  him.     The  principal  account  of  this  voyage  is  given 


I  m 


410 


MALDONADO'S  EXPEDITION,  1541. 


by  Garc'ilasso  de  la  Vega,  who  says  that  Maldonado,  in  1540, 
having  explored  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  for  his  ab- 
sent chief  without  success,  extended  his  search  in  1541,  with 
his  companion  Gomez  Arias,  along  the  eastern  coast  as  far 
as  the  country  of  Bacallaos.* 

This  short  and  meagre  report  of  Garcilasso  is  adopted  by 
Herreraf  as  well  as  by  Barcia  ;  J  and  though  they  add  noth- 
ing to  our  information  regarding  it,  Ave  can,  with  such  author- 
itie?  in  its  support,  scarcely  doubt  its  truth.  And  if  the  truth 
of  ti>is  voyage  of  Maldonado  is  admitted,  it  is  obvious  from 
its  oljeet  as  a  searching  expeuition,  that  it  must  have 
required  a  very  close  inspection  of  our  coasts.  Maldonado 
is  reported  to  have  said  "  that  he  could  not  think  the  land 
had  devoured  his  chief  and  master  De  Soto  and  his  compan- 
ions, and  that  somewhere  something  must  be  found  of  them." 
In  searching;  for  this  "  somethins  "  of  the  remains  of  a  lost 
expedition,  he  would  not  be  satisfied  with  a  general  observa- 
tion in  looking  after  these  castaways  on  the  b'^oad  ocean,  but 
would  closely  inspect  every  cape  on  which  a  distressed  crew 
mi.ofht  have  left  some  signs,  and  every  harbor  and  inlet  where 
they  might  be  still  living,  or  where  he  might  ^^btain  some 
information  reojarding  them  from  the  natives. 

That  this  expedition  in  1541  "  as  far  as  Bacallaos,"  must 
have  involved  a  thorough  search  of  our  coast,  may  be  also 
inferred  from  the  circumstance,  that  Maldonado,  in  1542- 
1543,  returned  directly  to  the  gulf  without  visiting  again  our 
east  coast.  He  appears  to  have  tlfbught,  that  he  had  done  his 
best  in  that  region,  and  satisfied  himself  that  De  Soto  could 
not  have  wandered  so  far  away. 


*  Garcilasso,  1.  c,  libro  sexto,  cap.  20,  "  no  dtjaron  correr  toda  la  Costa, 
por  la  vanda  del  Oriente  hasta  la  tierra  de  Baccallaos." 
t  See  Dec.  VII,  lib.  7,  cap.  12. 
JEnsayo  Crouol.  del  seel  "  Anno  1541." 


MALDONADO'S  EXPEDITION,  1541, 


411 


From  all  these  circumstances  we  are  strongly  inclined  to  the 
opinion,  that  Maklonado's  voyage  Avas  one  of  the  most  care- 
ful and  thorough  explorations  of  our  east  coast  ever  mude  by 
the  Spaniards,  of  -which  any  account  has  come  down  to  us. 

It  is,  therefore,  not  -^  little  to  be  regretted,  that  we  are  not 
favored  with  his  log  and  journal.  Perhaps  we  may  ascribe 
to  him  the  Spanish  names  on  our  coast  which  we  occasionally 
find  mentioned  by  Spanish  historians,  geographers,  and  map- 
makers  of  that  time,  for  Avhich  we  have  no  other  authority. 

I  also  infer  from  the  quiet  Avay  in  which  Cortes*  and  other 
writers  speak  of  the  voyage  fxom  Havana  to  Bacc.^Maos  along 
our  coast,  that  this  may  have  been  a  regular  track  for  the 
Spaniards,  instead  of  an  exceptional  instance. 


The  bearing  of  our  examination  of  these  early  Spanish  un- 
dertakings in  the  southern  section  of  the  east  coast  of  the 
United  States,  during  the  long  period  from  Columbus  to  De 
Soto,  upon  the  history  and  geography  of  our  northern  sec- 
tion of  the  same,  may  be  thus  briefly  stated : 

By  these  expeditions,  v»liile  the  true  outlines  and  trending 
of  the  soutliern  section  of  this  coast  becam ;  better  defined 
and  understood,  it  necessarily  followed,  that  at  the  same  time 
new  light  would  be  thrown  upon  the  northern  section,  as  con- 
nected with  it. 

The  entire  navigation  of  the  whole  east  coast  'vas,  by  these 
expeditions,  made  easier  and  more  familiar. 

Several  localities  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  northern  sec- 
tion of  our  coasts,  as  Chesapeake  Bay,  the  Bermudas,  and 
other  localities,  were  either  first  discovered  by  these  expedi- 
tions, or  had  their  posit'on  more  definitely  fixed,  and  have 
since  proved  as  way-marks  for  the  true  interpretation  of  the 
old  charts  of  our  coast. 

♦In  his  above-quoted  letter  to  the  emperor  in  the  year  1524. 


\       :«! 


'I     ]\ 


412 


MALDONADO'S  EXPEDITION,  1541. 


In  several  of  the  expeditions  referred  to,  occurring  during 
the  period  in  question,  our  north-eastern  coasts  were  specially 
had  in  view,  and  were  distinctly  included  in  their  original 
plan.  The  scheme  of  Cortes  in  1524,  and  of  Ayllon  in  1526, 
were,  equally  with  that  of  Gomez  in  1525,  intended  for  the 
discovery  of  a  north-west  passage.  Once  at  least,  during  this 
period,  our  northern  coast  was  actually  reached  in  Maldona- 
do's  search  for  De  Soto  in  1541. 

There  is  also  a  probability  that  some  parts  of  the  northern 
section  of  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States  were  frequently, 
during  this  period,  at  least  sighted,  if  not  actually  visited  by 
the  Spaniards,  from  the  circumstance  that  their  vessels  and 
fleets  so  often  followed  the  course  of  the  Gulf-stream,  and 
also  that  the  Spanish  Basques  were  then  accustomed  to  resort 
yearly  to  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland. 


ai 


CHAPTER    XI. 


THE  EXPEDITIONS  UNDER  RIBAULT  AND  LAUDONNIERE 
TO  FLORIDA,  AND  THE  SPANISH  AN  J  ENGLISH  UNDER- 
TAKINGS CONNECTED  WITH  THEM,  IN  1562-1674. 


t    Ki- 


1.  The  Time  between  De  Soto   and   Ribault,  including 
Tiievet's  DESCRirTiON  OF  Maine. 

The  French  expeditions  to  North  America,  which  com- 
menced soon  after  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  were 
directed  to  tlie  southern  section  of  our  east  coast,  the  early 
discovery  of  which  we  have  considered  in  a  former  chapter. 

These,  voyages  were  in  several  ways  connected  with  the 
great  English  expeditions  subsequently  undertaken  to  "  Vir- 
ginia" both  "Southern"  and  "Northern."  The  French 
captains  tried  new  oceanic  routes  to  our  east  coast,  which  were 
afterwards  followed  by  the  English.  Their  pilots  brought  to 
"Virginia"  Captain  John  Hawkins,  one  of  the  most  fa- 
mous of  English  navigators.  Their  writings  and  their  charts 
upon  the  part  of  the  east  coast  explored  by  them  were  car- 
ried to  England,  and  spread  information,  and  awakened  a  gen- 
eral excitement  in  regard  to  these  countries.  Thus  the 
French  captains,  Ribault,  Laudonniere  and  others,  prepared 
the  way  for  Gilbert,  Raleigh,  and  Grenville,  by  whom  the 
work  of  discovery  was  carried  forward,  both  in  the  northern 
and  southern  sections  of  our  east  coast,  until  it  was  at  length 
completed  in  its  central  portion  of  New  England  and  New 
York,  by  the  discoveries  of  Gosnold,  of  Pring,  of  Wey- 
mouth, of  Hudson,  and  Smith.     It  will,  therefore,  be  instruc- 


1;; 


'  i\'  "<t 


I-:;  111 


414 


EXPEDITIONS  TO  FLORIDA,  1502-1574. 


11 

iV. 


tive  to  give  a  short  account  of  these  French  explorers,  who 
'  may  justly  be  considered  as  the  precursors  of  the  later  Eng- 
lish adventurers,  and  to  point  out  the  facts  in  their  history 
Vv'hicli  had  an  influence  on  the  subsequent  exi)editions  of 
the  English  to  Virginia ;  omitting,  however,  tlioso  specialties 
which  belong  exclusively  to  the  history  of  the  Southern  States. 

I  will  first  briefly  review  the  events  which  occurred  be- 
tween the  expeditions  of  De  Soto  at  the  south  (1540-1543), 
and  of  his  contemporaries  Cartier  and  Roberval  at  the  north 
(1534-1543),  and  the  French  expeditions  under  llibault  and 
others  in  1562.  During  these  twenty  years,  we  do  not  know 
that  any  oflicial  expeditions  were  made  to  the  east  coast. 
We  do  not  hear  of  the  arrival  there  of  a  single  vessel.  The 
Spaniards  may  have  been  deterred  by  the  sad  fate  of  De  Soto 
and  his  companions  ;  though  one  would  suppose  that  the  ac- 
counts of  pearls  and  other  riches  of  "  Cotifachique,"  the  re- 
gion along  the  Savannah  described  in  the  reports  on  De  Soto, 
would  have  attracted  adventurers  to  the  place.  Some  Span- 
ish movements  for  a  further  exploration  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexi- 
co and  the  Mississippi  were  agitated ;  but  Ayllon  and  De 
Soto  had  no  successors  on  the  east  coast  for  many  years. 
Nor  do  we  know  of  any  English  expeditions  having  been 
undertaken  to  our  east  coast,  or  the  West  Indies,  during  that 
time. 

But  in  1562,  all  this  was  changed ;  and  the  French  then 
commenced  their  expeditions  to  our  east  coast.  This  action 
aroused  the  Spaniards,  as  well  as  the  English,  to  renewed 
adventures  in  these  regions. 

The  sovereigns  of  France,  however,  were  too  much  occu- 
pied by  foreign  wars  and  domestic  troubles,  to  give  atten- 
tion to  these  remote  undertakings.  But  private  individuals, 
during  the  middle  portion  of  the  sixteenth  century,  stimulated 
by  Catholic  persecutions  at  home,  became  very  active  in  pros- 


VILLEGAGNONS  EXPEDITION. 


415 


ted 

1*08- 


ocutlng  voyages  to  the  new  world,  to  cstablisli  Protestant  col- 
onies on  American  soil.  Some  of  the  French  sea-ports  became 
strong-holds  of  the  Ilnguenots.  Their  most  prominent  sup- 
porter, Coligny,  was  high  admiral  of  France.  These  Hu- 
guenots looked  toward  the  new  countries  as  the  proper  field 
in  which  to  secure  a  retreat  from  j)ersecution,  and  to  found  a 
new  religious  commonwealth.  Probably  many  of  the  French 
"corsarios"  following  the  track  of  the  Portuguese  and  Span- 
iards to  the  West  Indies  and  the  coasts  of  Brazil,  were 
Huguenots,  and  in  cruisino;  ao;ainst  the  Catholic  kings  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  the  French  Huguenots  would  be  less 
scrupulous  than  the  Catholic  subjects  of  France.  ' 

The  first  scheme  for  a  Protestant  colony  in  the  new  world 
was  suggested  by  Admiral  Coligny  in  1554,  and  intended  for 
the  coast  of  Brazil,  to  which  an  expedition,  under  Durand  de 
Villegagnon,  was  sent  with  ships  and  colonists.  This  expe- 
dition arrived  at  the  Bay  of  Rio  Janeiro  in  1555,  and  found- 
ed there  the  first  European  settlement.  It  was  followed  the 
next  year  by  another  expedition.  But  the  whole  enterprise 
came  to  an  end  by  divisions  among  the  colonists,  occasioned 
by  the  treacherous,  despotic,  and  cruel  proceedings  of  its 
commander,  a  reputed  Catholic.  The  colony  Avas  finally 
subverted  by  the  Portuguese,  who,  in  1560,  sent  out  an  arm- 
ament against  it,  and  took  possession  of  the  Bay  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro. 

This  Brazilian  scheme  of  the  French  Huguenots  is  made 
particularly  interesting  to  us  by  the  fact,  that  Andrd  Thevet, 
a  celebrated  French  traveler  and  cosmographer,  who  was  one 
of  that  company,  was  thereby  induced  to  visit  and  describe 
our  east  coast,  and  particularly  the  coast  of  Maine. 

After  having  entered  the  order  of  the  Franciscans,  and 
completed  his  studies,  he  commenced  his  career  as  a  traveler 
by  visiting  Asia  and  the  Holy  Land ;    on  his   return  from 


!( 


■.      .s\ 


n 


416 


THE  VET'S  EXPEDITION,  IfiSO. 


:| 


which,  in  1554,  desiring  to  sec  the  new  world,  he  embarked 
in  1555  witii  Villegagnon.  In  1556  *  ho  returned  to  France, 
and  tlio  vessel  in  which  he  took  passage  appears  to  have  sailed 
along  the  entire  oast  coast  both  of  South  and  North  Amer- 
ica, as  far  north  as  the  "  Baccallaos."  This  appears  from 
several  passages  in  his  two  well-known  works  :  "  Les  singu- 
larit(iz  de  la  France  antarctique,  autrement  nomm<)  Am(jri- 
que  "  (the  singularities  of  antarctic  France,  otherwise  called 
America),  and  "  La  cosmographie  universelle,"  which  he 
wrote  after  his  return,  and  after  having  become  "  Aumon- 
ier"  of  Catharine  de  Medici,  and  historiographer  and  cos- 
mographer  of  the  king  of  France. 

Tlievet  says  in  these  works,  that  in  1556  he  sailed  along 
the  entire  coast  of  Florida,  then  comprising  the  whole  east 
coast  of  North  America,  and  in  the  course  of  this  voyage 
visited  also  the  coast  of  Norumbega.  In  his  "  Cosmogra- 
phy," he  gives  the  following  highly  interesting  description  of 
his  visit  to  this  region  : 

"  Having  left  La  Florida  on  the  left  hand,  with  all  its  isl- 
ands, gulfs,  and  capes,  a  river  presents  itself,  which  is  one  of 
the  finest  rivers  in  the  whole  world  (une  des  belles  rivieres 
qui  soit  en  toute  la  terre),  which  we  call  *  Norumbegue,'  and 
the  aborigines  '  Agoncy,'  and  which  is  marked  on  some  ma- 
rine charts  as  the  Grand  River  (meaning  Penobscot  Bay). 
Several  other  beautiful  rivers  enter  into  it ;  and  upon  its 
banks  the  French  formerly  erected  a  little  fort  about  ten  or 
twelve  leagues  from  its  mouth,  which  was  surrounded  by 
fresh-water,  and  this  place  was  named  the  Fort  of  Norum- 
begue. 

"  Some  pilots  would  make  me  believe,  that  this  country 
(Norumbegue)  is  the  proper  country  of  Canada.  But  I 
told  them  that  this  was  far  from  the  truth,  since  this  country 

*  See  upon  this,  Joclier,  Gelehrten-Lexicon,  vol.  4,  p.  1130.    Leipzig,  1751. 


THEVET'S  EXPEDITION,  lo5G. 


417 


lies  in  43°  N.,  and  thtit  of  Cunadii  In  50  or  52°.     Before  you 
enter  the  said  river  appears  an  island  (Fox  Island)  surround- 
ed by  eight  very  small  islets,  whicli  are  near  the  country  of 
the  green  mountains  (Camden  Hills?),  and  to  the  Cape  of 
the  islets  (Cabo  do  nnu'has  islas?).     From  there  you  sail 
all    along   nnto    the  mouth  of  the  river,  which    is    danger- 
ous from  the  great  number  of  thick  and   high   rocks  ;  and 
its  entrance  is  wonderfully  large.     About  three  leagues  into 
the  river,  an  island  presents  itself  to  you,  that  may  have 
four  leagues  in  circumference  (Long  Island,  now  Islesboro'), 
inhabited  only  by  some  fishermen  and  birds  of  different  sorts, 
which  island  they  call  '  Aiayascon,'  because  it  has  the  form 
of  a  man's  arm,  whicli  they  call  so.     Its  greatest  length  is 
from  north  to  south.     It  would  be  very  easy  to  plant  on  this 
island,  and  build  a  fortress  on  it  to  keep  in  check  the  whole 
surrounding  country.     Having  landed  and  put  our  feet  on 
the  adjacent  country,  we  perceived  a  great   mass  of  people 
coming  down  upon  us  from  all  sides  in  such  numbers,  that 
you  might  have  supposed  them  to  have  been  a  flight  of  star- 
lings.    Those  which  marched  first,  were  the  men  which  they 
call  '  Aquehuns.'     After  them  came  the  women,  which  they 
call  '  Peragruastas,'  then  the  '  Adegestas,'  being  the  children, 
and  the  last  were  the  girls,  called  '  Aniusgestas.'     And  all 
this  people  was  clothed  in  skins  of  wild  animals,  which  they 
call  '  Rabatatz.'     Now  considering  their  aspect  and  manner  of 
proceeding,  we  mistrusted  them,  and  went  on  board  our  ves- 
sel.    But  they,  perceiving  our  fear,  lifted  their  hands  into  the 
air,  making  signs  that  w^e  should  not  mistrust  them ;  and  for 
making  us  still  more  sure,  tliey  sent  to  our  vessel  some  of 
their  principal  men,  which  brought  us  provisions.     In  recom- 
pense of  this,  we  gave  them  a  few  trinkets  of  a  low  price,  by 
whicli  they  were  highly  pleased.     The  next  morning  I,  with 
some  others,  was  commissioned  to  meet  them,  and  to  know 

27 


!)'   I' 


'  I'-' 

,i  -11 

Pi 

,H:     1 

■  vr''  1 

J  fm 

t  ?• 

: 

i 


in 


418 


THEVpyrS  EXPEDrTION,  irM. 


ii  i 


•w 
"ift 


wlietlier  tliey  would  bu  inclined  to  assist  us  with  nioro 
victuals,  of  which  wo  were  very  nuicli  in  need.  But  having 
entered  into  the  house,  which  they  call '  Canoijue,'  of  a  certain 
little  kin<j;  of  theirs,  which  called  himself  '  Peramich,'  we  saw 
several  killed  animals  han<jin(;  on  the  beams  of  the  said  house, 
which  he  had  j)repared  (as  ho  assured  us)  to  send  to  us. 
This  chief  gave  us  a  very  hearty  welcome,  and  to  show  us 
his  affection,  he  ordered  to  kindle  a  fire,  which  they  call 
'  Azista,'  on  which  the  meat  was  to  be  put  and  fish,  to  be  roast- 
ed. Upon  this  some  rogues  came  in  to  bring  to  the  king  the 
heads  of  six  men,  which  they  had  taken  in  war  and  massa- 
cred, which  terrified  us,  fearing  that  they  might  treat  us  in 
the  same  way.  But  toward  evening  we  secretly  retired  to 
our  ship  without  bidding  good-by  to  our  host.  At  this  he 
was  very  much  irritated,  and  came  to  us  the  next  morning 
accompanied  by  three  of  his  children,  showing  a  mournful 
countenance,  because  he  thought  that  we  had  been  dissatis- 
fied with  him  ;  and  he  said  in  his  language  :  '  Cazigno,  Cazigno 
Casnouy  danga  addagriu'  (that  is,  let  us  go,  let  us  go  on 
land,  my  friend  and  brother)  ;  '  Coaquoca  Ame  Couascon 
Kazaconny '  (come  to  drink  and  to  eat,  what  we  have)  ;  '  Ar- 
ea somioppach  Quenchia  dangua  ysmay  assomaka '  (we  assure 
you  upon  oath  by  Iieaven,  earth,  moon,  and  stars,  that  you 
shall  fare  not  worse  than  our  own  persons). 

"  Seeing  the  good  affection  and  will  of  this  old  man,  some 
twenty  of  us  went  again  on  land,  every  one  of  us  with  his 
arms  ;  and  then  we  went  to  his  lodgings,  where  wo  were 
treated,  and  presented  with  what  he  possessed.  And  mean- 
while great  numbers  of  people  arrived,  caressing  us  and 
offering  themselves  to  give  us  pleasure,  saying  that  they  were 
our  friends.  Late  in  the  evening,  when  we  were  willing 
to  retire  and  to  take  leave  of  the  company  with  actions  of 
gratitude,   they  would  not  give   us   leave.     Men,  women, 


TIIEVET'S   EXl'EniTIOX,  ir..1fl. 


4iy 


cliildrcn,  .-ill  cntii'atcd  us  zealously  to  stay  with  tlietn,  cryiii*!; 
out  those  words  :  '  Cazitruo  aj^nyda  lioa  '  ( uiy  triends,  do  not 
start  from  hero  ;  you  shall  sleej)  this  uio;ht  with  us).  But 
they  could  not  harangue  so  well  as  to  j)ersuade  us  to  sleej) 
with  thein.  And  so  wo  retired  to  our  vessel  ;  and  having 
remained  in  this  place  five  full  days,  we  weighed  anchor, 
parting  from  them  with  a  marvellous  contentment  of  both 
sides,  and  went  out  to  the  ojien  sea." 

Though  Thevct  is  not  esteemed  as  a  very  reliable  author, 
still  I  think  this  description  of  Penobscot  Jiay  is  the  best  wo 
have  had,  except  that  given  by  Gomez  on  his  chart  of  1525, 
and  copied  on  the  map  of  llibero  in  152'J.  His  descrip- 
tion is  very  accurate,  indicating  a  longer  stay,  and  is  alto- 
gether, with  the  Indian  words  contained  in  it,  so  remarkable, 
that  I  have  given  it  in  full.* 

If  Tlievet  is  right  in  his  statement,  that  his  countrymen 
had,  before  his  visit  to  Penobscot  Bay  in  1556,  erected  there 
a  fort,  this  must  have  been  the  first  settlement  of  Europeans 
ever  made  on  the  coast  of  Maine.  It  may  have  been  a  little 
French  station  for  fishing,  and  for  the  fur  trade. 

Penobscot  is  the  only  portion  of  the  whole  east  coast  of 
America  which  Thevet  has  described  in  such  detail.  The 
other  rivers,  the  capes,  and  islands  of  Maine  and  Nova  Scotia, 
which  he  incidentally  mentions,  arc  not  easily  identified,  and 
his  observations  on  them  are  not  of  any  value.  Ho  says  that 
he  sailed  from  Norumbega  to  Newfoundland,  and  even  to 
Labrador  ;  and  thence  he  appears  to  have  returned  to  France 
by  way  of  the  Azores. 

*See  Amli(5  Thevet,  "La  coHinographie  universellc,"  torn.  2,  fol.  1008, 
1009,  Paris,  1575;  also,  "  Les  Singularitez  de  la  France  antarctiquo,"  fols. 
143, 145,  158,  Ifil,  An  vers,  1558.  The  description  of  tlie  "  Biver  of  Norum- 
bega," as  given  by  Thevet,  has  been  copied  in  many  geographical  works ; 
for  instance,  in  Wytfliet,  "  Descriptionis  Ptolemaicse  augraentum,"  p.  97, 
Lovanii,  1597. 


:■;!      ^>  >H 


».ii 


'■  I&  1 


■| 


!!:. 


M 


420 


TIIEVKT'S  EXPKDITION,  IMrt. 


'■  I 


Tliovot,  several  times  in  liis  works,  mentions  tlio  French 
j)iiot  (jriiillaumo  lo  Tostii  as  a  mariner  "  with  wiiom  lie  often 
sailed,"  and  it  is  not  itnprobahie  tliat  he  connnanded  tho 
shij)  which  took  Thevet,  in  IfjAd,  alon^  the  coast  of  Florida 
to  Nornmhenja,  and  that  tlie  Avhole  credit  of  this  voyage  should 
1)0  given  to  him.  lie  is  also  known  as  the  composer  of  a 
Fortulano,  preserved  in  the  collections  of  the  Depot  de  la 
marine  in  Paris.* 

Thevet's  description  of  Penobscot  Bay,  and  his  remarks 
on  the  coast  of  JNIaine  arc  the  last,  so  far  as  I  kno.v,  con- 
tained in  any  work  l)efore  the  year  1578,  the  beginning  of  a 
new  period. 

For  a  long  time  after  Thevet,  the  authors  who  have  de- 
scribed the  northern  parts  of  the  cast  coast  of  the  United 
States,  mention  nothing  except  the  "  Rio  de  las  Gamas," 
or  "the  great  river  of  Norumbega."  The  celebrated  Span- 
ish historian  Ilerrera,  in  his  description  of  the  West  Indies, 
first  published  in  Madrid  in  IGOl,  after  having  described  the 
coast  of  Florida  as  hiij-h  north  as  St.  Helena  Sound  in  32° 
has  the  following :  "  Beyond  St.  Helena,  there  are  as  yet 
no  other  settlements ;  though  the  coast  has  been  discovered 
and  sailed  along  by  several  nations  at  difl'erent  times.  There 
are  many  rivers  and  harbors  on  the  coast ;  but  because  they 
are  not  very  well  known,  I  will  not  mention  them,  except  the 
Rio  de  las  Gamas,  otherwise  called  the  great  river  of  Sta. 
Maria,  which  is  very  great  and  winding,  and  stands  about 
in  the  middle  of  the  coast,  toward  the  Bacallaos,  from  whence 
the  great  river  of  Ochelaga  (St.  Lawrence),  enters  the  coun- 
try, which  has  been  repeatedly  explored  by  foreigners."! 


♦  See  Major,  "  Early  Voyages  to  Terra  Australis,"  p.  30.  London,  18.59. 
tSee  Herrera,  " Descripciou  de  la  India  Occidentalis,"  p.  20.  Madrid, 
1601. 


IU11AULT8  FlllST  VOYAGE,  1302. 


421 


2.  First  KxrLoiiiNa  Kxncnrriox  of  Captaix  Jkan  Kiijault 

FROM    IIaVRK    I)K    (flCACK    TO    TIIK    ICasT    C'OAST  OF    Fl.OR- 
1I>A,    (iKOUiilA,    AND    SoUTII    CaUOI-INA,    IN    liJlJlJ. 

After  the  inifortmuito  end  of  tlio  Frcncli  cntorprise  to 
South  Amorlcji,  Adininil  Coli^ny,  who  may  bo  styled  the 
Kaloi<i;h  of  Fninee,*  turned  his  attention  to  tlio  eastern 
shores  of  North  Aineriea  ;  the  wholo  of  wliicli  had  become 
known  in  France  from  the  voya<j;c  of  Verra/ano,  and  the 
French  expeditions  to  Canada  and  tlio  Banks  of  Newfound- 
land. It  is  very  }>robable,  tiiat  CoH<j;ny  liad  studied  tiie  ex- 
pedition of  Verra/ano  made  under  Francis  I.  in  1524,  and 
tiiat  his  North  American  undertakiuf^  may,  in  some  respects, 
be  considered  as  a  continuation  of  that  voyage.  Coii^ny  must 
also  be  supposed  to  have  been  accjuainted  with  the  Spanish 
expeditions  to  the  east  coast  under  Ayllon ;  for  the  expedi- 
tions botli  of  Verrazano  and  Ayllon  are  several  times  alluded 
to  in  Ribault's  reports,  which  also  contain  Spanish  names 
introduced  by  Ayllon. 

None  of  the  reports  of  the  officers  commanding  this  expedi- 
tion, or  the  subsequent  French  expeditions,  make  any  allusion 
to  the  establishment  of  an  asylum  for  French  Protestants, 
which  was  the  j)rincipal  object  of  Coligny  in  the^e  undertak- 
ings. Tiiey  only  say,  that  Coligny  was  "  desi^^pus  of  discov- 
ering and  exploring  new  countries,  and  advancing  the  power 
and  glory  of  France." 

The  project  could  be  successful  only  under  some  pretext 
like  this ;  for  Charles  IX.  would,  undoubtedly,  have  refused 
his  assent  and  his  ships  for  an  expedition,  expressly  under- 
taken to  relieve  the  Protestants,  and  lay  the  foundation  of  a 

*The  first  account,  printed  in  French,  of  the  expeditions  set  forth  by 
Coligny  was,  after  liis  death, dedicated  to  Sir  Walter  Italeifjli.  [See  Jones's 
Introduction  to  Hakluyt,  Divers  Voyages,  p.  xix.   London,  1850.— Ed.] 


V  f  ii- 


I 


Hit 


m 

0 


m 


m 


• 


422 


mUAl'LTH   FIItHT  VOYAOK,  l.WJ. 


IVotcstafit  colony  oromplro.  Tlir  supposition,  tliiit  tlio  kirij; 
would  iviulily  liavo  ;;ivcMi  Ills  couHcnt,  l)c»causi'  ho  would  Imvo 
hcH'M  ^liid  to  !»('  rid  ot'tluMU,  .st'oniH  not  to  bu  admissible.  'I'lu- 
Ctttholic  party  di'sirt'd  to  destroy  tlu^  lIu<^uenots,  and  to  leave 
no  cscajje  for  tlieuj.  The  llra/ilian  adventure  received  tiio 
ap|)robation  of  Henry  II,  only  because  (!oli;i;ny  demonstrated 
to  him,  that  it  woidd  be  advanta^feous  to  Fi'anee  "  to  divide 
the  riches  of  Urazil  with  the  kiuj^  of  i*ortuy;al."' 

However  this  mav  bi',  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  first  ex- 
])editi(»n  sent  to  oin*  shores  by  Coli^ny,  muler  the  conunand 
of  Captain  .lean  Ribault,  was  intended  to  bi'  a  mere  explor- 
in<;  expeilition,  preliminary  to  a  subse(|uent  settlement.  The 
whole  outfit  of  the  expedition  proves  this  ;  consisting;,  as  it 
did,  only  of  two  small  vessels  (deux  rol)er<;es  du  Koi),  "of 
such  make  and  burden,"  says  Uibault,  "as  those  whicji  Ver- 
razano  had."  *  We  hear  nothing  of  the  embarkinij  of  women, 
or  of  implements  necL'ssary  for  a  colony. 

The  particular  instructions  which  Coliony  fnimod  for  this 
expedition  are  not  preserved.  Kibault  j)robably  alludes  to 
them  in  the  befrinning  of  his  account,  where  lie  says,  that 
he  was  "  chosen  and  appointed  by  Coligny  to  discover  and 
survey  a  certain  lonnr  coast  of  the  West  India  from  the  head 
of  tlie  lande,  called  Lafiorida,  drawing  toward  the  northe part 
unto  the  head  of  Brltom  (Cape  Breton),  distant  from  the 
saide  liead  of  Laflori(hi  900  leamies  or  there  about :  to  the 
ende  wee  mi<fht  certifie  to  the  Admiral,  and  make  true  report 
of  the  temperature,  fertilitie,  Portes,  Havens,  Ilivers  and 
generally  of  all  the  commodities,  that  bee  scene  and  found 
in  that  lande,"  ....  so  "  That  Fraunce  might  one  day 
through  newc  discoveries  have  knowledge  of  strange  Conn- 


*See  RibauU's  report  in    Hakluj't's  Divers  Voyages,  p.  92.    London, 
1850. 


IUn\l  I/rS   1.'II{HT   VOYAOK,  1302. 


428 


tries,  iind  also   thereof  to  rcreivo,  l»y  mcons  of  continuall 
tr.'iflicke,  riclio  and  inestiiUiiliK'  commoditii'S,"  etc.* 

From  this  it  is  (|uiti'  e\  i(h'Mt  tliat  tlie  phiii  wiis,  to  iniiko  an 
cx|iloration  of  the  cfifiir-  extent  of  our  ntxt  connty  and  that  the 
oceount  of  Verra/ano's  voyage  was  present  to  the  minds  of 
those  who  designed  this  expedition. 

Wiiat  fnrthi'i*  ontlit  and  apparatns  for  t'\ph)ration,  wliat 
instruments,  wliat  eiiarts  or  hooi^s  were  provich'd  for  thi>  expe- 
dition, we  are  not  informed  ;  but  wo  K'arn,  that  amon;^  the 
crew  were  some  |(ih)ts  and  saih)rs  "  who  had  been  on  tlie 
coast  before."!  We  an*  left  to  conjecture,  Avhetlier  tlieso 
persons  were  perliaps  hoys  in  Verrazano's  expedition,  now 
become  ol<l  saih)rs  ;  or  Sj)anish  pih)ts,  t'no;a<^ed  for  tliis  un- 
dertakinrr ;  or  some  of  tlie  crew  of  Cartier  or  Uoberval,  or  of 
some  unknown  French  adventurers.  Thi'  hitter  supposition 
is  the  most  probable. 

What  claim  .fean  llibiiult  had,  from  any  past  services  in 
this  direction  or  elsewhere,  to  bo  appointed  to  commanil  this 
expedition,  we  do  not  know.  His  princi[)al  compatiion  was 
R(5n()  do  Laudonniero,  who  is  called  by  some  his  second  in 
command,  of  whoso  merits  and  claims  for  the  position  wo  aro 
also  if^norant. 

Ribault  sailed  from  Havre  do  Grace  on  the  18tli  of  Febru- 
ary, 15G2.  Liko  Verra/.ano,  ho  was,  at  the  outset,  assailed  by 
a  furious  tempest,  and  obliged  to  seek  shelter  to  refit  his 
vessels  in  another  harbor  of  France  ;  and  "  thought  it  good 
to  fall  into  the  road  of  Brest,"  when,  "  after  two  days'  tar- 
rying, ho  returned  from  there  again  to  seawardo,  to  follow 
his  navigation." 

He  was  determined  to  pursue  an  altogether  "  new  route  or 
course  which  had  not  been  yet  attempted.''^     Previous  to  tliat 


t 


Ribault, 
Eibtault, 


1.  c.  p.  91. 
1.  c.  p.  114. 


H*" 


I 


i      i 


!■(    ' 


n 
ill 


rf 


424 


KIDAULT'S  FIUST  VOYAGO,  im2. 


'I    II 

1    i' 


time  mariners,  sailing  to  any  part  of  the  coast  south  of 
Canada,  luid  tliought  it  necessary  to  follow  a  southern  course 
as  far  as  the  Canary  Islands,  or  Madeira,  when  they  would 
fall  in  with  the  trade-winds  ;  then  to  touch  at  the  Antilles 
and  Lucayos,  to  obtain  fresh  supplies  ;  exactly  as  had  been 
do'ie  by  the  Spaniards  ever  since  the  time  of  Columbus.* 

This  route,  which  might  be  called  the  Spanish  route,  bud 
been  followed  by  Verrazano,  at  least  as  far  as  Madeira. 

Without  ffoin<x  so  far  south,  Uibault  struck  out  from  France 
at  once  into  the  broad  Western  Ocean  "  on  a  more  directly 
western  course;''^  which  is,  as  he  says,  "  tlie  true  and  short 
course  that  hereafter  must  be  kept  to  *1"^'  honor  of  the  French 
nation,  rejecting  the  old  conserved  opinion  which  a  long  time 
has  been  holden  as  true."  f 

He  intended  to  introduce  "a  national  French  high  road" 
in  a  more  northern  latitude  ;  and,  as  we  learn  from  his  book, 
places  a  high  value  on  this  "  new  invention,"  speaking  in 
high  terms  of  it,  no  doubt  with  much  truth ;  for  it  is  very 
probable,  that  he  passed  throuqjh  some  regions  of  the  oceaxi 
which  had  not  been  navigated  before  from  east  to  west.  We 
cannot  designate  his  track  exactly,  as  1.  ?  gives  us  no  particu- 
lars about  the  courses  and  bearings  whici  he  followed.  Prob- 
ably  he  went  north  of  the  Azores  and  B*.  rmudas  ;  and  then 
by  degrees  turned  further  south,  and  struck  our  coast  not  far 
north  of  Lucayos  (the  Bahamas). 

His  track  most  resembles  that,  of  Verrazano ;  but  at  first, 
lie  sailed  in  a  more  northern,  and  at  last  in  a  more  southern 
latitude  than  Verrazano,  whose  track  he  crossed  in  about  the 
latitude  of  the  Bermudas.  Verrazano's  land-fall  was  in  34° 
N. ;  Ribault's  in  about  30°  N. 

The  similarity  between  the  tracks  of  Rihault  and  Verra- 


*  Eibault,  1.  c.  p.  95. 
tibid. 


EIBAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,   1502. 


425 


zano  proves,  tluit  tlic  voyage  of  tlie  former  was  planned  after 
the  model  of  the  latter.  Like  Verrazano,  ho  crossed  the 
ocean  north  of  the  trade-whids  ;  and,  like  him,  made  his  land- 
fall on  our  coast  a  little  north  of  the  peninsula  of  Florida ; 
and  thence,  like  him,  ho  sailed  along  our  coast  to  the  north- 
east. 

I  liavc  been  somewhat  particular  about  Ribaidt's  "new 
route,"  because  he  was  afterwards  followed  on  this  course  by 
an  English  navigator.  In  the  year  1G02,  Cai)i.  liartholomew 
Gosnold,  sailing  from  England  to  Norumbega,  intended,  like 
Ribault,  "  to  make  a  short  cut ; "  and,  carrying  out  this 
intention,  he  made  the  coast  of  Maine  by  a  more  direct  and 
much  shorter  route  than  had  before  been  practised,  a?  will  be 
seen  hereafter.  Ribault's  course  has  this  particular  interest 
for  us,  that  it  prepared  the  way  for  Gosnold  and  other  adven- 
turers to  the  "  north  part  of  Virginia." 

Ribault  arrived  on  our  coast  at  a  head-land  in  the  neighbor- 
hood  of  the  present  harbor  of  St.  Augustine,  which  he  named 
"Cape  Francois"  (French  Cape).  From  this  point  he 
sailed  north,  looking  for  a  harbor.  He  discovered  the  mouth 
of  a  fine-looking  river,  to  wdiich  he  gave  the  name  "  La  riviere 
de  May,"  because  he  saw  it  on  the  first  of  the  month  of 
May  (now  St.  Mary's  River).  He  lay»there  at  anclior  from 
the  1st  to  the  3d  of  May,  making  meanwhile  frequent  excur- 
sions in  his  boats  on  the  river,  which  he  found  closed  by  a  bar 
of  sand,  and  inaccessible  to  large  vessels. 

The  aspect  of  the  country  appeared  to  him  enchanting,  its 
climate  and  temperature  delightful,  the  river  "  boiling  with 
swarming  fishes,"  the  inhabitants  extremely  peaceful  and  of 
the  most  friendly  disposition  ;  and,  in  short,  he  expresses  him- 
self with  great  joy  and  satisfactioi  at  everything  he  saw. 
His  account  reminds  us  of  the  first  enthusiastic  report  of  Co- 
lumbus on  his  landing  in  the  Antilles ;  nor  were  his  delusions 
less  than  those  of  Columbus. 


i'i 


' 


l!      |! 


'I 


I 


!  ^ 


426 


RIBAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,  1B02. 


He  thought  tliat  he  found  in  the  forests  and  shrubs  on  tlic 
banks  of  the  river  the  Indian  pcpperplant,  roots  hke  rhubarb, 
different  sorts  of  small  spices,  and  silk-worms  "bigger  than 
tlio!»G  in  Europe."  Among  the  Indians,  he  found  signs  of 
copper,  gold,  silver,  and  pearls  "  as  faire  as  in  any  country 
in  the  world."  lie  saw  an  Indian  "  who  had  a  pearle  hanging 
at  a  collar  of  golde  and  silver  about  his  riecke,  as  great  as  an 
acorne,  at  the  least."  And  upon  the  whole,  the  country  was 
so  enchanting  "  as  no  pen  could  describe  it."  * 

These  exaggerated  descriptions  of  Ribault,  so  similar  to 
those  of  former  discoverers,  were  not  without  influence  upon 
the  subsequent  history  of  our  coast.  Having  been  translated 
into  English,  and  published  in  England,  with  a  dedication  to 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  generally  read  there,  and  having 
been  followed  in  the  same  style  by  several  English  writers, 
they  exerted  all  important  inf^aience  in  preparing  the  way  for 
subsequent  English  undertakings  to  the  same  or  neighboring 


regions. 


One  of  the  first  inquiries  which  Ribault  made  of  the  In- 
dians, was  for  "the  country  of  Cibola,"  or  "the  Seven 
Cities,"  which  the  first  Spanish  expeditions  from  Mexico  to 
the  North,  under  Marco  de  Niga  and  Coronado,  had  again 
made  to  be  objects  /)f  interest.  Ribault  thought  that  this 
Eldorado  might  be  reached  from  the  Atlantic,  as  well  as  the 
Pacific!  He  understood  from  the  Indians  of  his  May  Rive  r, 
that  there  was  only  a  boat's  voyage  of  twenty  days  to  this 
south-sea  land.  The  Indians  probably  spoke  of  the  Mexi- 
can Gulf,  which  Ribault  understood  to  be  the  South  Sea.  He 
was  disappointed  in  not  being  able  to  undertake  this  expedi- 
tion at  once  ;  but  he  had  not  found  a  safe  harbor  where  he 
could  moor  his  vessels,  and  therefore  resolved  to  look  for  one 
north  of  May  River. 

*  See  Ribault's  description,  1.  c.  p.  100-107. 
t  Eibault,  1,  c.  pp.102, 103. 


KIBAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,  15G2. 


427 


Before  sailing,  lie  erected  on  a  pleasant  hill  sontli  of  May 
River,  a  stone  pillar,  with  the  arms  of  the  king  of  France 
engraved  thereon,  as  a  sign  that  there  "  the  limits  of  his 
majesty  were  to  commence,  and  that  there  should  be  the  end 
of  the  Spanish  dominion  in  Amei'ica." 

On  the  3d  of  May  he  sailed  to  the  north  ;  his  fear  of 
encroaching  upon  the  Spanish  claim  prevented  him  from 
advancing  further  south ;  and  besides,  Verrazano,  from  his 
land-fall,  had  proceeded  north  ;  and  in  the  north,  were  also 
the  countries  discovered  by  the  French  under  Cartier  and 
Roberval. 

« 

Coasting  along,  he  saw  the  numerous  inlets  and  sounds  of 
our  present  States  of  Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  and  gave 
to  them  French  names,  which  I  need  not  stop  to  identify. 
The  soundings  of  none  of  them  were  deep  enough  for  his 
vessels.  At  last,  m  about  32°  30'  N.  ho  found  an  excel- 
lent broad  and  deep  harbor,  which  he  named  "  Port  Royal," 
which  probably  is  the  present  Broad  River,  or  Port  Royal 
entrance.  Ribault  thought  it  to  be  the  old  "  Rio  Jordan," 
discovered  and  named  by  the  Spaniard  Ayllon.  He  found 
this  port  and  the  surrounding  country  so  advantageous  and 
of  such  "  singular  beauty,"  that  he  resolved  to  leave  here 
a  part  of  his  men  in  a  small  fort.  Though  he  had  be'en 
commissioned  for  exploring  only,  yet  he  thought  that  Ad- 
miral Coligny  would  not  insist  on  this  instruction.  A  pillar 
with  the  arms  of  France  was  therefore  erected,  and  a  fort 
constructed,  furnished  with  cannon,  ammunition,  and  provis- 
ions, and  named  "  Charlesfort."  Thirty  volunteers  were 
placed  in  it,  and  it  became  the  second  European  settlement 
ever  attempted  upon  the  east  coast  of  the  United  States. 
Its  position  was  probably  not  far  from  the  site  of  the  present 
town  of  Beaufort,  on  Port  Royal  River. 

Having   accomplished  this,  and  made  a  certain   captain, 


n 

1   .  .IK  ,  n 

M       K 

H      R 

1  n 

'     '  M:'  i   H  *' 

:•:  |j|| 

:     1 

I 

\'' 

h 

!if 

i 

1 

it 


i  ;    f.'''-'!i' 


*-i 


i  t 


,'l^i 


'i      i .  i 


428 


IIIBAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,  1BG2. 


Albert  de  la  Pieria,  "  a  soldier  of  great  experience,"  com- 
mander of  Cliarlnsfort,  lie  took  leave* of  his  countrymen,  and 
left  Port  Royal  on  tlie  lltli  day  of  June,  sailing  north  "  with 
the  intention  to  explore  the  east  coast  of  New  France " 
(Nortli  America)  as  far  as  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude.* 

Ribault  gives  no  reason  for  limiting  himself  to  this  lati- 
tude, or  why  he  did  not  proceed  further  north,  according  to 
his  instructions.  But  we  can  scarcely  doubt,  that  in  this  he 
was  governed  by  the  example  of  Verrazano,  who  had  found 
at  New  York  a  most  beautiful  harbor,  from  which  he  had 
been  suddenly  driven  in  a  squall,  to  his  no  small  regret.  He 
had,  in  nearly  the  same  latitude,  remained  a  fortniglit  in  the 
admirable  harbor  of  our  present  Newport,  of  which  he  had 
spoken  in  high  terms  of  praise  in  his  letter  to  Francis  I.       | 

Ribault,  as  well  as  Coligny,  was  without  doubt,  as  I  have 
said,  acquainted  with  Verrazano's  voyage  and  report ;  and 
had  therefore  in  view  these  localities  in  sailing  north,  although 
he  did  not  advance  far  in  this  direction. 

He  soon  found  himself  in  shallow  water,  and  the  weather 
appears  to  have  been  cloudy  and  threatening.!  One  morn- 
ing he  assembled  all  his  officers  and  men,  and  in  a  general 
consultation  laid  before  them  the  reasons  for  a  quick  and 
direct  return  to  France.  The  principal  were  the  following  : 
the  want  of  provisions,  a  portion  of  which  they  had  left  with 
their  colonists  ;  the  crew  had  also  been  weakened  by  the  same 
cause,  and  were  not  sufficient  to  man  the  boats  properly,  J 
the  two  vessels  not  being  able  to  spare  thirty  such  men  as  were 
left  in  the  fort ;  and  it  was  also  said,  that  it  would  be  useful 
to  carry  to  Admiral  Cohgny  the  news  of  what  had  been 
done,  as  soon  as  possible,  so  that  proper  measures  might  be 
speedily  taken  for  sending  relief  and  reinforcements  to  the 


*Eibault,l.c.p.ll4. 


tibid. 


ilbid. 


EIBAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,  1562. 


429 


colony.  It  was  urged,  in  afluition,  by  sonic  who  had  before 
been  in  tlic  north,  that  the  weather  would  grow  Avorse,  and 
dangers  increase,  if  they  shouUl  proceed  furtlier  ;  and  that 
vessels,  designed  for  exploring  in  that  quarter,  should  be 
better  provided  with  cables  and  other  equipments.* 

Ribault  and  his  officers  therefore  concluded  to  leave  the 
coast,  give  up  their  further  progress  to  the  north-cast,  and 
"  to  take  their  way  toward  the  east,  which  was  the  true  route 
and  course  for  France ; "  f  which  they  consequently  did. 

The  place  of  that  consultation,  and  the  termination  of  Ri- 
bault's  north-eastern  progress  along  our  coast,  were  probably 
the  shoals  off  Cape  S.  Romain  ;  for  that  is  the  only  place 
where,  in  this  latitude,  at  a  distance  of  five  leagues  from  shore, 
such  low  soundings  are  found  as  are  described  in  Ribault'3 
report. 

It  seems  clear  from  the  reasons  given  in  the  general  con- 
sultation above  spoken  of,  that  the  suspension  of  a  further 
survey  of  the  north-east  coast  as  far  as  Cape  Breton,  or  at 
least  to  40°  N.,  was  owing  to  the  establishment  of  the  fort 
and  colony  at  Port  Royal,  which  w^as  contrary  to  Ribault's 
commission.  By  this  accidental,  hasty,  and  unfortunate  col- 
onization, to  which  he  had  been  induced  by  his  enthusiasm 
for  those  southern  regions,  he  had  so  diminished  his  crew, 
his  supplies,  and  equipment,  that  he  was  unable  to  proceed 
further.  Anxiety  and  care  for  the  small  colony  he  had  left 
on  a  wild  coast  pressed  upon  him,  so  that  he  felt  obliged  to 
neglect  his  instructions  for  exploration,  and  hasten  to  France 
to  procure  relief  for  his  colonists. 

It  was,  I  think,  a  great  mistake  in  Ribault  to  plant  a  colony 
from  an  armament  not  fitted  out  for  such  a  purpose,  but  only 

*  Eibault,  1.  c.  p.  114. 

t  Laudonni^re's  report  in  the  work,  "  L'histoire  notable  de  la  Florida," 
p.  21.    Paris,  1586. 


'r}^ .. 


lili  1| 


11 « 


430 


ItlHAULT'S  FIRST  VOYAGE,  irj<52. 


for  u  preliminary  exploring  voyage.  lie  ought  steadily  and 
promjjtly  to  have  surveyed  the  whole  east  coast,  as  was 
intended  at  the  outset,  and  to  have  brought  home  to  Coligny 
exact  rej)orts  of  all  its  harbors  and  ports,  as  he  was  ordered 
to  do.  Coligny  could  then  have  selected  the  most  favorable 
locality  for  his  future  colony,  and  have  fitted  out  an  expedi- 
tion better  ada[)ted  for  a  permanent  settlement. 

It  was  a  mistake  in  Ribault  to  have  colonized  at  all;  and  a 
still  greater,  that  he  planted  where  he  did.  lie  built  his  nest 
too  near  the  colonies  of  the  Spaniards,  who  were  of  course 
jealous  of  such  a  proceeding,  and  consequently  soon  attacked 
the  fort  and  overwhelmed  the  colony.  It  is  probable  that  he 
was  influenced  in  this  selection  of  a  site  by  the  general  im- 
pression, that  gold,  spices,  and  other  rich  commodities  were 
found  only  at  the  south,  and  that  the  north  was  cold,  poor, 
and  barren. 

Verrazano  had  clearly  enough  designated  the  place  where 
the  French,  under  Ribault,  ought  to  have  colonized.  They 
should  have  gone  to  New  York  or  Narraganset  Bay,  which 
had  been  declared  by  Verrazano  to  offer  the  best  harbors  on 
the  whole  east  coast.  There  they  would  have  been  at  a  good 
distance  from  territory  claimed  by  Spain,  and  quite  near  to 
the  regions  of  Newfoundland,  where  the  French  shipping  and 
fishing  interests  were  so  great,  and  to  Canada,  of  which  the 
French  had  long  before  taken  possession,  and  where  nobody 
would  contest  their  priority. 

It  is  inconceiv'able,  that  the  leading  men  could  have  con- 
sidered attentively  the  report  of  Verrazano,  which  had  long 
been  printed  in  Ramusio,  and  not  have  been  led  by  it  to  per- 
ceive, that  Newport  and  New  York  harbors  were  the  most 
favorable  points  for  the  establishment  of  French  colonies,  and 
superior  to  any  others  on  the  coast.  If  Coligny  had  taken 
the  trouble,  while  studying  Verrazano' s  report  more  closely, 


m 


RinAULT'S  FIIIST  VOYAGP:,  1502. 


481 


to  exaniino  his  description  of  tlie  coust,  ho  prohiil)ly  would 
have  corrected  Uibault's  mistake,  and  have  sent  an  expedi- 
tion to  remove  his  misplaced  colonists  in  the  south,  and  have 
ordered  them  to  be  conducted  to  the  north.  There  the  French 
Protestants  would  really  have  found  a  safe  asylum,  free  from 
annoyance  by  Spain,  and  mi<fht  have  had  a  permanent  and 
prosperous  settlement ;  so  that  we  might  now  have  a  New 
York  with  a  French,  instead  of  a  Dutch  substratiun.  The 
history  of  New  Eno-land  mi  "lit  also  have  been  affected  and 
changed  by  such  a  proceeding. 

Ribault,  without  doubt,  was  a  brave  soldier  and  an  excel- 
lent man,  although  perhaps  too  enthusiastic  and  impulsive  ; 
but  we  cannot  say  much  for  liis  cosmographical  and  nautical 
information  and  intellio;ence.  If  he  had  known  something  of 
great  circle-sailing,  or,  as  old  Sebastian  Cabot  expressed  it, 
"  of  the  reasons  of  the  sphere,"  ho  would  not  have  said,  as 
he  did,  "  that  the  true  route  from  the  coasts  of  South  Caro- 
lina to  northern  France  lay  to  the  east."  If  he  had  meas- 
ured his  return-route  on  the  globe,  and  not  on  a  plane  chart, 
he  would  have  known,  that  his  true  and  shortest  course  lay 
along  the  same  shores  which  he  was  commissioned  to  ex- 
plore, as  far  as  Cape  Breton  and  Newfoundland.  On  his 
homeward  voyage,  he  might  have  sailed  on  this  route,  not  far 
from  our  coast,  and  while  returning  toward  France  have 
made  valuable  discoveries  by  the  way. 

We  do  not  exactly  know  on  what  track  he  returned,  as  he 
is  very  brief  on  this  point ;  probably  it  was  north  of  the 
Azores.  According  to  the  testimony  of  Laudonniere,*  he 
arrived  in  France  on  the  20th  of  July,  which  would  be  a 
quick  voyage  of  only  five  weeks  from  Port  Royal  to  Havre 
de  Grace,  if,  as  is  reported,  he  left  on. the  11th  of  June. 


*  Laudouni^re,  1.  c.  p.  21. 


^'^     ? 


:ii:;      !| 


t' 


n     \i 


I*  "if! 

Iff 


I 


-  1 

II 

I! 


I 


432 


FATE  OP  RIBAULT'S  COLONY,  infi2-fl3. 


3.  The  Fath  or   Ttrre    Frknch    Sktti-kment   at   Pout 

UoYAL,  WV2-li)G'3. 

On  his  arriviil  in  France,  Kibault  found  the  country  in  a 
state  of  great  commotion.  The  civil  war  between  the  Hu- 
guenots and  the  Cathohcs  was  raging,  and  neitlier  tlie  king 
nor  the  a(hnlral  liad  time  to  listen  to  Kibault's  solicitations,  to 
send  relief  to  the  settlers  left  in  "  French  Florida." 

Those  colonists  remained,  therefore,  during  the  remainder 
of  15G2  and  the  following  winter,  without  assistance  from 
France ;  and  after  many  trials  and  sufferings,  they  were  at 
last  forced,  in  15G3,  to  abandon  their  settlement  and  the  new 
country.  The  particulars  of  their  operations  and  movements 
during  this  time,  belong  to  the  special  history  of  Carolina, 
and  must  be  omitted  here.  But  as  the  fiite  of  the  colonists, 
and  tlieLi'  homeward  voyage,  arc  not  without  interest  for  our 
particular  object,  I  will  briefly  relate  them  ;  pointing  out  those 
circumstances  and  events  which  exerted  an  influence  on  the 
further  development  ^f  American  discovery.* 

In  the  midst  of  their  suflferino-s  from  hunger  and  destitu- 
tion,  discontent  and  discord  sprang  up  among  the  colonists. 
Their  captain,  Albert,  was  unable  to  quell  the  mutinous 
spirit  of  which  he  became  the  victim,  being  murdered  by  his 
revolted  soldiers.  In  his  place  a  man  by  the  name  of  Barr<; 
was  elected  as  chief,  and  under  his  command  it  was  concluded 
to  construct  a  small  vessel  to  carry  the  colonists  back  to 
France,  if  no  supplies  should  in  the  mean  time  come  to  their 
relief. 

Under  many  difficulties,  and  with  the  assistance  of  friendly 

r 

*  The  principal  source  of  information  for  the  history  of  this  French  col- 
ony is  Laudonniore's  account  in  "  L'Histoire  Notable,"  etc.,  fols,  21-32,  Paris, 
158G,  who  appears  to  have  derived  his  information  from  some  of  the  sur- 
viving colonists. 


FATE  OF  RinAULT'S  COLONV,  1503-03. 


438 


Indians,  wlio  fnrnislu'd  tlicm  with  wood,  ropos,  and  provis- 
ions, tiioy  finislu'd  tlioir  vessel ;  and  no  relief  liavin^j  come 
from  France,  tliey  piit  to  sea.  A  most  favorable  wind  accom- 
panied them  for  a  good  while  ;  but  when  they  had  made 
about  a  third  of  their  passage,  they  were  met  by  calms,  and 
were  able  in  three  weeks  to  proceed  only  twenty-five  leagues. 
For  want  of  water  and  ])rovisions  they  fell  into  great  dis- 
tress, and  at  last  came  to  the  most  horrid  extremities,  so  that 
they  sacrificed  one  of  tlieir  company  in  order  to  sustain  the 
rest. 

In  this  extremity,  however,  after  havinj;  worked  their  wav 
along  for  a  considerable  distance,  they  had  the  good  fortune 
to  discover  land.  Soon  after  an  English  bark  appeared,  and 
"  gave  them  meat  and  drink  ;"  and  *'  having  put  on  land 
those  that  were  most  feeble,"  carried  the  rest  to  England.* 

This  English  vessel  is  said  to  have  had  on  board  a  French 
sailor,  "  who  the  year  before  had  returned  from  Florida  with 
Ribault."f  This  incident,  thus  particularly  mentioned,  may 
show,  that  even  then  the  English  were  making  some  prepa- 
ration for  a  meditated  expedition  to  some  part  of  the  south- 
east coast.  J  This  English  vessel,  guided  by  a  Frenchman 
from  Florida,  may  have  been  one  of  the  English  pioneers  to 
those  regions.  Other  French  Protestant  sailors,  who,  during 
the  civil  wars  could  find  no  employment  in  their  own  coun- 
try, may  have  gone  over  to  England,  and  entered  the  English 
service. 

The  French  sailors  picked  up  by  this  English  vessel,  on 

*  Laudonni^re,  1.  c.  fols.  31.  1,  32. 1. 

t  Laudonniere,  1.  c.  fol.  31.  2. 

t  [It  is  expressly  mentioned  by  Laudonniere,  in  connection  with  this  in- 
cident, that  the  English  queen  "  purposed  at  tliat  time  to  send  into  Flori- 
da;" and  Hakluyt  adiis  in  the  margin,  "  It  seemeth  he  meaneth  the  voyage 
intended  by  Stukely."  See  Hakluyt's  Voyages  and  Navigations,  vol.  3,  p. 
319,  ed.  1600.— Ed.] 

28 


i  ■  m 


4l,   » 


4*h 


I; 


4^4 


LAUDONNIKKKS   KXI'liDlTION,  15(W. 


arriviii;;  in  Eii^liind,  jd'obiiMy  in  tlu;  iuitunin  of  1503,  were 
proHi'iitod  to  (^iu!en  Eli/iilH'th.  The  tlito  of  this  Kiviicli  col- 
ony in  I^'ioridii  Iiiivin^  tlins  hi'conio  known  in  En<;!:in(l,  .soon(?r 
[)rol)!il)ly  tliiin  in  Fnincc,  and  tlu;  niirrative  of  it  liavii\^  heon 
{)ul)li.slu'd  in  En^lisii,  Hooner  tliun  in  Frcncli,*  nuist  havo  led 
the  Jiiitisli  queen  to  turn  her  thoughts  thus  early  toward  the 
coasts,  which  soon  after,  in  her  iionor,  were  named  Virginia; 
and  havo  hespojien  the  interest  of  the  En<;lish  Oovernnient 
and  j)eo{)Io  for  those  enterprises,  hy  whicli  the  English  race 
was  first  transferred  to  American  soil. 


4.  Second  Expedition  of  tiik  Fukxoii  to  Florida,  undkk 
Captain  IIknk  dk  Laudonnihue,  in  1504. 

When  Ribault  rcluvned  homo  in  July  1502,  a  most  furi- 
ous civil  and  relimous  war  was  ra^ino;  in  France,  and  neither 
Coligny  nor  the  king  remembered  the  colony  in  America. 
But  at  the  close  of  1503,  ])eace  was  concluded  among  the 
contending  parties,  and  Coligny  reminded  the  king  of  the 
poor  companions  of  Ribault  left  among  savages  on  a  wild 
coast,  and  laid  before  him  a  plan  for  another  expedition  for 
their  relief. 

The  king  gave  permission  to  the  admiral  to  carry  relief  to 
his  brethren  and  countrymen ;  a^d  thereupon  three  vessels 
were  fitted  out,  the  command  of  which  was  given  to  Captain 
Ren(3  Laudonniere,  "  a  man  of  much  nautical  experience," 
and  one  of  Ribault's  officers  on  the  first  expedition. 

We  are  not  told  why  Ribault  was  not  again  made  tho  com- 
mander ;  perhaps  liis  proceedings  in  those  points  to  whicli  I 
have  alluded  were  not  approved.     Nor  do  we  know  the  par- 

*  [See  Hakluyt,  Epistle  Dedicatorio,  in  his  "  Divers  Voyages,"  p.  17, 
London  edition,  1850.  Also,  Oldys'  Life  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  p.  80,  Oxford, 
1829.    Also,  Parkman's  "  Pioneers  of  France,"  p.  32.— Ed.] 


LAUI)ONNIEUr;S   KXriCDITIOX,   l.W. 


485 


tiouliirs  (»f  this  now  cxju'dition  in  rc^^ard  to  its  outfit,  or  tlio 
instructions  ^ivon  to  LiUKlonnii^iv.  Ho  liiinsclf  only  says, 
that  liu  was  sent  ont  "  poijr  allcr  cliercliur  ft  secourir  los  j^inis 
dc!  Uihanit"  (to  look  tor  llihanlt's  men,  and  snccor  tiu'ni).* 

It  is  observabI(!,  tliat  Jac<|n('s  Lo  Moyiusf  a  sju'cial 
"painter"  and  "  niatlicniatician,"  was  one  of  tlio  oMicera  of 
tile  vessels,  (iolij^ny  eonunissioned  iiiin  "  to  niai\e  an  accn- 
rato  description  and  map  of  the  country,  and  drawin^rs  of  all 
curious  objects."  It  is  rare  to  see  officers  of  this  kind  ap- 
pointed for  expl()rin<f  ex[)edition3  in  the  sixtei-nth  century. 
Lc  Moyne  made  the  niaj)  and  drawin<;s  re(pnred  of  him,  and 
wrote  also  a  short  report  of  the  expedition  ;  but  for  some  time 
after  his  return,  he  kept  them  to  himself.  Probably  not  find- 
ing much  favor  with  his  king,  he  afterwards  went  to  Eng- 
land, where  ho  died.  After  his  death,  Theod(n*o  do  Bry 
bought  the  manuscripts  of  his  widow  in  1  ")87,  and  procured 
a  Latin  translation  of  the  report,  which  ho  published,  with 
engravings  of  the  maps  and  drawings,  in  his  work  :  "  Brevis 
narratio  eorum,  qua?  in  Florida  .  .  .  acciderunt,  etc."  (a  sliort 
narrative  of  what  happened  in  Florida, |  etc). 

Le  Moyne,  in  his  report,  gives  us  some  hints  about  the 
character  and  destination  of  tho  expedition.  He  says  that  the 
king  gave  to  Laudonniero  one  hundred  tliousand  francs  for 
the  outfit,  and  made  him  his  "  locum  tenens  in  the  new  coun- 
try," and  that  the  Admiral  Coligny  directed  him  to  engage 
for  the  expedition  as  many  mechanics  and  artisans  as  possible. § 

From  the  greater  number  of  ships,  and  the  more  ample 
equipment,  wo  may  conclude  that  this  expedition  was  in- 
tended, not  only  to  provide  relief  for  the  remnant  of  the  first 
colony,  but  to  establish  a  colony  on  a  larger  scale. 

♦Laudonni^re,  1.  c.  fol.  33.  1. 

t  [Called  Janios  Morgues  by  Hakluyt,  3,  p.  301,  ed.  ICOO.— Ed.] 

X  See  De  Bry,  "  Secunda  pars  Americaj." 

§  See  Le  Moyne,  in  De  Bry,  p.  C. 


1  . 


M 


™^^' 


i.-.  I." 


480 


LAUnONNTERE'R  EXPEDITION,  IIM. 


;■  t 


Tlic  piirty  was  joiiu'd  l>y  Hcvcrnl  yoiiiig  ii<)l>Iomc»n  of  the 
host  fiiiiiilios  of  Fniijcc,  wlio  e(|uii)|)L'«l  tlioinsclvcs  ut  tlioir 
own  fxpi'iisc,  1111(1  *'  who  woro  dosirous  to  soo  ami  explore 
new  regions."  Sonu;  vt'tonin  sohliers  were  udded,  and  "two 
of  the  most  c'(dehrated  Frencli  mariners  of  tlie  a^e,  the 
brothers  Michael  and  Thomas  Lo  Vasseur,  were  enj^afjed 
as  pilots;  so  tiiat  I  can  Hrmly  assert,"  says  Le  Moyne,  "that 
in  this  expedition  went  out  many  men  well  versed  and  distin- 
jjuished  in  all  the  arts." 

The  slii|>s  sailed  from  Havre  on  tho  22d  of  Ajjril,  1.504, 
and  proceeded  not  on  Rihatdt's  new  "  French  route,"  but  on 
tlu;  old  Spanish  track,  used  from  the  time  of  Columbus,  south- 
wards to  the  (binaries,  and  tlu-ncc  with  the  trade-winds  to  tho 
Lesser  Antilles.  At  St.  Dominrjo  they  took  in  water,  and 
thence  proceeded  alont;  the  [iucayan  Islands  to  Florida,  or 
what  they  called  "  Nouvelle  France,"  and  more  particularly 
"  La  Floride  Francaise,"  at  which  thev  arrived  on  the  22d  of 
June,  two  months  after  their  departure.  Tho  land-fall  was 
made  in  30°  N.,  and  north  of  "Capo  Fran(jois,"  not  far  from 
tho  mouth  of  Kibault's  River  May,  tho  present  St.  Mary's 
River. 

Laudonni^ro  entered  the  mouth  of  the  river  in  his  boats, 
discovered  many  delifjhtful  spots,  numerous  cultivated  fields, 
a  large  population,  and  altogether  such  a  cheerful-looking 
country,  that  he  exclaims,  "  the  place  is  so  pleasant,  that 
those  which  arc  melancholickc  would  bo  iuforced  to  change 
their  humor." 

Taking  into  consideration  that  "  Port  Royal,"  though  a 
most  excellent  harbor,  did  not  offer  rich  supplies,  and  was 
poor  in  provisions,  as  had  been  proved  by  tho  Frenchmen 
■who  had  suffered  there  the  year  before  ;*  and  considering 

♦  Laudonniire,  I.e.  fol.  43.2.  From  tbia  passage  it  is  quite  clear,  that 
Laudonniero  liad  been  informed  in  France  of  the  return  of  Bibault's  men 
to  England. 


LAlJDONNIKItKH   KXI'KDITION,   VaA. 


487 


furthor,  tliiit  for  tlit*  prcsi'iit  it  was  more  dcsiralilo  to  seniro  for 
ItiM  colony  )i  fiTtilc  and  at^rouable  placi'  with  only  a  toli'rablo 
liarhor,  than  to  havu  tho  best  harhor  with  a  poor  country; 
ho  rc'solvod  to  cstuhhsii  his  intended  ccdony  at  tlic  mouth  of 
the  Uivcr  May. 

On  tho  southern  sido  of  tlio  river,  tho  same  aide  wliero  tho 
kin<5's  piUar  iiad  formerly  heon  erected  hy  llihault,  a  few 
lea<jues  from  tiie  mouth,  Laudoiuiiero  huih.  a  fort,  caMed,  in 
honor  of  Ciiarles  IX,  '*  Im  CaroHne,"  and  erected  around  it 
various  structures  for  hxli'ini's  and  storam;. 

Having  gained  in  this  maiuu-r  a  Hrm  foot-hold,  lio  do- 
spatclied  one  of  iiis  vessels,  "  the  Isaheau,"  to  France,  to 
carry  liome  the  news  of  his  arrivjd,  and  liis  plan  of  settle- 
ment in  the  new  worlil,  and  to  ask  for  succor.  He  tlien  made 
explorations  into  tho  interior,  as  well  as  alonor  the  "  Uiver 
May"  and  tho  neighboring  *' Riviere  des  Dauphins,"  tho 
present  St.  John's  River. 

It  must  bo  remembered,  that  on  Ribault's  first  voyage,  tlic 
French  had  understood  from  tho  Indians,  that  "Cevola,"  tho 
famous  country  of  the  Seven  Cities,  and  "  tho  other  sea," 
which  they  took  to  bo  tho  South  Sea,  wore  distant  only  a 
boat's  voyage  of  twenty  days.  Laudonniero  liad  seen  among 
them  a  large  piece  of  silver,  which  he  thought  must  have  come 
from  silver  mines  in  tho  interior ;  though  it  was  probably 
Mexican  silver  cast  upon  the  Florida  Keys  in  tho  numerous 
shipwrecks  already  happening  in  that  region.  The  St.  John, 
being  deep  and  broad  at  its  mouth,  was  supposed  by  Laudon- 
ni(^re  to  bo  a  great  river,  from  which  the  most  important  re- 
sults might  be  expected. 

Ho  ordered  his  carpenter,  Jean  des  Hayes  of  Dieppe,  to 
construct  two  barks,  each  forty  feet  in  length,  and  fit  for 
river  navigation  ;*  and  employed  his  officers  during  the  whole 

*  Le  Moyne,  1.  c.  p,  9. 


I 


U  1^ 


«. 


i>  uj 


f.  .i.ii 


Tir-!: 


■|l!. 
JjU, 

'•:^     1 


mti 


It 

P 

^1  !| 


488 


LAUDONNIERE'S  EXPEDITION,  15G4. 


summer,  in  a  series  of  excursions  up  the  river  nearly  to  its 
sourne.  In  a  geographical  history  of  the  interior  of  Florida, 
.  these  French  boat-excursions  should  be  fully  considered  ;  but 
we  will  only  state  here,  that  on  these  occasions  a  great  part 
of  the  States  of  Florida  and  Georgia  were  explored  and  de- 
scribed. 

Oii  one  of  these  excursions,  some  Indians  were  found  in  the 
west,  who  reported  wonderful  things  of  the  "  Montagues  de 
Palassi"  (Appalachian  Mountains).  They  said,  that  at  the 
foot  of  these  mountains  was  a  spring  "  which  carried  with  it 
silver  and  copper."  They  gave  to  the  French  a  piece  of  this 
copper,  which  afterwards  proved  to  be  pure  gold.* 

Laudonniere  had  intended,  wUen  succor  should  arrive  from 
France,  to  transplant  iiis  colony  to  some  place  nearer  to  those 
mountains,  on  the  borders  of  a  river  which  had  its  course  from 
the  north,  and  which  Le  Moyne  laid  down  on  his  map  in 
large  and  conspicuous  figures,  as  a  fountain  of  silver  and  gold, 
springing  out  of  the  "  Palassi  Mountains,"  to  which  was 
added  a  long  and  interesting  inscription.  Both  the  fountain 
and  inscription  were  copied  in  several  subsequent  maps,  and 
had  no  little  influence  on  the  subsequent  English  expeditions 
to  these  regions.  Whether  the  French  took  the  name, 
"Palassi,"  or  "Apalatsi,"  from  De  Soto's  "Apalache,"  or 
learned  it  in  the  country  itself,  we  are  not  informed.f 

Nothing,  however,  of  this  coveted  wealth  fell  to  the  lot  of 
liaudonniere's  men  ;  but  instead  of  it  want  and  hunger  were 
soon  felt ;  and  discontent,  discord,  and  mutiny  began  to  pre- 
vail in  their  camp.  Many  of  them  were  dissatisfied  with 
the  manner  in  which  Laudonniere  conducted  the  affairs  of  the 
colony  ;  some  even  conspired  against  him,  and  proposed  to 


*  It  was  at  a  lat  jr  date  tried  by  the  gold  assayers  ot  Jlihault. 
t  Laudcnniire,  1,  c.  fol  7C.  1. 


LAUDONNTERE'S   EXPEDITION,   1.^)4. 


439 


elect  another  captain,  who  woukl  give  them  less  work,  and 
procnre  for  them  gold  and  silver  in  greater  abundance. 

On  the  4tli  of  November,  another  French  vessel,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Bourdet,  arrived  off  the  River  May.*  It 
was  one  of  those  numerous  French  privateers  which  probably 
had  often  visited  those  regions,  but  without  leaving  any 
report  of  their  adventures  and  discoveries  along  the  east 
coast.  Laudonniere  delivered  to  Bourdet  some  seven  or 
eight  of  his  most  turbulent  and  mutinous  men  to  carry  to 
France,  and  took  in  exchange  for  them  as  many  of  Bourdet's 
crew.  But  those  he  received  were  even  worse  than  those 
he  gave  ;  for  Bourdet's  men  were  probably  accustomed  to 
fill  their  pockets  in  an  easier  way  than  it  was  possible  to 
do  in  a  regular  plantation  ;  they  therefore  persuaded  some  of 
Laudonniere's  soldiers,  to  take  possession  of  the  ships  of  the 
colony,  and  to  give  chase  to  richly  laden  Spanish  vessels. 
This  proposition  was  at  once  adopted  and  carried  into  effect 
by  a  seditious  party  ;  and  Laudonniere  was  obliged  to  transfer 
to  the  mutineers  some  of  his  best  and  most  faithful  pilots. 

These  French  rebels  had  many  interesting  adventures  in 
the  Spanish  seas,  where  they  did  much  mischief,  capturing  and 
destroying  Spanish  vessels,  and  exciting  the  anger  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  now  had  good  reason  to  consider  this  French 
colony  as  a  nest  of  pirates,  and  treated  them  accordingly. 
Some  of  these  French  mutineers  were  captured  by  the  Span- 
iards, who  used  one  of  them  as  a  guide  to  show  where  the 
French  colony  was  situated. f  One  of  the  French  piratic  ves- 
sels returned  to  the  River  May  in  March  1565,  after  many 
adventures,  the  well-disposed  portion  of  the  crew  having  over- 
powered the  mutineers  ;  and  Laudonniere,  after  having  con- 
demned and  shot  the  ringleaders,  received  the  rest  back  into 
his  service. 

*  Laudonniere,  1.  c.  fol.  61. 2  seq. 
t  Laudonniere,  1.  c.  fols.  62. 2-68. 


1  ijilj 


440 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  15G5. 


Hoping  that  before  the  end  of  April  1565,  they  would 
receive  relief  and  succor  from  France,  Laudonni^re  for  some 
time  freely  used  the  provisions  which  they  had  mostly  gath- 
ered on  foragino;  excursions  from  the  Indians.  But  when 
the  month  of  May  approached,  and  no  succor  appealed,  they 
fell  into  extreme  want  and  misery,  and  decided  to  return  to 
France.  For  this  purpose  they  built  and  put  in  readiness  two 
little  brigantines,  commenced  the  destruction  of  their  fort, 
taking  its  useful  contents  on  board  their  vessels.  They  were 
just  on  the  eve  of  jiutting  to  sea,  when,  on  the  3d  of  August, 
four  sails  were  descried  coming  to  anchor  off  the  river.  They 
were  soon  ascertained  to  be  English  vessels,  commanded  by 
Master  John  Hawkins,  then  returning  from  his  second  great 
expedition  to  the  Spanish  West  Indies. 

This  voyage  of  Hawkins,  as  the  first  English  expedition 
to  these  parts  of  the  American  east  coast  which  has  come 
to  our  knowledge,  and  as  the  immediate  precursor  of  other 
Eiiglish  undertakings  to  the  same  regions,  forms  an  im- 
portant link  in  the  chain  of  maritime  explorations  by  which 
this  coast  has  been  made  known  to  the  world ;  and  must  be 
exhibited  somewhat  more  circumstantially.  I  will  therefore 
leave  Laudonniere  and  his  colony  for  a  while,  and  proceed  to 
tell  the  story  of  Hawkins. 

5.  Voyage  of  Captaix  Jonif  Hawkins  along  the  Coast 
OP  North  America,  from  Florida  to  Newfound- 
land, IN  1565. 

Captain  John  Hawkins  *  may,  with  strict  justice,  be  called 
the  English  discoverer  of  the  West  Indies.  Though  Eng- 
lishmen had  been  there  before  him,  he  was  the  first  to  con- 


*  After  having  finished  his  most  famous  voyages,  Hawkins  was  made  a 
knight,  and  is  usually  called  Sir  John  Hawkins. 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  1505. 


441 


duct  an  Eno-lisli  fleet  tliroiio;li  the  waters  of  the  West  In- 
dia  Islands  ;  and  tliis  lie  did  repeatedly,  and  every  time  on  a 
larger  scale.  Having  been  attended  in  all  his  expeditions  by 
several  ships  re(|uiring  large  crews,  he  brought  those  regions 
to  the  knowledge  of  many  English  mariners,  and  may  be 
said  to  have  founded  a  school  of  English  West  India  uaviga- 
tion.  He  gave  an  impulse  to  many  subsequent  English  voy- 
ages to  America,  and  particularly  to  the  adventures  directed 
to  that  part  of  the  east  coast  afterwards  named  Virginia. 

This  branch  of  English  navigation  oriffinated  in  much  the 
same  way,  as  the  western  adventures  of  the  Spaniards.  In 
both  cases  the  first  step  was,  to  gain  knowledge  of  the  isl- 
ands lying  west  of  Africa.  "  Master  John  Hawkins,"  like 
Columbus,  "  having  made  divers  voyages  to  the  isles  of  Cana- 
ries^ and  there  having  grown  in  favor  and  love  with  the  peo- 
ple, informed  himself  amongst  them  by  diligent  inquisition  of 
the  state  of  the  West  India." 

In  his  first  important  enterprise,  in  the  year  1562,  he  went 
beyond  the  Canaries,  traversed  the  ocean,  and  skirted  along 
the  north-eastern  coast  of  the  small  and  large  Antilles,  and 
returned  to  Europe  "  by  way  of  the  sea  of  the  Azores." 
His  track  closely  resembled  that  of  Columbus  on  his  first 
voyage. 

On  his  second  voyage,  in  1564-65,  he  extended  his  field  of 
operations  and  entered,  as  did  Columbus,  the  interior  waters 
of  Central  America,  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and  also  touched  the 
south-eastern  end  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

On  his  third  voyage,  in  1567-68,  he  followed  the  track  of 
the  Spanish  expeditions  under  Cortes,  and  swept  nearly  the 
whole  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  opened  to  his  countrymen  a 
knowledge  of  this  gulf. 

His  first  and  third  voyages  have  but  little  interest  for  us. 
The  first  came  no  nearer  to  New  England  than  the  Lucayan 


i^^ : 


r>' 


i 


If:  i 

Mm  ■ 


442 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  ISO.".. 


Islsinds.  The  third  was  nearly  a  repetition  of  the  second ; 
and  that  part  of  it  -which  was  confined  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
helongs  to  the  special  history  of  that  locality. 

But  the  second  voyage  *  is  of  greater  importance  for  our 
object ;  and  that  i)art  of  it  which  is  intimately  connected  with, 
and  describes,  the  expedition  of  Laudonniere,  finds  an  appro- 
priate place  immediately  after  our  account  of  that  expedition. 

Hawkins'  second  voyage,  like  the  first,  was  principally  a 
commercial  enterprise,  and  one  of  the  worst  kind  ;  for  his 
"merchandise"  was  slaves,  taken  "by  his  sword"  on  the 
coasts  of  Africa,  and  carried  for  sale  from  one  West  Indian 
market  to  another.  It  became  a  voyage  of  discovery  only 
incidentally,  because  he  penetrated  with  his  cargo  to  regions, 
which  neither  he  nor  his  countrymen  had  ever  seen  before. 

He  was  provided  with  four  well-furnished  ships,  equipped 
for  the  most  part  by  a  company  of  "  adventurers  "  in  London, 
"his  worshipful  friends,  who  liked  so  well  his  intention,  that 
they  became  liberal  contributors  in  the  action."  His  ships 
were  "  the  Jesus  of  Lubec,"  of  seven  hundred  tons,  the  "  Sol- 
omon," the  "  Tiger,"  and  the  "  Swallow  ;"  the  last  three  of 
small  burden. 

How  his  crew  was  composed,  we  do  not  exactly  know. 
We  are  informed,  however,  of  the  interesting  fact,  that  he 
had   on   board  a   number  of  French   pilots   and   seamen. f 


*Tlie  principal  and  most  authentic  source  of  information  on  this  voyage 
is  found  in  the  third  volume  of  Hakluyt's  great  work.  The  report  there 
printed  was  written  by  a  man  who  cjiUs  himself  "John  Sparke  the 
younger,"  who  accompanied  Hawkins;  but  we  do  not  know  in  what  capac- 
ity. He  was  an  eye-witness  of  what  he  relates.  His  account  is  written  in 
a  very  rough  and  unpolished  manner,  if  compared  with  the  full,  conscien- 
tious, and  spirited  accounts  of  Eibault  and  Laudonniere.  Yet  it  is  a  valu- 
able document,  because  it  supplies  the  first  knowledge  which  the  English 
acquired  of  Florida.  I  quote  the  account  after  the  edition  of  Hakluyt, 
London,  1810. 

t  Sparke,  in  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  697.  ^ 


r 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  15fi5. 


448 


Among  tliein  Avas  one  "  IMartln  Atinas  of  Dit^ppo,"  who  had 
been  to  our  east  coast  witli  Illhault  in  15(12,  and  may  liave 
been  one  of*  tlie  Frencli  colonists  of  Florida,  presented  to 
the  Queen  of  Enoland.*  In  the  course  of  his  voyage,  Haw- 
kins had  occasion  to  take  another  French  sailor  on  hoard, 
likewise  of  Die[)pe,  who  had  come  from  the  coasts  of  Brazil, 
and  whom  he  found  on  the  coast  of  Africa, f 

It  may  be  observed,  that  if  Hawkins  could  not  get  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  sailors  and  })ilots,  the  best  for  him  after  these, 
no  doubt,  were  the  French.  Hawkins  met  French  ships  and 
navigators  at  nearly  every  station  of  his  long  voyage,  namely, 
on  the  coast  of  Africa,  on  the  track  to  lirazil,  among  the 
smaller  Antilles,  J  in  Florida,  and  on  the  Banks  of  Newfound- 
land.§ 

Hawkins  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  18th  of  October, 
1564.  His  disgraceful  and  cruel  proceedings  on  the  coast  of 
Africa,  where  he  took  "the  inhabitants  with  burning  and 
spoiling  their  towns,"  and  his  not  less  barbarous  proceedings 
in  the  Spanish  American  waters,  where,  with  "faulcons  and 
arquebuses  in  hand,"  he  forced  the  defenceless  Spanish  col- 
onists to  take  his  negroes  at  prices  fixed  by  him, — all  this  we 
will  pass  over  hastily,  and  follow  him  somewhat  more  closely, 
when,  after  having  finished  his  nefiirious  traffic,  he  approached 
our  shores,  and  displayed  the  more  attractive  features  of  his 
not  uufjenerous  nature. 

The  fact  that  his  voyage  through  the  Caribbean  Sea  and 
along  the  south  side  of  the  large  Antilles  was,  for  the  Eng- 
lish, a  real  voyage  of  discovery,  may  be  observed  at  nearly 
every  step  of  his  progress. 

*  Laudonniere,  Histoire  Notable,  ].  c.  fols.  94.  2,  and  95. 1. 
t  Sparke,  in  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  597. 
}  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  605. 
§  Hakluyt,  1,  c.  p.  018. 


Sai 


444 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  15G5. 


!    i1 


:  i/ife 


Intendinrc  to  go  to  S.  Domingo,  ho  found  an  Island  "  wliich 
looked  very  much  like  Jamaica."  In  sailing  along  its  coasts, 
he  discussed  with  his  officers  the  question,  whether  it  might 
be  Jamaica  or  S.  Domingo.  Hawkins  himself  thought  the 
latter ;  but  after  searching  to  the  south-west  for  Jamaica  and 
not  finding  it,  he  perceived  his  error  in  mistaking  it  for  S. 
Domingo. 

After  doubling  Cape  S.  Antonio,  he  was  driven  by  easterly 
winds  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  as  high  as  27°  N.,  thence  fall- 
ing back  toward  the  south,  and  coming  round  the  Tortugas 
into  the  Strait  of  Florida,  he  intended  to  make  Havana. 
But  after  cruising  about  in  the  strait  for  some  time  without 
finding  it,  he  perceived  that  he  had  overshot  it  by  twenty 
leagues.  Not  willing  to  return  against  the  Gulf-stream,  and 
afraid  of  the  Bahama  Banks,  he  directed  his  course  north- 
ward, and  fell  in  "  with  the  islands  upon  the  Cape  of  Flor- 
ida." In  doubling  this  cape,  he  suffered  as  much  perplexity 
and  danger  "  from  currents  and  counter-currents  unknown  to 
him,"  as  Ponce  de  Leon  had  done  when  he  made  his  first  ap- 
pearance in  these  waters  in  1513.* 

This  was  very  natural  for  an  English  captain  at  that  time  ; 
and  I  repeat,  therefore,  that  HaAvkins'  expedition  was  an 
English  voyage  of  discovery.  In  his  wanderings  his  supply  of 
water  was  exhausted ;  and  entering  the  Gulf-stream  between 
Florida  and  the  Bahama  Banks,  he  was  thereby  reduced  to 
great  extremity.  In  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  fresh  supply, 
he  approached  and  sailed  along  the  east  coast  of  Florida. 

"  All  the  four  ships  kept  together  on  their  way  along  the 
coast  of  Florida ;  and  from  26°  to  30°  30'  N.,  they  ranged 
along  the  coast,  anchoring  every  night,  because  they  would 
not  overshoot  any  place  of  fresh-water ;  and  in  the  daytime 
Captain  Hawkins,  in  the  ship's  pinnace,   sailed  along  the 


*  See  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  pp.  609-612. 


VOYAGE  07  HAWKINS,  mVi. 


44") 


shore,  went  into  every  creekc,  speaking  with  divers  of  tlie 
FJoridians.*  He  found  it  to  be  all  low  land  and  very  scant 
of  fresh-water,  but  marvellously  sweet,  with  both  marish  and 
meadow  ground,  and  goodly  woods  among.  lie  found  sorell 
to  grow  as  abundantly  as  grass,  a  great  store  of  maize  and 
mill,  and  grapes  of  great  bigness.  Also  deer  in  plenty,  which 
came  upon  the  sands  before  him." 

At  last,  towai'd  the  end  of  July,  he  arrived  off  the  River 
May,  which  was  pointed  out  to  him  by  his  French  ])ilot,  Mar- 
tin Atinas.  Using  this  Frenchman  as  interpreter,  he  entered 
the  river  in  his  boats,  and  had  an  interview  with  Laudon- 
niOre,  who,  in  his  distress,  was  just  then  prepared  to  abandon 
the  country.  Hawkins  obtained  hei<^.  an  abundant  supply  of 
fresh-water,  and  at  the  same  time  maOo  to  Laudonniero  sev- 
eral generous  propositions  for  his  relief.  It  was  finally  agreed, 
that  Laudonniere  should  take  one  of  Hawkins'  ships  at  a 
moderate  price ;  and  this,  with  one  of  his  own,  was  thought 
sufficient  to  transport  his  colonists  to  France;  and  besides 
this  assistance,  the  colony  was  also  supplied  with  such  cloth- 
ing and  provisions  as  they  most  needed  ;  and  may  bo  said  to 
have  been  fitted  out  anew  by  the  generosity  of  the  English 
captain. 

In  exchange  for  this  bounty,  the  English  obtained  such 
information  regarding  this  unknown  country,  as  had  be^n 
gathered  by  the  French,  and  was  more  valuable  to  them, 
than  all  the  supplies  they  had  furnished  the  colonists.  This 
information,  carried  home  by  Hawkins  and  the  men  of  his 
company,  was  soon  spread  through  England.  It  was  subse- 
quently committed  to  writihg  by  "John  Sparke,  the  young- 
er," and  published  by  Hakluyt  in  his  Collection  of  Voyages, 
and  was,  no  doubt,  a  means  of  increasing  the  interest  of  the 

*  See  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  612. 


«*•; 


III 


II 


|(i 


^"1 


It 


if 
Pi 

K. 


"  L  ■   1 
11 


HI 


44G 


VOYAGE  OF  HAWKINS,  IWW. 


English  people  in  tho  discovery  and  colonization  of  North 
America. 

The  description  of  Florida  and  our  east  coast,  p;iven  hy 
Sparke,  is  very  much  like  that  ^ivcn  hy  Laudonnicire  and 
llibault,  and  is  the  first  description  relating  to  this  re(;ion 
ever  written  hy  an  Englishman.*  It  specifies,  as  is  usual  in 
these  early  accounts  of  distant  voyages,  many  objects  which 
Hover  had  any  existence  in  Florida  ;  for  instance,  among  its 
vegetable  productions,  "storax,"  "gumme,"  "  myrrhe,"  and 
"frankincense;"  among  its  minerals,  "gold  and  silver;" 
and  among  its  animals,  "  the  tigers,  lions,  and  unicorns." 
About  the  latter,  Sparke  is  not  quite  certain.  He  reasons 
about  them  thus  :  "  nature  has  put  between  certain  pairs  of 
animals  a  great  degree  of  enmity,  and  these  enemies  are 
always  found  together  in  the  same  country.  So  that  where 
the  sheep  are,  there  the  wolves  are  not  missing.  The  rhi- 
noceros and  elephant  live  in  the  same  regions,  so  also  the 
coney  and  the  i)olecat.  And  so  if  there  arc  lions  in  Florida, 
the  unicorn  will  probably  he  found  there  also  ;  for  he  is  the 
mortal  enemy  of  the  lion."  f  "  It  is,  therefore,"  Sparke  con- 
cludes, "  to  be  presupposed,  that  there  are  still  more  com- 
modities in  this  country,  which,  for  want  of  time  and  people 
are  not  yet  come  to  light ;  hut  I  trust  God  will  reveal  the 
same  hefore  it  be  long,  to  the  great  profit  of  them  that  shall 
take  it  in  hand ;"  | — a  good  suggestion  of  this  honest  sailor 
to  his  countrymen,  which  they  were  not  slow  in  acting  upon. 

After  having  taken  lea^  e  of  his  French  friends  at  the  River 
May,  Hawkins  appears  to  have  sailed  nearly  on  the  great 
circle  toward  tho  north-east,  at  no  groat  distance  from  our 

*  See  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  pp.  613-617. 

t  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  610.    The  refuler  may  compare  with  this  the  unicorn 
depicted  on  the  coa.st  of  Maine  in  map  No.  18. 
t  Hakluyt,  1.  c.  p.  616. 


KXI'KDITION  OF   IIIIJAITLT,  l.TfW. 


447 


east  coast.  For  ''on  St.  JJartliolomew'.s  cvc,"  tlio  2-5(1  of 
Au<,aist,  lie  arrivod  on  tlic  Banks  of  Nowfonndland,  where  lie 
met  again  French  ships,  and  refreshed  his  crew  with  cod-fish. 
This  is  the  first  time  that  an  Kn<ilish  nuviiiator  is  known  to 
have  sailed  on  this  track  from  the  West  Indies,  in  a  north- 
easterly course,  the  whole  length  of  our  coast.  C'ahot  had 
sailed  along  the  same  coast,  hut  in  a  south-western  direction. 

On  the  20th  of  Sej)tember,  Hawkins  arrived  in  England, 
bringing  homo  for  his  adventurers  and  ship-owners  gold, 
silver,  })earls,  sugar,  hides,  and  other  Si)anish-American  pro- 
ducts ;  and  for  the  nation  at  large,  a  good  store  of  experience 
and  information  about  the  new  American  regions,  especially 
about  our  east  coast. 

Having  said  thus  much  by  way  of  episode,  on  this  impor- 
tant voyage  of  Hawkins,  I  returu  to  the  history  of  the  French 
in  Florida. 


6.   Third  Expedition  of  the  Fuencii  to  Flouida   uxdek 

COMMAND   OF   JeAX   RiBAULT,   IN"   1565. 

The  news  of  Laudonniere's  arrival  and  proceedings  in  the 
new  world  was  carried  to  France  by  the  vessel  "  L'Isabeau," 
despatched  by  him  from  Florida  soon  after  his  arrival,  July 
28th,  1564,  and  afterwards  by  a  vessel  under  Captain  Bour- 
det,  which  touched  at  the  River  May  early  in  November, 
1564.  It  is  probable  that  one  of  these  French  vessels,  like 
those  of  Hawkins,  may  have  returned  along  our  east  coast  by 
way  of  the  Newfoundland  Banks. 

By  the  first  vessel,  LaudonniC're  not  only  sent  a  report  of 
his  proceedings  to  Admiral  Coligny,  but  wrote  letters  to  other 
influential  persons  in  France,*  which,  unfortunately,  have 
not  been  preserved.     He  doubtless  also  wrote  by  Bourdet, 

*  See  these  letters,  Laudounitire, "  I^'bistoire  notable,"  fol.  102,  2. 


:    tl 


1  fl 


I'.    I 


m-  ■ 


■ 


I 


448 


EXPEDITION  OF  UIHAl'LT,  \!m. 


wlio  at  iili  events  carritMl  to  Fraiiro  iiiforination  of  liis  ml- 
veiitures.  It  apijoars  that  wvy  untavomMe  news  had  heeii 
spread  about  Lau(h)nni(>iv.  It  was  said  tlmt  ho  was  hard 
and  cruel  to  liis  nicu,  and  tliat  ho  acted  the  part  of  a  des- 
pot in  Frcncli  Florida.* 

Tiiese  unfavorable  reports  could  not  have  been  carried 
out  in  the  Isabeau,  because  when  she  sailed,  tl>o  affairs  of 
Laudonniere  were  still  Hourishin<f,  and  he  and  his  men  were 
full  of  hope.  IJut  when  liourdet  was  in  Florida,  things  had 
chan;j;ed,  and  some  of  Laudoimiere's  malcon^  "nt  and  seditious 
soldiers  were  sent  home  by  him. 

When  Laudonniere  left  France,  it  was  fully  understood, 
that  succor  and  further  supplies  were  to  be  sent  to  him  in  the 
following  spring.  But  for  these  he  waited  in  vain  until 
August  of  1505.  It  appears,  however,  that  in  the  winter  of 
1504-(55,  preparations  for  the  promised  relief  had  been  made, 
but  that  the  soldiers  enlisted  for  the  purpose  were  seditious, 
and  refused  to  fulfill  their  engagements.!  But  at  length  a 
new  exi)edition  was  prepared,  consisting  of  not  less  than  seven 
ships  ;  the  largest  of  whicli  was  called  "  La  Trinit(;,"  another 
"  Le  Levrier,"  and  a  third  "  La  Perle,"  whicli  were  manned 
by  several  hundred  soldiers,  not  only  to  maintain  a  military 
fort  br  station,  but  to  found  a  complete  colony.  The  artists 
and  tradesmen  destined  for  the  work  were  accompanied  by 
their  families,  and  several  women  were  included  in  the  com- 
pany. A  great  number  of  cattle  were  also  taken  on  board, 
whilst  in  the  former  expedition,  they  had  only  a  few  sheep  and 
fowls. 

The  command  of  this  fleet  was  given  to  Jean  Ribault,  who 
had  conducted  the  former  expedition  to  Florida.    He  was  also 

♦Laudonniere,  1.  c.  fol.  102.  2. 

t  See  Challeux,  "  Histoire  memorable  in  Tcrnaux-Compaua;  Pieces  sur 
la  Floricle,  p.  253. 


RXPKDITION   or   inilAlTLT,  Iflflfl. 


410 


appointed  tlio  kinc^'H  lloutciiiiiit  of  tlio  provinco,  nntl  tliL"  suc- 
cessor of  Liuidoiink^re,  wlio  was  thorcliy  supiTStMlod. 

Kil)!iiilt,  after  many  delays,  sailed  from  Dieppe  on  the  22(1 
of  May;  but  cneountering  *' the  furious  winds  anil  harharous 
Bcas"  soeomiMon  on  tiio  west  coast  of  France,  he  was  beaten 
back  to  Ifavro;  which  ho  left  the  second  time  on  the  2()th 
of  May,  and  was  again  beaten  back  to  the  north-east,  and 
took  refuge  in  Portsmouth,  Kngland,  where  he  rode  at  an- 
chor for  more  than  a  fortni<;lit.  These  disasters  were  com- 
mon  on  the  coast  of  France,  and  had  hai)[)ened  to  nearly 
every  French  exploring  expedition  ;  namely,  to  that  of  Ver- 
razano,  that  of  Laudonniero,  and  the  first  and  second  of 
Ribault. 

At  last,  on  the  14th  of  June,  Ribault  finally  left  the  shores 
of  England,  "  setting  now  his  sail  to  make  a  direct  chase 
over  to  Florida  with  a  north-eastern  wind."* 

He  took  again  the  "  new  oceanic  route,"  which  he  claimed 
to  have  discovered,  and  which  he  had  called  "  the  French 
track  ; "  that  is  to  say,  ho  passed,  without  touching  any 
oceanic  island,  north  of  the  Azores,  and  then  south  of  the 
Bermudas.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  his  route,  he  bent  a 
little  further  to  the  south  than  formerly  ;  so  that  the  great 
northernmost  island  of  the  Lucayos,  which  we  now  call 
"  Abaco,"  and  to  which  some  of  Ribault's  officers  proposed 
to  ffive  the  name  "  Catherine  la  Reine,"  after  the  mother  of 
Charles  IX,t  was  the  first  American  land  of  which  he  came 
in  sight. 

Doubling  these  islands,  he  made  his  land-fall  on  the  shores 
of  Florida  south  of  "  Cape  Fran9ois,"  probably  not  far  north 
of  Cape  Canaveral ;  and,  on  the  27th  of  August,  he  came  to 
anchor  off  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  May. 

*  Challeux,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  pp.  254,  253. 
t  Challeux,  1.  c.  p.  250. 
29      . 


i 


1 1.' " 

1 


t 


■I 


V 


:]'  K 


¥  p 


i%  ■^:  1 


li. 


450 


KXIMCDITION  OF  HllJAULT,  in<15. 


Cro'iwf*  on  slioro,  ho  mot  tho  unfortunate  Lnudonnic're  and 
hiscdnipanions,  wlio,  having;  obtaiufil  tin-  as.sisturu'o  of  Muster 
Hawkins,  wt'ru  tlion  just  ready  to  embark  for  ICurope,  Lau- 
donniere,  liearin;;  that  he  had  been  caluniniatcd  in  I'Vanco, 
and  was  to  be  superseded  in  his  office  by  aiu)ther,  was  more 
anxious  tlum  before  to  return  home.  Ribault  tried  to  per- 
suade liini  to  stay  in  the  cohjuy,  and  had  many  ])rivate  con- 
versations witii  him  on  the  subject.  Af  liih"  the  newly 
arrived  men  of  J{ibauh's  company  bei^ai.  .o  make  incpiiries 
amongst  the  old  settlers  about  the  advanta;j;es  and  couuuodities 
of  the  country.  The  women  and  <'liil(lren,  and  the  sick,  were 
transported  from  the  ships,  and  acconunodated  as  well  as 
could  be  done  in  the  old  hulf-destroved  fort  of  "Caroline," 
the  rebuildin<^  of  which  was  conunenced. 

But  tiiis  state  of  things  had  n(»t  continued  lour;,  when  sud- 
denly, and  only  a  few  days  after  llibault's  arrival,  namely,  on 
the  third  of  September,  an  armament  of  live  Spanish  men- 
of-war  aj)pcared  at  the  mouthof  May  River,  and  fell  upon  the 
unsuspecting  colony  like  a  thunder-bolt  r  d  in  a  short  time 
brought  to  a  cruel  end  all  their  i)lans  for  c  st  and  coloniza- 

tion, and  involved  the  whole  company  in  utter  destruction. 

The  Spanish  government  had  been  apprised  long  before 
of  the  French  undertakings,  and  had  sent  out  a  great  fleet 
under  the  command  of  Don  Pedro  Meneiulez,  to  drive  them 
from  Florida,  and  take  possession  of  this  country,  which  by 
right  of  first  discovery,  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  was 
claimed  to  be  an  undoubted  part  of  the  Si)anish  dominions. 

Admiral  Coligny,  a  little  before  Ilibault  left  France,  had 
become  ac(^uaiuted  with  the  destinaticju  of  this  Spanish  arm- 
ament, and  had  communicated  what  he  knew  about  it  to  Ri- 
bault, givnig  him  at  the  same  time  orders  "  npt  to  suffer  the 
Spaniards  to  encroach  upon  him."* 

*  Lauduiinii>re,  1.  c.  fol.  102.  2. 


KXI'KDITION  OF  inHAULT,  \rAVi. 


4:a 


Hut  Uil);uilt  did  not  export  the  S|)uniiinls  to  lollow  liiiii  so 
(juifkly.  lie  himsclt'  liiul  Ix'i'ii  delayed  piirtly  l>y  inist'or- 
ttmcs,  and  witlidut  liis  own  liiidt.  Iliid  it  Ikhmi  itossiMc  tor 
him  to  reach  Liiudoiuii(^rc  in  the  sjiriii;,',  when  hi.s  arrival  was 
expected,  perhaps  the  colony  miM;ht  have  heen  saved.  The 
surr(»nidin;i;  huhan  trihes  were  still  friendly.  At  that  time 
Landonnicire's  nien  formed  a  hody  of  ahont  one  hnndred  and 
fifty  men,  well  conditioned  and  in  ;;ood  spirits  ;  and  hud  they 
hoen  increased  l»y  the  arrival  of  the  stronix  reinforcement  lui- 
der  ]{ihanlt,  mioht  have  made  a  snccessfnl  resistance  aj^ainst 
flic  Spaniards,  and  hav(!  given  a  dilferent  direction  to  tlio 
whole  history  of  this  part  of  onr  east  coast. 

IJut  llihanlt's  delays  had  reduced  liaudonni^re's  coh^nists 
to  a  troop  of  discouraged,  sick,  and  half-starved  men.  By 
the  foraging  and  plundering  excursions,  to  which  necessity 
hud  driven  them,  the  Indian  trihes  had  heconn!  hostile,  were 
inclined  to  look  upon  the  Spaniards  as  liherators,  whom  they 
would  gladly  assist  in  every  way  in  their  power.  Ulbault 
liiinself  had  not  had  time  to  restore  the  dilapidated  fort,  or 
put  his  I'sh  men  in  a  position  for  defence.  Part  of  them 
were  disj  rsetl  on  the  shore  ;  the  remaindei*  were  still  on 
shipboard. 

The  Spanish  fleet,  withont  giving  any  warning,  at  once 
made  show  of  attack  ;  and  the. French,  finding  resistance  im- 
possible, cut  their  cables,  set  sail,  and  made  for  the  open  sea. 
The  Spaniards  pursued  them  for  some  time,  but  finding  the 
French  sailors  better  than  their  own,  and  at  the  same  time 
thinking  it  not  prudent  to  make  an  inunedlatc  attack  upon 
the  land  forces,  of  whose  number  and  condition  they  knew 
nothing,  sailed  southward,  and  landed  near  the  river  of  Dol- 
phins, the  harbor  of  St.  Augustine,  and  established  there  a 
camp  and  fortification. 

Three  of  the  French  vessels,  having  watched  the  move- 


452 


EXPEDITION  OF  RIBAULT,  1505, 


i     \" 


merits  of  the  cncniv,  returned  to  their  station  off  the  River 
May,  to  put  themselves  in  communication  witli  the  comman- 
der-in-chief. The  question  v.'as,  wliat  measui'es  should  now 
he  taken.  The  old  commander  Laudonniere  was  of  opinion, 
that  the  land  and  sea  forces  should  keep  together  in  the  River 
May,  and  fortify  themselves  there  in  a  strong  position.  But 
Ribault,  remembering  Admiral  Coligny's  admonition,  "  that 
he  should  in  no  way  suffer  the  Spaniards  to  encroach  upon 
him,"  was  unhappily  disposed  to  adopt  offensive  operations ; 
thinking,  probably,  that  he  might  surprise  the  Spaniards  be- 
fore they  had  time  to  erect  fortifications,  offer  them  battle, 
nnd  destroy  then,  either  on  the  open  .  -^a  or  in  their  harbor. 

He  tliarefore  embarked  most  of  his  forces,  assumed  the 
command  of  the  fleet,  and  left  Laudonniere  in  the  fort,  with 
the  women,  children,  and  invalids,  and  a  few  soldiers ;  alto- 
gether a  body  of  about  two  hundred  persons,  badl)-  fur- 
nished with  means  of  defence.  This  unfortunate  arrangement 
p?  ^ved  fatal  to  the  colony.* 

•  On  the  10th  of  September,  Ribault  set  sail  in  quest  of  the 
Spaniards.  But  the  next  day,  at  the  moment  when  with 
favoring  winds  he  had  overtaken  them,  a  furious  tempest 
burst  upon  him  witl)  thunder,  lightning,  and  rain,  and  lasted 
twelve  days  in  succession.  Meanwhile  the  Spaniards,  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  the  harbor  of  St.  Augustine,  and  moored 
their  vessels  there,  improved  the  opportunity  offered  by  this 
delay,  to  fortify  themselves  in  a  new  encampment.  And 
having  learned  by  the  Indians  that  the  French  had  divided 
their  forces,  and  that  by  this  means  their  fort  was  rendered 
!»lmost  defenceless,  while  their  fleet  had  been  disabled  by  the 
tempest,  they  set  out  at  once  for  the  north  with  a  superior 
force,  under  the  command  of  their  general,  Don  Pedro  Me- 
nendez  himself,  conducted  by  Indian  guides  and  by  a  treach- 


*  Laudonniere,  1.  c.  fol.  106. 1  seq. 


EXPEDITION  OF  RIBAULT,  1565. 


453 


erous  Frenchman,  and  under  cover  of  the  storm,  which  liad 
not  yet  abated. 

The  Frencli  fort,  where  tlie  garrison  dreamed  of  no  dan- 
ger to  tliemselves,  ahd  were  waiting  to  hear  what  events  had 
happened  at  sea,  was  taken  by  surprise,  uud  ca|)tured  on  the 
night  of  the  20th  of  September  witliout  much  resistance. 
The  greater  part  of  the  nearly  defenceless  occupants  were 
slaughtered  on  the  spot,  in  a  most  cruel  and  barbarous  man- 
ner. But  few  escaped  the  fury  of  the  Spanish  soldiers  ; 
among  whom  were  LaudonnlC-re,  Le  Moyne,  and  Challeux, 
all  three  of  whom  became  historians  of  these  events.  They 
fled  to  the  sea-coast,  and  were  there  picked  up  by  two  Frencli 
vessels,  "  Le  Levrier"  and  "La  Perle,"  which  Ribault  had 
left  anchored  in  the  River  May  under  the  command  of  his 
brother,  Jacques  Ribault.  These  ships  cruised  for  a  few  days 
along  the  shore,  to  see  if  other  fugitives  might  have  escaped ; 
and  then  supposing  that  all  was  lost,  they  left  the  coast  on 
the  25th  of  September,  and  sailed  for  France.* 

Ribault  and  his  companions  meanwhile  were  not  less  com- 
pletely discomfited.  They  kept  the  sea  for  five  days.  But  on 
the  15th  of  September,  the  storm  raged  with  redoubled  vio- 
lence, and  drove  the  fleet  ashore.  The  ships  Avere  wrecked 
with  the  loss  of  everything,  and  the  soldiers  and  sailors 
reached  land  in  a  helpless  condition.  The  place  of  this 
memorable  shipwreck  appears  to  have  been  not  far  from 
"  Matanzas  inlet"  (the  inlet  o^  slaughter). 

This  shipwrecked  company  undertook  to  travel  by  land  on 
the  shore  toward  their  fort  on  the  May  River,  unaware  of  its 
sad  fate.  There  they  were  soon  discovered  by  the  Spaniards, 
to  whom  they  surrendered,  and  by  whom  they  were,  Avith 
few  exceptions,  butchered  in  the  most  barbarous  manner. 
Ribault  himself,  M.  de  Ottigny,  the  principal  explorer  of  St. 


*  Challeux,  1.  c.  p.  289.    Laudonni^re,  1.  c.  fol.  112. 


454 


EXPEDITION  OF   UIBAULT,  iryC>5. 


II 


it 
'  ft 


.r ;; 


^i; 


Jolin's  River,  and  many  distinf^uishccl  officers  and  gentlemen 
connected  witli  the  colony,  fell  easy  victims  to  the  daggers 
and  swords  of  the  Spaniards.  A  few  Catholics,  and  a  few 
engineers,  j)ilots,  and  {'arj)enters  Avho,  it  >vas  thought,  might 
bo  made  useful,  were  saved  and  kept  as  slaves  by  Don  Pedro 
Menendez,  the  stern  and  hard-hearted  servant  of  Philip 
the  Second. 

It  is  related  bv  the  French  authors,  that  the  bodies  of  some 
of  the  victims  of  tliis  slaughter  were  hano;ed  on  trees,  and 
left  exposed,  under  this  inscription :  "  Thus  they  have  been 
treated,  not  as  Frenchmen,  but  as  heretics  and  enemies  of 
God." 

Of  all  the  Frenchmen  who  had  come  out  to  Florida  witii 
Laudonniere  in  15G4,  and  with  Ribault  in  15Go,  eight  or  nine 
hundred  in  number,  very  few  ever  saw^  their  country  again. 
None  had  this  good  fortune  except  those  who  were  rescued 
by  the  two  vessels  above  mentioned,  "  Le  Levrier  "  and  "  La 
Perle."  These  two  vessels,  with  the  fugitives,  left  the  coast 
of  Florida  on  the  25th  of  September,  but  experienced  on 
their  homeward  voyage  many  adventures  and  mishaps.  They 
were  soon  separated ;  one  of  them,  probably  Le  Levrier, 
arrived  in  a  pitiful  condition  on  the  coast  of  France,  near 
Rochelle ;  *  the  other,  probably  La  Perle,  having  on  board 
Jacques  Ribault,  the  brother  of  Jean,  Laudonniere,  Le  Moyne, 
and  other  distinguished  memliers  of  the  colony,  was  carried  by 
currents  and  winds  into  the  St.  C  eorge's  Channel,  and  landed 
its  passengers  at  Swansea  in  Wales,  in  November,  1565. 
From  this  place,  Laudonniere,  and  probably  Le  Moyne  the 
artist,  and  perhaps  some  others,  proceeded  to  Bristol  and 
London,  where  they  remained  some  time.  Thus  England 
received  again  the  first  news  from  Florida,  and  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  this  Protestant  colony  of  their  French   neighbors. 


*  Challeux,  1.  c.  p.  2Q. 


EXPEDITION  OF  MENENDEZ,  1.^.5-1507. 


455 


Thus,  too,  was  Lg  jSIovnc  broujiht  into  those  relations  with 
several  parties  in  England,  which  led  to  his  subsequent  resi- 
dence in  BlacktViars  in  Lon(h)n,  under  the  patronage  of  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  and  to  his  preparing  and  publishing  there, 
rather  than  in  France,  the  accounts  and  portraitures,  "lively 
drawn  in  colors,"  of  those  thino-s  of  which  he  had  been  an 
eye-witness  in  Florida.* 

A  few  of  these  French  colonists  escaped  at  a  later  period 
from  Spanish  slavery  ;  amongst  them  a  sailor,  who,  after  hav- 
ing experienced  some  wonderful  vicissitudes  of  fortune  in 
Florida,  brought  home  additional  reports  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Spaniards  there,  which  have  been  used  by  subsecjuent 
historians.! 


7.   ExPEDiTioxs  OF  Don  Pedro  Mexexdez  de  Aviles  on 
THE  Coast  of  Florida,  in  1505-1507. 

In  relating  the  last  French  expedition  to  Florida,  I  spoke 
of  the  military  achievement  of  Don  Pedro  Menendez  de 
Aviles,  the  Spanish  general,  which  resulted  in  the  destruction 
of  their  colony.  This  Spanish  expedition  gave  rise  to  several 
new  explorations  along  the  southern  section  of  our  east  coast, 
introduced  there  several  new  names,  and  determined  the  con- 
dition of  Florida  for  a  long  time,  and  therefore  demands  a 
particular  discussion.  As  it  was  occasioned  by  the  French 
voyages,  and  was  intimately  connected  with  them,  it  natu- 
rally finds  a  place  immediately  after  the  second  and  last 
voyage  of  Ribault. 

Don  Pedro  Menendez  was  a  seaman  and  soldier  trained 
in  the  school  of  Philip  II.     He  had  been  successfully  em- 

*  See  on  these  Latter  events,  Laiidonnu're,  1.  c.  fol.  113  seq.  [Also,  Hak- 
luyt,  vol.  3,  p.  301,  ed.  IGOO.— Ed.] 

t  See  Charlevoix,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  vol.  1,  p.  85. 


,:? 


M 


'I] 


I  i 


456 


EXPEDITION  OF  MENENDEZ,  1565-1667. 


ployed  by  his  monarch  in  what  the  Spaniards  called  "chasing 
pirates,"  and  in  capturing  and  destroying  such  French  and 
Dutch  navigators  as  presumed  to  intrude  upon  waters  claimed 
by  Spain.  lie  had  acquired  great  wealth  during  his  service 
in  Spanish  America,  "  which  was  no  school  of  benevolence."  * 
Menendez.  conceived  the  first  idea  of  an  enterprise  to  Florida 
in  consequence  of  the  loss  by  shipwreck  on  the  coasts  of  that 
country,  or  of  the  Bermudas,  of  his  son,  who  was  said  to  be 
still  living  among  the  natives,  and  for  whom  the  father  was 
in  search.  For  this  purpose  he  fitted  out  a  small  armament, 
which  was  enlarged  by  the  king,  who  gave  him  a  commis- 
sion to  survey  the  coasts  of  Florida,  and  to  make  a  chart  of 
them,  for  the  benefit  of  Spanish  navigation.! 

As  we  are  seldom  favored  with  the  exact  contents  of  the 
royal  instructions  given  to  the  old  navigators,  we  will  repeat 
here  that  part  of  Philip's  commission  to  Menendez,  which 
relates  to  the  exploration  and  occupation  of  our  coast.  Me- 
nendez was  directed  "  within  three  years,  to  take  possession 
of  the  country  of  'Florida'  (North  America),  and  to  have 
explored  and  reconnoitered  all  its  coasts,  to  have  surveyed  all 
its  harbors,  bays,  inlets,  currents,  and  rocks,  making  a  de- 
scription of  all  of  them,  and  putting  them  down  as  accurately 
as  possible,  according  to  their  altitudes,  roads,  and  bearings, 
that  the  lohole  secret  of  the  coast  might  he  understood  and 
knowny  He  was,  at  the  same  time,  directed  to  attempt  a 
settlement,  in  order  to  convert  the  heathen  inhabitants  of  the 
country  to  the  Catholic  religion.  For  these  purposes  he  was 
to  carry  to  Florida  five  hundred  iiandicraftsmen  and  labor- 
ers, and  twelve  missionaries  :  and  besides  these,  nve  hundred 
black  slaves,  one  hundred  horses,  two  hundred  calves,  four 
hundred  hogs,  four  hundred  sheep,  goats,  and  other  cattle, 


*  Bancroft. 

t  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  pp.  56-65. 


EXPEDITION  OF  MENENDEZ,  15G5-15G7. 


457 


and  all  things  necessary  for  the  cultivation  of  tlie   soil,  the 
planting  of  sugar-cane,  and  the  ere<*ting  of  sugar-mills.* 

This  was  the  interesting  and  most  peaceable  mission  over 
which  Menendez  was  placed  in  15G5,  with  the  title  of  "  Per- 
petual Adelantado  of  Florida."  But  Avhen  he  was  nearly 
ready  for  sailing,  news  came  to  Spain,  that  French  Hugue- 
nots had,  three  years  before,  settled  and  fortified  themselves  in 
Florida,!  and  that  another  large  armament  was  preparing  in 
France  for  their  relief.  This  information  gave  to  the  whole 
undertaking  of  Menendez  anothei  turn.  A  military  arma- 
ment was  given  to  it,  under  a  commission  to  attack  the 
French  forces,  to  destroy  their  colony,  and  to  effect  the  con- 
quest of  Florida.  It  was,  in  fact,  with  respect  to  its  most 
prominent  object,  a  kind  of  crusade.  This  change  made  the 
enterprise  popular  in  Spain  ;  and  Menendez,  who  was  to  pay 
the  greater  part  of  the  expenses,  received  assistance  from 
every  quarter.  He  was  thus  enabled  to  spend  upon  his  ex- 
tensive preparations,  within  a  year,  not  less  than  one  million 
of  ducats.  J  Volunteers,  who  furnished  their  own  equipments, 
flocked  in  from  all  sides  ;  and  the  number  of  men  who  joined 
his  banner  swelled  to  not  less  than  two  thousand  six  hundred 
and  forty-six  persons.  They  were  embarkeJ.  on  board  of 
thirty-four  vessels,  among  which  were  four  first  class  ships. § 


*  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  GG. 

t  So  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  CG;  though  it  appears  nearly  incredible,  that  the 
Spanish  authorities  should  not  have  known  of  these  expeditions  of  Ilibault 
and  Laudonnifcre.  The  Spanish  colonists  in  the  West  Indies  had  long  been 
acquainted  with  thew,  as  they  had  in  1564  suftered  from  French  pirates 
swarming  from  the  French  colony  at  May  River,  and  had  captured  some 
of  them, 

t"  Though  this  seems  to  be  incredibly  large,"  says  Barcia  (1.  c.  p.  69), 
"still  it  is  fully  warranted  by  authentic  and  original  documents."  [See, 
however,  a  letter  from  Menendez  in  Parkman,  "Pioueera  of  France," 
note  2,  p.  93.— Ed.J 

§  Barcia,  1.  c.  pp.  68,  69. 


<!i 


P    i\ 


458 


EXPEDI'xTON  OP  MENENDEZ,  1505-1507. 


il 


Never  before  did  so  great  an  armament  go  out  from  Europe 
to  the  eastern  coast  of  North  America. 

Tliese  vessels  set  out  at  different  dates  and  from  different 
ports.  Menendez,  burning  with  zeal  for  the  destruction  of 
the  heretics,  could  not  wait  for  the  assemblage  of  all  his 
vessels  in  one  port ;  but  having  collected  in  the  harbor 
of  Cadiz  about  nineteen  vessels,  and  about  fifteen  hundred 
men,  leaving  some  of  the  smaller  ones  to  follow  on  his  course, 
lie  sailed  from  thence  on  the  29th  of  June,  15G5  ;  about 
five  weeks  after  the  departure  of  Ribault  from  Dieppe.  He 
took  the  usual  Spanish  route,  by  the  Canaries  and  the  An- 
tilles. Having  passed  the  former  group,  the  fleet  Avas  separ- 
ated in  a  storm,  and  INIenendez  arrived  at  the  Antilles  early 
in  August,  with  only  five  men-of-war.* 

But  anxious  to  surprise  the  French  before  they  had  forti- 
fied themselves  in  Florida,  Menendez  decided  not  to  aAvait  the 
arrival  of  the  rest  of  his  fleet  and  forces,  but  to  sail  at  once 
for  his  destined  object ;  and  fearing  lest  the  French  fleet,  con- 
sisting, as  he  knew,  of  seven  ships  and  seven  hundred  mien, 
might  be  posted  in  the"  Gulf  of  Florida  somewhere  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Havana,  he  resolved  to  leave  the  usual 
Spanish  route  to  Florida,  around  Cape  St.  Antonio  and  Ha- 
vana, and  to  sail  on  a  "  new  and  shorter  route,  through  the 
Lucayan  Islands  and  the  Bank  of  Bahama."  In  this  he  suc- 
ceeded, and  entered  "by  the  new  route,"  the  direction  of 
which  is  not  accurately  known  by  us,  on  the  25th  of  August, 
into  the  Strait  of  Bahama ;  f  and  on  the  28th,  he  descried  the 
coast  of  Florida,  and  came  to  anchor  in  the  harbor,  called  by 
him  "San  Angustino;"  from  which  point  he  set  out  on  his 
purpose  of  attacking  the  French  forces,  and  breaking  up  and 
destroying  their  settlement. 


*  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  69. 

t  See  Menendez,  1.  c.  p.  183  seq. 


EXPEDITION  OF  MI'^NENDKZ,  15(55-1^07. 


450 


After  liaviiiii;  done  tins  in  tlio  manner  before  deseribed,  he 
gave  his  attention,  in  tlic  period  from  loO.")  to  157'i,  to  the 
execntion  of  the  remaining;  objects  of  ids  conunission  ;  namely, 
explorin<5  and  snrveyin<f  tlie  coasts  of  Florida,  and  plantinfj 
and  fortifyino;  them  against  any  renewed  attaclis  of  Frcncli 
and  Englisli  "  corsarios."  In  tliis  work,  fnll  of  (hmgers, 
cares,  and  (Uthcnities,  he  proved  himself  a  most  active  and 
energetic  man,  and  made  himself  famous  in  the  history  of  the 
exploration  and  colonization  of  the  eastern  coast  of  the  future 
United  States. 

In  the  first  place,  he  erected  several  forts  along  the  coast  of 
southern  Florida  ;  one  at  "  San  Augustino,"  another  at  the 
place  of  the  French  fort,  whici;  he  called  "  Smi  jNIatco," 
and  another  near  our  present  "  Indian  Ilivcr  Inlet,"  called 
by  him  '*  Sta.  Lucia,"  and  in  the  following  year,  15G0,  still 
another,  "  San  Felipe,"  on  that  part  of  the  coast  where 
Ayllon,  in  152G,  had  made  his  settlemerit,  not  far  from  St. 
Helena  Sound,  on  the  coast  of  South  Carolina. 

He  sent  out  also  in  156G,  pioneer  exploring  and  planting 
expeditions  to  the  north,  toward  the  "  Bay  of  St.  Mary " 
(Chesapeake),  discovered  by  Ayllon  in  152G.  This  expedi- 
tion, however,  proved  a  failure  ;  because  the  planters  and 
soldiers  assimied  to  it,  beinf;  unwilHnc;  to  settle  in  so  distant  a 
place,  and  wearying  of  the  voyage  thither,  escaped  to  Spain, 
reporting  that  they  were  driven  from  the  coast  by  storms.* 
Mejiendez  found  full  employment  in  keeping  together  his  mu- 
tinous soldiers,  Avho  did  not  like  the  toilsome  life  of  planters 
in  a  new  and  uninhabited  country,  and  were  always  tempted 
to  escape  to  INIexico  or  Peru,  their  promised  land. 

He  also  sent  into  the  interior  several  exploring  expeditions 
along  the  St.  John's,  and  other  rivers,  and  toward  the  Appala- 
chian Mountains,  which  were  thought  to  be  rich  in  silver 

»  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  pp.  119  and  123. 


:.;i  ;i. 


460 


EXPEDITION  OP  MENRNDEZ,  1505-15(57. 


m^^ 


mines.  One  of  these  expeditions,  under  Jean  Pardo,  made 
in  15G7,  is  supposed  to  have  penetrated  further  north  even 
than  De  Soto.  Menendez,  like  Cortez,  liekl  to  the  opinion, 
that  there  existed,  somewhere  in  the  central  parts  of  "Flor- 
ida" (North  America),*  a  passage  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific.  His  captains  had  heard  the  northern  Indians  speak 
of  a  "Rio  Salado  "  (salt  river),  which  Mencndez  considered 
as  the  salt-water  of  the  Western  Sea.  And  "  though  ho 
knew  the  Indians  to  be  great  liars,  still  from  this  he  became 
still  more  convinced,  that  he  might  find  here  a  passage  to  the 
oriental  regions"  (passo  a  Orienti).f  One  Spanish  author 
says,  "  that  Menendez  knew  more  about  the  secret  of  the 
north-west  passage  than  anybody  of  his  time."  With  others, 
he  thought  that  the  far-reaching  St.  Mary's  Bay  (Chesa- 
peake) might  be  connected  with  a  western  sea,  or  with  the 
waters  of  the  great  St.  Lawrence  system. 

All  these  schemes,  undertakings,  and  explorations  carried 
him  several  times  back  to  Cuba  and  the  West  India  Islands  ; 
where,  principally  at  Havana,  he  found  his  supplies  and  har- 
bors of  refuge  ;  and  where,  too,  he  could  procure  new  ships 
and  recruits.  In  falling  back  to  these  strong-holds  he  was  ob- 
liged  to  sail  against  the  Gulf-stream,  which  he  did  repeatedly 
with  great  skill  and  good  fortune.  The  Spanish  authors  con- 
sider this  sail  of  Menendez  from  Florida  up  the  Gulf-stream 
to  Havana,  as  a  new  achievement,  a  gre^t  feat,  and  an  impor- 
tant event  in  the  maritime  history  of  North  America.  Until 
then,  they  aflfirmed  that  Spanish  vessels  had  only  sailed  down 
the  Gulf-stream  ;  that  no  Spanish  vessel  had  entered  Havana 
from  the  east,  sailing  against  it,  though  many  navigators  had 

*  [For  the  extent  of  Florida,  see  Parkinan,  "  Pioiiev-^rs  of  France,"  p.  14, 
and  his  note  2,  for  his  authorities  ;  and  also  Ashor's  Introduction  to 
"Henry  Hudson,"  pp.  84^89— Ed.] 

t  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  119. 


KXl'KDITION   OF  MENENDEZ,  1505-1507. 


40)1 


inaclo  tlio  sittempt ;  and  that  IMonondoz  was  tlio  fi"st  vho  suc- 
cessfully accomplished  it,  and  thus  brought  F',»rida,  in  its 
wide  sense,  into  a  more  intimate  relation  with  the  West  India 
Islands.* 

Mcncndez  had  as  many  difficulties  in  securing;  his  conquest, 
as  he  had  had  in  gaining  it.  They  arose  from  the  natiuv  of 
the  country,  from  the  mutinous  spirit  of  his  men,  and  also 
from  the  unfavorable  disposition  of  the  royal  governor  of 
Cuba  ;  who  considered  Florida  as  a  i)art  of  his  dominion,  and 
sometimes  refused  assistance  to  Alenendez,  to  whom  Florida 
liad  been  given  as  an  independent  government. 

But  Menendez  rose  superior  to  all  these  difficulties,  and 
Philip  II.  rewarded  this  active  servant,  whom  we  might  well 
style  the  Alva  of  North  America,  with  abundant  honors  and 
pecuniary  rewards.  He  presented  him  with  200,000  ducats  ; 
and,  what  was  still  more  honorable,  made  him  governor  of 
Cuba ;  so  that  henceforth  Menendez  could  reside  as  a  pow- 
erful viceroy  in  the  best  and  most  convenient  seat  for  man- 
aging the  affiiirs  of  that  widely  extended  empire,  whifh  it  was 
thought  he  had  created  for  Spain. 

In  the  summer  of  1567  ho  returned  to  Spain  to  make  report 
of  his  grand  achievements,  and  to  receive  from  the  king  the 
promised  rewards.  Returning  from  thence  to  America  in  the 
beginning  of  1568,  he  found  the  affairs  of  "  his  empire  "  once 
more  in  disorder.  In  some  of  his  forts  there  had  been  re- 
volts, the  Indians  on  the  coast  were  in  a  bad  humor  toward 
the  Spanish  intruders ;  and  the  French,  in  his  absence,  had 
made  another  expedition  to  Florida,  and  had  destroyed  some 
of  his  forts.  I  will  here  leave  Spanish  affiiirs  for  a  while,  to 
say  a  few  words  of  this  fourth  and  last  expedition  of  the 
French. 

*  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  92. 


I' 


;ii 


4«;2 


EXIMIDITION  OF  G0UU0irR8,  l.W-(W. 


v'i 


8.  ExrianTiox  oi'  DoMiNUiUK  i)K   (JoiriMiUics    kkom   Fuanck 

TO  Fi.ouiDA,  IN  ir)(}7-ir)(;s. 

Tho  Frciu'li  IhifjiuMiots,  after  tlieir  ciitiiv  dcfout  an<l  over- 
tlirow  in  Florida  in  lof];"),  made  renewed  etlorts  to  reestab- 
lish their  C()h)iiy  in  tlie  same  region,  and  then  to  take  revenge 
on  tlie  Spiiniiirds. 

Tiiey  addressed  a  petition  to  Charles  IX,  in  tho  nairc  of 
the  families  and  kindred  of  tlioso  "nine  Inuuhvd  sons"  shiin 
hy  the  S[)aniards,  in  wliicli  they  reliearsed  their  wrongs  and 
sutt'erings,  and  earnestly  appealed  to  tho  king  to  avenge  this 
flagrant  injury  and  insult  to  the  French  nation.  Tho  king 
listened,  but  made  no  response  to  his  heretical  subjects,  -who 
were  detested  by  him  and  his  court  as  much  as  they  Averc  by 
the  Spaniards,  and  who  were  soon  after  butchered  in  Paris, 
in  a  manner  more  treacherous  and  cruel  than  they  had  been 
in  Florida,  llejrardino;  Florida  as  the  favorite  resort  of  his 
Protestant  subjects,  he  could  not  be  induced  to  lend  his  aid 
for  its  recovery  from  the  Spaniards,  and  seemed  willing  to 
abandon  it  to  their  power. 

It  is,  however,  gratifying  to  knoAv,  that  at  last,  a  Catholic 
nobleman  took  the  Protestant  cause  into  his  own  hands. 
Tho  Chevalier  de  Gourgues,  a  French  patriot,  and  a  man  of 
high  honor  and  justice,  boi*n  in  the  province  of  Guyenne,  was 
incited  by  a  desire  to  repair  the  honor  of  his  nation.  He  sold 
his  property,  borrowed  money  of  his  friends,  who  gladly  con- 
tributed their  aid,  and  was  thus  able  to  purchase  and  equip 
three  ships,  and  to  enlist  about  eighty  sailors  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  soldiers,  for  a  distant  adventure. 

Having  served  his  king  from  boyhood,  he  had  acquired 
great  experience  and  reputation,  both  as  a  naval  and  military 
officer.  His  adventurous  life,  and  reverses  of  fortune,  some- 
what resemble  the  varied  phases  of  the  life  of  tho  celebrated 


EXi'EDiTioN  OF  ooiruorES,  WM-m. 


4^.3 


John  Smith,  wlio,  at  a  later  time,  hccame  pronilnont  in  the 
uttUirnot'  V'i !•;!;! II ill  and  Now  Kiij^hind.  ( J ()ur;j;iu's  had  served, 
when  ((uite  a  yoiitii,  in  Italy,  wiiere  he  wa-  taken  i)ris()ner  hy 
the  Spaniards  and  eondenuied  to  the  i^alleys.  Thi'  vessel  in 
which  he  was  a  slave,  was  captured  hy  the  Turks,  wlio  car- 
ried him,  in  the  same  capacity,  to  Rhodes  and  Constantino- 
ple. From  this  imprisonment  at  the  oar,  he  was  retakiMi  hy 
the  kni;;hts  of  iNlalta,  hy  whom  ho  was  liherated. 

Deli^i'hted  with  a  lite  of  adventiu'o,  he  sailed  afterwards  to 
Africa,  to  Brazil,  and  "  the  Southern  Seas,"*  in  what  ca[)ac- 
ity  we  do  not  learn ;  prohahly  he  was  one  of  the  adventur- 
ous French  privateersmen  who  thep  roved  through  the  entire 
Atlantic,  with  whose  history  we  are  unhapi)ily  hut  little  ac- 
quainted. 

With  the  reputation  he  enjoyed  of  heinr:;  one  of  the  most 
ahlo  and  valiant  of  French  navi(^ators,  it  was  not  diHicult  for 
him  to  excite  an  interest,  and  ohtain  assistance,  for  any  new 
expedition  in  which  he  was  to  he  the  leader.  To  attract  as 
l''*l0  as  possihle  the  attention  of  the  authorities,  and  to  oLtiiin 
the  necessary  papers  for  his  outfit,  he  concealed  the  destina- 
tion of  his  voyage,  and  professed  that  it  was  designed  for  the 
coasts  of  Africa,  and  for  the  capture  of  slaves.  He  received 
his  commission  from  the  governor  of  the  province  of  Guy- 
cnnc,  M.  de  Montluc,  as  a  slave-trader  to  the  coast  of  Benin 
in  Africa. 

With  this  commission  he  sailed  from  Bordeaux  on  the  2d 
of  August,  1567,  the  time  at  which  Menendez,  having  ac- 
complished his  mission  in  Florida,  had  already  returned  to 
Spain,  and  presented  himself  at  court,  and  thus  escaped  out 
of  the  hand  of  the  avenger. 

Like  former  French  expeditions  for  the  west,  the  three 
ships  of  Gourgues  were,  for  some  weeks,  tossed  ahout  in  the 


!  r 


■1'  1 


I 


% 


•Probably  the  Southern  Atlantic.    Seo  Charlevoix,  vol.  1,  p.  !)5. 


Hi:.  II 


l« 


404 


EXPKDITION   OF  fJOrilGUKS,   \M7-m. 


i:': 


IxiistcM'ous  IJiiy  of  Hisciiy.  Ho  tried  to  (iml  slu'ltcr  in  Ilo- 
c'liL'llc'  and  in  tlu;  mouth  of  the  C'lmreutc  ;  l)iit,  iit  lust,  on  tlie 
22d  of  Auf^ust,  liu  took  leave  of  tho  couHt  of  France.* 

On  his  passage  to  America,  lie  to()i<  tho  h)n<;  and  devious 
route,  leadiii;;'  far  to  the  south,  usually  followed  hy  the  Haw- 
kins, the  Fentons,  and  other  Hn<^liHh  slave-traders.  J)urin^ 
the  autumn  of  1  oC)!,  he  went  as  far  south  as  the  Cape  Verde 
Islands;  and  from  thence  taking  his  way  westward,  he  entered 
tho  Carihhean  Sea ;  and  sailing  round  C'uha,  arrived  iu  siyht 
of  (^apo  Antonio  in  the  si)ring  of  laOH. 

There  he  went  on  shore  ;  and  assend)liiig  around  him  all 
his  com{)any,  he  proclaimed  to  them,  in  an  elofjuent  speech, 
the  plan  and  ohject  of  his  undertaking.  Tho  communication 
was  received  with  tho  greatest  ajjplause.  Thus  su|)ported  hy 
the  enthusiasm  of  his  men,  he  passed  through  tho  Bahama 
Channel,  arul  made  directly  for  Floiida. 

In  passing  the  Spanish  ports  on  that  coast,  lie  was  descried, 
and  being  taken  for  a  Spaniard  was  saluted  with  a  discharge 
of  cannon.  To  confirm  this  mistake,  ho  answered  their  sa- 
lute. But  when  night  came  on,  ho  made  for  land,  and  came 
to  anchor  five  or  six  leagues  north  of  tlio  Spanish  port  "  San 
Matoo,"  at  tho  mouth  of  tho  river  which  llibault  had  named 
"  La  Rivioro  Seine,"  and  the  Indians,  "  Tacata  couron,"  now 
called  Cumberland  Sound. 

Ho  wont  on  sh6ro,  and  fonnd  tho  Indians  of  tho  neighbor- 
hood assembled  there  in  largo  numbers.  Among  the  cliiefs 
was  Satouriova,  or  Satouriba,  an  old  acqunintnuff^  ot  Ribault 
and  Laudonniero.  Gourguos  hastened  anounco  to  then 
his  intention,  as  ho  had  done  h'  rs.     H<p  in- 

formed thorn  that  he  was  a  ^  lortal  enemy 

of  tho  Spaniards.     He  foi  .lat  tin        .au  long  boon  dis- 


*See  the  work,  "  La  Reprinse  de  la  Floi  de,"  publiahed  by  Ternaux- 
Corapans  in  hia  "  Pieces  sur  la  Florida,"  pp.  310,  311.    Paris,  1841. 


EXPEDITION  OF  OOUROlJEfl,  1M7-«I. 


4G5 


^listed  with  Spiiiiish  tyninny,  ivnd  were  in  tlio  best  possible 
disposition  to  loiul  biin  tiiuir  ussistiinci'.  A  tiviity  of  fViond- 
ship  NViis  iniido  with  tho  chiot's  presoiit  iind  thuir  Wiirriors,  and 
II  plan  for  iin  attiick  on  the  Spanisli  forts  wiis  ngrcod  upon. 
No  traitor  was  found  ainon^  ihcni. 

(iour;jjut'S  was  infoinu'd  by  tlic«  Indians  that  tht-  Spaniards 
iind  rcpairi'd  tho  old  Frrnch  fort  on  May  Jlivcr,  and  had  niaiU^ 
it  their  principal  fiM'tross  ;  that  besides  this  they  had  built 
two  smaller  forts,  and  nii;;ht  have  alto^jjether  a  force  of  four 
hundred  men,  which  was  more  than  (loid)le  his  own.  IIo 
sent  (»ut  an  officer  to  reconnoitre  the  situation,  who  was  to 
return  in  throe  days;  within  which  time  tho  Indian  chiefs 
were  also  to  come  back,  with  their  warriors  prepared  Ibr  Rat- 
tle. Meantime  Gourgues  was  to  make  the  })roper  disposition 
of  his  vessels. 

These  plans  were  carried  out  and  accomplished  with  ^roat 
promptness.  On  the  day  appointed,  tho  French  and  their  In- 
dian allies  set  forth  in  high  spirits  for  the  execution  of  tho 
terrible  vengeance  which  they  meditated.  But  neither  my 
limited  s[)ace,  nor  the  maritime  character  of  my  history,  will 
allow  me  to  present  the  details  of  the  admirable  style  in  which 
one  Spanish  fort  after  another*  was  carried  by  Gourgues, 
who  seemed  as  if  inspired  and  assisted  by  the  Demon  of  Ke- 
venge.  The  Spaniards!  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  their 
movements  and  counter-movements  were  wholly  unsuccessful. 
The  parties  they  sent  out  were  immediately  cut  off.  Escape 
was  impossible.  The  Indians  nuirdered  them  on  the  spot. 
A  few  only  were  made  prisoners  by  Gourgues,  and  spared 
for  a  more  formal  puuishment. 

When  he  had  complete  possession  of  their  works,  he  found 

*Tlio  ftPHt  two  small  forts  he  took  on  the  eve  of  Quasimodo,  15(18. 
t  Tho  commamler  of  the  Spaniards  is  not  named.    But  probably  it  was 
the  often  mentioned  Villarv61. 

30 


■I' 


,'      \ 


II. 
n  , 


466 


EXPEDITION  OF  GOUROUES,  15G7-G8. 


the  trees  where,  three  yeais  before,  his  countrymen  had  been 
hanged  by  Menendez.  Tliither  lie  conducted  liis  Spanish 
prisoners,  and  after  charging  upon  them  treachery  and  cru- 
elty toward  the  soldiers  of  an  allied  power,  ordered  them  to 
be  hung  on  the  same  trees  on  which  the  companions  of  Ri- 
bault  and  Laudonniere  had  been  hung  beforu ;  and  to  make 
the  retaliation  perfect,  placed  over  their  heads  a  tablet,  on 
which  were  burned  with  hot  iron,  the  words,  "I  have  done 
this,  not  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as  to  traitors,  robbers,  and  mur- 
derers."* 

Having  destroyed  and  burnt  the  forts,  and  laid  waste  every- 
thing about  them,  he  left  his  Indian  allies  to  take  care  of 
themselves  in  the  probable  event  of  the  return  of  the  Span- 
iards, not  considering  himself  strong  enough  for  their  protec- 
tion ;  and  immediately  sailed  for  France  on  the  3d  of  May. 
After  a  remarkably  quick  and  pleasant  voyage,  he  arrived  on 
the  6th  of  June,  on  Whitsunday,  at  Rochelle.  He  crossed 
the  ocean  in  four  weeks,  making  in  one  part  of  his  voyage 
eleven  hundred  leagues  in  seventeen  dc.ys.f 

In  Rochelle,  the  head-quarters  of  the  Protestants  in  Fi'ance, 
Gourgues  of  course  enjoyed  a  splendid  reception.  Sailing 
from  thence  to  his  native  town,  Bordeaux,  he  happily  es- 
caped a  Spanish  fleet  of  eighteen  armed  vessels,  which  were 
in  search  of  him.^  He  was  afterwards  obliged  to  secrete 
himself,  even  in  his  own  country.  The  king  of  Spain  set  a 
high  price  upon  his  head.  The  court  of  France,  in  its  defer- 
ence to  Spanish  influence,  appeared  disposed  to  have  him 
arrested  and  arraigned ;  though,  as   Charlevoix  assures  us, 


*Gourgiiea  appears  to  have  destroyed  the  Spaniards  to  a  man;  for  Bar- 
cia  says  no  Spanish  eye-witness  of  the  events  ever  returned  .o  Si  iin,  1,  c, 
pp.  133, 134.  He  takes  his  f:ca;eirient  entirely  from  French  sources,  and  had 
no  original  Spanish  reports  Vi^hatever  hefore  him. 

t  La  Reprinse,  1.  c.  p.  363  fieq. 

X  Ibid. 


EXPLORATION  OF  MARQUEZ,  1573. 


467 


the  king  of  France  had,  lersonally,  a  secret  admiration  for 
him,  as  he  hid  also  for  Coligny.  Queen  Elizabeth  of  Eng- 
land ere  long  made  him  a  proposition  to  enter  her  service. 
In  a  subsequent  yoar,  Don  Antonio  of  Portugal  offered  him 
the  command  of  a  fleet,  to  vindicate  his  claims  to  the  throne 
of  Portugal  agaiuf-'t  the  claims  of  Philip  II.  Gourgues  was 
inclined  to  accept  the  offer,  but  was  taken  suddenly  ill  on  his 
way  to  meet  the  Prince  of  Portugal,  and  died  at  Tours,  in 
1582,  universally  regretted,  and  with  the  reputation  of  having 
been  one  of  the  most  jmtriotic  Frenchmen,  and  most  valiant 
captains  of  his  time.* 

Then  soon  ensued  the  most  gloomy  period  in  the  history  of 
the  French  Protestants.  Their  great  leader  Coligny,  the 
French  Raleigh,  was  murdered  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew. From  that  time,  France  relinquished  all  preten- 
sions to  Florida.!  After  the  "  passing  storm  "  of  Gourgues' 
expedition,  the  vast  and  undefined  territory  which  bore  that 
name,  reverted  to  the  Spanish  dominion,  and  so  remained  for 
a  long  period. 


'  1 » 


9.  A  Spanish   Survey  of   the   East   Coast  of    Florida, 

IN  1573. 

When  Menendez  returned  from  Spain  in  1568  to  his  gov- 
ernment of  Cuba,  he  found  his  aftairs  in  Florida  in  the  utmost 
confusion  from  the  raid  of  Gourgues.  But  as  the  principal 
seat  of  his  government  was  so  near,  it  was  not  difficult  for 
him  to  revive  his  wasted  province  by  rebuilding  his  forts  and 
restoring  the  colony.  He  also  sent  among  the  Indians  Jesuit 
missionaries,  to  convert  them  to  the  Catholic  faith  ;  some  of 
whom  traveled  north  of  Port  Royal  into  the  territories  of  the 


fW 


*  See  Charlevoix,  vol.  1,  pp.  105, 100. 
t  Bancroft. 


468 


EXPLORATION  OF  MAEQUEZ,  1673. 


4  .'■  1 


■  «i    Til      ]   :'     ■.:'  . 


present  States  of  Georgia  and  Carolina.  These  were  the  first 
Jesuits  ever  brought  to  North  America.  They  afterwards 
hccame  prominent,  taking  the  lead  of  many  exploring  expe- 
ditions into  the  interior  of  the  continent,  and  contributing  to 
make  its  condition,  especially  that  of  Canada  and  Maine, 
better  known  to  the  Avorld.  The  above-named  southern 
States,  having  been  the  theater  of  the  first  attempt  to  estab- 
lish a  Protestant  community  on  the  North  American  conti- 
nent, enjoyed  also  the  distinction  of  having  the  first  Jesuit 
missionaries  among  tliem.  Wherever  Protestants  planted 
themselves,  the  Jesuits  followed.  French  Protestants  had 
shown  them  the  way  to  Brazil.  The  first  entry  of  the  Jes- 
uits into  the  city  of  Mexico  did  not  take  place  before  1573 ;  * 
and  into  California,  not  till  several  years  later ;  when  they 
had  already  penetrated  the  wilderness  of  the  eastern  terri- 
toryj  where  the  Jesuits  had  been  slain  among  the  Indians, 
and  were  esteemed  as  martyrs  to  their  cause. 

Menendez  had  made,  as  opportunity  served,  partial  surveys 
in  Florida,  in  pursuance  of  his  special  instructions,  prepara- 
tory to  drawing  a  chart  of  the  country.  His  military  and 
naval  operations,  and  domestic  duties  and  troubles,  had  pre- 
vented him  from  completing  this  work  until  the  whole  coast 
had  been  cleared  of  his  inemies.  This  result  having  been 
at  last  accomplished,  Menendez,  in  1573,  commissioned  his 
nephew  Don  Pedro  Marquez,  to  finish  the  survey. 

With  four  ships,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  seamen  and 
soldiers,  he  made  the  first  and  most  perfect  reconnoisance  of 
the  southern  section  of  the  east  coast  for  the"  purpose  of  pre- 
paring a  chart.  He  began  his  survey  at  Cape  Florida,  and 
followed  the  coast  along  to  a  point  north  of  Chesapeake  Bay. 
Barcia  says,  that  he  had  no  skillful  cosmographer  with  him  to 


*  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  146. 


EXPLORATION  OF  MARQUEZ,  1573. 


469 


construct  a  chart.*  But  lie  gave  so  exact  a  description  "  by 
writing"  (escriviendo),  that  a  chart  could  easily  be  con- 
structed from  it. 

This  written  reconnoisance,  which  probably  contained  many 
interesting  details  of  soundings,  bearings,  and  sailing  direc- 
tions, was  delivered  to  Don  Juan  do  Ovando,  president  of  the 
council  for  the  Indies,  who  put  it  into  the  hands  of  the  cos- 
mographer  Don  Juan  de  Velasco.  The  possession  of  this 
original  document  would  be  invaluable  to  the  historian  of  the 
Southern  States ;  especially  for  this  reason,  among  others, 
that  it  would  furnish  materials  to  illustrate  the  history  of 
physical  changes  on  that  coast.  But  unfortunately,  the  docu- 
ment was  lost  soon  after  the  death  of  Menendcz.  An  extract 
from  it  was,  however,  preserved,  which  Barcia  says  he  thought 
it  good  to  communicate,  "  that  the  memory  of  that  curious 
document  might  not  be  totally  lost."  f 

It  is  no  doubt  the  most  interesting  and  minute  description 
of  the  coast  of  Florida  after  that  of  Oviedo  ;  which  I  have 
given  in  a  preceding  section. 

I  must  allude  to  it  here  only  in  a  general  way,  because  it 
does  not  extend  as  far  north  as  New  England,  and  because 
its  specialties  belong  to  the  history  of  geography  in  the  South- 
ern States  of  the  Union.  The  most  northern  object  of  the 
part  of  the  east  coast,  which  was  surveyed  and  accurately 
described  by  the  young  Marquez,  was  St.  Mary's  Bay,  although 
he  went  beyond  it ;  but  how  far,  we  are  not  informed.  J  In 
a  previous  discussion,  I  have  made  use  of  this  description  of 
"  St.  Mary's  Bay,"  to  prove  that  it  was  the  present  Chesa- 
peake Bay.  Barcia  adds  the  remark,  that  when  in  1680,  Ar- 
nold Roggeveen  published  his  hydrographical  work,  entitled 


i 


m 


*  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  147.  t  Ibid, 

t  Barcia  (p.  147)  says:  "Lego  mas  adelante  del  puerto  y  baiade  Sta. 
Maria." 


470 


EXPLORATION  OF  MARQUEZ,  1573. 


i 


Hi 


m 


"  The  burning  torch  of  the  Sea,"  he  knew  less  of  the  coast 
than  was  represented  by  these  Spanisli  surveys,  and  did  not 
venture  to  describe  even  the  httle  wliich  he  depicted  on  his 
cliarts,* 

It  thus  appears,  tliat  the  Spaniards  were  again,  at  this  time, 
far  advanced  in  tlieir  progress  to  the  north,  and  had  begun  to 
take  possession  of  tlie  northei'n  coasts,  which  were  comprised 
by  them  under  the  name  of  their  "  Province  of  Florida." 
That  the  plans  of  Menendez  reached  as  far  as  New  Enghand, 
is  evident  from  the  circumstance,  that  he  had  his  eye  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland,  and  proposed  to  issue  orders  for  the 
protection  of  the  Spanish  fishermen  in  these  waters,  including 
them  also  within  his  Province  of  Florida."  f  It  was  proba- 
bly his  intention  to  take  some  such  measures  ^r  occupation 
there,  as  were  taken  by  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  at  a  later 
period.  During  the  interval  between  the  destruction  of  Ri- 
baalt's  colony  in  1566,  and  Gilbert's  possession  of  Newfound- 
land in  1583,  the  Spaniards  bore  sway  over  the  entire  east 
coast  of  North  America,  with  no  foreign  settlement,  and^ 
scarcely  a  foreign  expedition  to  oppose  their  claims. 

This  survey  of  the  east  coast  in  1573  was,  however,  the 
last  important  exploration  of  our  coast  conducted  under  the 
direction  and  by  order  of  Menendez.  In  the  following  year, 
1574,  he  was  recalled  to  Europe  by  Phiup  II,  and  soon  ended 
there  his  career  and  his  life.  He  was  a  great  favorite  with 
Philip,  who  considered  him  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men 
of  his  time.  As  a  token  of  his  regard,  he  ordered  his  portrait 
to  be  placed  in  the  gallery  of  his  palace,  and  selected  him  to 
command  a  great  fleet,  which  was  to  be  fitted  out  that  year 
against  ?  jugland  and  the  Netherlards.     He  also  appointed  his 


*  Seo  Barcia,  p.  150. 
i  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  149. 


EXPLORATION  OF  MARQUEZ,  1573. 


471 


cousin,  Florcs  do  Vtikles,  his  successor  in  the  government  of 
Cuba  and  Florida. 

A  brilliant  ovation  and  festival  were  civcn  to  Mcnendez  on 
the  8tli  of  Sept.,  1574,  the  day  on  Avhicli  he  was  solemnly 
invested  '.vith  the  command  of  the  "•  Great  Armada,"  a  fleet 
of  three  hundred  vessels,  and  twenty  thousand  men,  assem- 
bled in  Santandcr.  But  with  a  fatality  similar  to  that  expe- 
rienced a  little  later  by  his  great  enemy  Gourgues,  who  died 
at  the  moment  when  he  was  about  to  take  command  of  a  great 
Portuguese  fleet  destined  against  Spain,  Menendez,  on  the 
very  day  of  his  investiture  with  this  authority,  was  sud- 
denly seized  with  a  burning  fever,  of  which  ho  died  on  the 
17tli  of  September,  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  buried  in  Aviles,  his  native  town,  and  his  tomb 
bore  the  inscription,  "Captain-general  del  Mar  Oceano." 
He  is  represented  by  Spanish  authors  as  "  a  great  hero,  and 
the  greatest  mariner  known  in  his  time  "  (Grande  heroe,  el 
major  Hombre  de  Mar  que  se  conocia),  "because  by  making 
more  than  fifty  exploring  voyages  to  and  in  the  Indies,  he 
facilitated  the  navigation  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  which  before 
him  was  very  dangerous  and  difficult."  *  He  is  undoubtedly 
entitled  to  a  very  prominent  place  among  the  navigators  and 
explorers  of  the  east  coast  of  North  America. 

The  Spanish  explorations  on  the  coast  from  Cape  Florida 
to  Chesapeake  Bay,  have  been  much  ignored  and  neglected 
in  subsequent  times ;  while  the  French  exploi'ations,  by  means 
of  the  French  descriptions  and  charts,  have  become  univer- 
sally known.  The  best  historians  and  geographers  on  Amer- 
ica, of  the  sixteenth  century,  repeat  over  and  over  again 
the  story  of  Ribault  and  Laudonniere,  while  they  scarcely 
mention  Menendez,  except  to  tell  us  that  he  was  "  the  cruel 
Spanish  General  who  massacred  the  poor  French."     As  an 


■t 


i; 


if 


r  It 

1    ■ 
1 

i 

i 

*  See  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  150. 


472 


EXPLORATION  OF  MAIIQUEZ,  1873. 


11 


'It 


Li; 


explorer  ami  iiavigiitor,  he  is  seldom  spoken  of  in  tlieir  works. 
He  is  hardly  noticed  or  recognized  by  Ilakhiyt,  by  Do  Laet, 
by  Lcscarbot,  or  by  any  other  of  the  French,  English,  Dutch, 
or  German  historians  of  that  time;  and  while  ''that  French 
chart  of  Florida,  made  by  the  painter  Le  Moyne,"  is  con- 
stantly referred  to  by  these  writers,  and  is  embodied  without 
alteration  in  their  large  maps  of  America,  no  notice  what- 
ever is  taken  of  the  admirable  exploration  of  the  southern  sec- 
tion of  the  cast  coast,  in  1573,  made  by  Don  Pedro  Marquez. 

It  is  certainly  a  singular  fact,  that  the  authors  of  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries  should  lur  e  entirely  ignored 
the  labors  and  merits  of  men  so  eminent  as  the  two  Menen- 
dez,  uncle  and  nephew.  It  is  however  not  difficult  to  account 
for  it,  by  the  peculiar  policy  of  the  kings  of  Spain,  who  were 
accustomed  to  make  a  secret  of  their  aft'airs  of  State,  and 
were  especially  unwilling  that  the  explorations  and  discover- 
ies of  their  great  navigators  and  generals  should  be  made 
public,  lest  they  should  excite  the  rivalry  and  interference  of 
other  nations.  This  mistaken  policy  shrouded  in  obscurity 
many  valuable  enterprises  and  their  results,  which  would  have 
added  renown  to  the  Spanish  nation.  Among  these  enter- 
prises were  those  of  Menendez  and  Marquez.  When  Menen- 
dez  came  upon  the  stage  of  action,  the  old  Spanish  historians 
of  America,  the  Gomaras  and  Oviedos,  had  already  disap- 
peared. Herrera,  who  wrote  soon  after  Menendez,  did  not 
bring  his  elaborate  history  .quite  down  to  the  time  of  this  ex- 
plorer, though  he  mentions  him  occasionally  in  his  description 
of  the  West  Indies.  During  the  seventeenth  century  many 
great  works  on  several  other  parts  of  America  were  published 
in  Spain,  but  none  on  the  coast  of  Florida ;  and  some  of  the 
best  Spanish  documents  on  the  discovery  of  this  coast  were 
suffered  to  perish. 

It  is,  therefore,  no  matter  of  wonder,  that  foreign  authors 


EXPLORATION  OF  MAllQUEZ,  1373. 


478 


were  so  if^norant  of  these  matters.  It  was  not  till  1723  that 
a  more  comj)lcte  account  of  that  part  of  S[)aiiish  American 
history  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  was  published  by  the 
Spanish  historian  Barcia,  in  his  history  of  Flori'la,  often  quoted 
in  this  work.  Jiut  what  is  still  more  uiuiccountable  and  culpa- 
ble, even  since  the  publication  of  that  history  and  until  quite 
recent  times,  few  writers  on  the  discovery  of  our  coast  have 
given  any  proper  attention  to  the  explorations  of  Menendez 
and  his  Spanish  contemporaries.  ^ 

We  may  perhaps  find  some  explanation  of  this  in  the  un- 
attractive manner  in  which  Barcia  set  forth  the  infonnation 
he  had  to  give,  lie  is  neither  an  able  nor  an  elegant  writer. 
His  heavy  work  has,  I  believe,  never  been  translated  into 
any  other  language,  and  has  not,  therefore,  been  used  as  gen- 
erally, as  the  more  elegant  and  interesting  reports  on  Florida 
■written  by  French  authors. 

There  was  also  something  in  the  Spanish  hero  Menendez 
himself,  which  dimmed  the  glory  of  his  character.  His  hand 
had  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  many  Protestant  victims, 
which  could  never  be  forgotten  by  the  writers  of  the  differ- 
ent Protestant  nations  by  whom  the  history  of  North  Amer- 
ica in  later  times  has  been  principally  treated ;  and  has 
hindered  them,  perhaps,  from  acknowledging  his  great  merits 
as  an  able  and  energetic  navigator  and  explorer,  by  whose 
endeavors  many  of  the  great  geographical  problems  have 
been  solved.  • 

No  sooner  had  this  great  commander  been  removed  by 
death,  than  the  Spanish  interests  in  Florida,  no  longer  sus- 
tained by  his  zeal  and  activity,  began  to  decline,*  and  were 
soon  effectually  supplanted  by  the  heroic  adventurers  of  an- 
other nation,  following  rapidly  to  our  coast,  in  the  tracks  of 
Ribault,  Laudonniere,  and  Menendez.     This  new  era  in  thfe 


m 


ni 


f; 


,  I, 


*  Barcia,  1.  c.  p.  162. 


474 


EXPLORATION   OF  MARQUEZ,  1B73. 


i 


tj  ■  ■ 


Iff-  h-' 


m 


l:M^ 


history  of  discovory  in  America  begins  with  a  commission 
given  by  (Juoen  Elizabeth  to  the  brotliera  Gilbert  and  Ra- 
hugli,  in  tlie  year  1578  ;  a  date  wliicli  marks  the  conclusion 
of  this,  ajid  the  commencement  of  another  vohnne. 

Tiio  influence  exerted  by  the  expeditions  above  described, 
particuhvrly  tliose  of  the  Frencli  Protestants  to  Florida,  upon 
the  discovery  and  settlement  of  the  north-east  section  of  our 
coast,  especially  the  coast  of  Maine,  and  certain  relations  ex- 
isting between  the  '>rmer  and  the  latter,  may  be  summed  up 
in  a  few  words  : 

1.  Jean  llibault,  in  1562,  was  commissioned  "to  drscover 
and  survey  a  certain  long  coast  of  the  West  Indies,  from  the 
head  of  the  land  called  'La  florida,'  drawing  toward  the 
north  parts  unto  the  head  of  Britons,  distant  from  La  florida 
900  leagues  or  thereabouts."  The  commission,  therefore,  in- 
cluded the  whole  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Maine. 

2.  Ribault,  on  his  voyage  to  the  West  Indies  in  that  year, 
took  a  new  northern  route  over  the  ocean  in  about  the  lati- 
tude of  New  England ;  and  intended  to  establish  this  as  a 
national  French  route,  in  opposition  to  the  old  southern  route 
till  that  time  frequented  by  the  Spaniards.  He  himself  re- 
peatedly adopted  this  course  ;  and  by  it  opened  a  shorter  way 
for  subsequent  English  navigators,  on  their  western  voyages. 
It  was  by  this  shorter  northern  route  of  llibault,  that  Gosnold 
reached  the  coast  of  Maine  in  1602. 

3.  The  expedition  of  Ribault  was  planned  after  that  of 
Verrazano,  who,  in  1524,  had  been  on  the  coast  of  Maine, 
and  on  whose  chart  the  Gulf  of  Maine  had  been  represented 
as  separated  from  the  Western  Ocean,  or  the  "Sea  of  Ver- 
razano," only  by  a  narrow  isthmus.  In  pursuance  of  that" 
plan,  he  would  accordingly  have  been  brought  to  the  coast  of 
Maine,  and  in  searching  for  a  passage  to  Cathay,  he  would 
naturally  have  sought  it  along  this  coast. 


"1 


EXPLORATION  OF  MAUQUEZ,   1073. 


475 


of 
le, 
led 

jr- 
liaf 
of 

lid 


4.  IJut  llihault,  havin<^  disrcgiirded  liis  instructions  by  do- 
luying  in  Florida  to  cstablisii  n  colony  tluuv,  nogloctod  to 
obey  the  order  for  a  survey  of  the  coast  as  liigli  up  as  Capo 
Breton.  He  thus  lost  the  opportunity  of  seeing  the  inviting 
harbors  of  New  York  and  of  Maine,  and  of  addinj;  his  testi- 
mony  in  their  favor  to  that  given  by  Verrn/ano  ;  and  also  tho 
opportunity,  which  never  returned,  of  establishing  a  French 
settlement  in  these  regions,  more  remote  from  the  centre  of 
the  Spanisli  power  in  the  new  world,  and  less  liable  to  its 
interference. 

5.  The  French  colonists  left  by  Ilibault  in  Florida,  com- 
pelled by  distress  and  want  to  abandon  the  country,  v/erc  res- 
cued by  an  English  vessel,  and  carried  to  England.  There, 
in  1563,  they  made  report  of  their  transactions  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  awakened  the  interest  of  the  English  people  in 
the  subject  of  American  colonization. 

6.  Several  French  sailors  in  Ribault's  expedition  appear  to 
have  remained  in  the  Enjclish  service.  Some  of  them  went 
ouv,  with  Master  John  Hawkins  in  15G5,  and  showed  him  the 
way  to  the  place  in  Florida  where  Luudonniere,  in  15G4,  had 
established  a  new  French  settlement.  On  his  liomeward 
voyage  Hawkins  visited  this  colony,  saw  its  situation  and 
advantages  ;  and,  following  the  Gulf-stream,  traversed,  with 
more  than  one  hundred  of  his  countrymen,  the  entire  east 
coast  from  south  to  north,  as  far  as  Newfoundland.  He  was 
the  first  Englishman  who  had  done  this,  and  was  a  pioneer  of 
the  Eno;lisli  navigators  to  northern  and  southern  Viro;inia. 

7.  Laudonniej'e,  commander  of  the  second  French  under- 
taking, Le  Moync  the  painter,  who  had  made  an  accurate 
map  of  French  Florida,  and  Challeux,  who,  like  Laudonniere 
and  Ribault,  gave  a  written  description  of  this  country,  were, 
on  their  homeward  voyage  in  1565,  carried  to  England ; 
which  thus,  for  a  second  time,  had  the  earliest  news  of  the 


47(5 


FA'PLORATTON  OP  MAUQUEZ,  1573. 


Frcncli  disaster,  niul  of  tho  destrurtion  of  their  settlement 
by  tlio  Spaniards.  Tiiis  circunistauco  also  was  tlio  prol»al)le 
cause  of  the  coniiectioii  of  Le  Moyne,  tho  French  map-maker, 
with  Sir  Walter  llaleigh,  tho  founder  of  English  America, 
and  of  tho  earlier  and  wider  diffusion  of  tho  knowledge  of 
this  country  in  England,  than  in  France. 

8.  Tho  Spaniards,  also,  as  well  as  the  English,  and  for  still 
more  urgent  reasons,  were  attracted  by  the  French  Protes- 
tants to  Florida  ;  and  having  subverted  tho  French  settle- 
ments, set  up  their  own  government,  fortified  the  coast  in  its 
southernmost  section,  surveyed  it  minutely  as  far  north  as 
Chesapeake  Bay,  explored  tho  interior  as  far  as  tho  Appala- 
chian mountains,  continued  tho  search  for  a  western  passage 
in  that  northern  section  pointed  out  by  Cortes,  and  reasserted 
their  claims  to  the  whole  of  North  America,  as  high  north  as 
Labrador ;  not  only  planting  the  Spanish  flag  in  their  charts 
over  this  whole  territory  under  tho  name  of  Florida,  but 
adopting  measures  of  regulation  for  regions  as  far  north  as  to 
tho  Banks  of  Newfoundland. 


CIIAl'TEU     XII. 


CONCLUSION   AND  IlKCAI'lTULATION. 


^ 


1  ,  )' 


The  eager  s  h  mr  [..  ssugc  to  tho  Pacific  Ocean  by 
the  west  and  nc  t'l-we^i,  wliini  Imtl  enixnired  tho  attcMition  of 
European  nations  in  the  er-ly  part  of  tlie  sixteenth  centuiy, 
was,  after  a  whik',  wholly  alKinjhjiied  for  a  season.  But  in 
tlio  latter  part  of  the  century,  a  series  of  western  voyages 
was  undertaken  by  these  nations  with  a  dift'erent  object  and 
result. 

It  would  be  interesting  hero  to  inrpnrc  into  the  cause  of 
this  remarkable  fact,  and  endeavor  to  account  for  it.  But 
having  proposed  to  finish  the  present  volume  at  this  period 
of  our  history,  and  as  the  revival  of  north-western  expedi- 
tions by  France  and  England  in  the  voyages  of  Frobisher, 
Gilbert,  Do  Monts,  and  others  will  occupy  a  future  volume, 
I  will  hero  briefly  review  the  ground  which  has  been  trav- 
ersed, and  for  the  sake  of  convenience  will  exhibit  the  whole 
work  of  the  discovery  of  tho  east  coast  of  North  America, 
and  particularly  of  the  coast  of  Maine,  under  the  agency  of 
the  several  nations  of  Europe  who  were  concerned  in  it. 


M 


1.  Agency  op  the  Northmen. 

The  Northmen  were  the  first  Europeans  who  discovered 
and  explored  the  coasts  and  countries  of  the  north-east  of 
America.     They  described  them  under  the  names  "  Hcllu- 


478 


AfIKN(!Y  OF  THR   KNtJf-I.SFr, 


land,"  ''Miirklaiid,"  and  "  Viriliind,"  and  ronsidcrod  tlu'ni 
an  ludon^^in;^  to  tlic  nortli  of  Hurope.  'I'll*'}'  visitcMl  tlicin 
repc'iitodly  during  more  tlmn  tliroc  liiindrcd  years,  from  tlio 
oloventh  to  tlio  foiu'tccntli  century,  Jis  fur  down  as  (!apo 
C'od  and  its  vicinity.  'I'licir  rcpiihlic  in  Iceland  gradually 
decreased  in  power,  and  at  lenj^tli  hecanio  a  province  of 
Norway  and  I)enniari\.  'J'heir  colonies  in  America,  first  in 
Vinland  and  Markland,  then  in  (treeidand,  -declinod,  anrl 
were  at  last  totally  destroyed.  Their  cixploits  in  thest>  regions 
wore  forj^otten  ;  so  that  in  modern  times,  learned  men  have 
been  ol)li;40(l  to  search  in  old  Scandinavian  documents  for 
proof  of  their  reality  and  importance. 

The  coast  of  Maine  was  seen  and  traversed  hy  thg  North- 
men on  several  occasions.  From  some  traces  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian lany-uaixe  found  anions  the  ahoriji^incs  of  Maine, 
it  would  ai»pear,  that  the  Northmen  must  have  trafficked, 
and  pcrha[»s  dwelt,  among  their  tribes.  They  probably  in- 
cluded Maine  under  this  name  of  "  Vinland ;  "  though  it 
may  perhaps  have  sometimes  been  considered  as  belonging 
to  "Markland."  On  a  chart  of  these  discoveries,  Maine  is 
j)ut  down  under  the  name  of  "  Drogeo,"  which  country  was 
afterwards  de[)ictod  by  geographers  as  an  island,  floating  in 
the  middle  of  the  ocean. 


2.  Agencv  ok  the  Engijsu, 

Expeditions  to  the  sliores  of  North  America  are  said  to 
have  gone  forth  from  the  British  Isles  in  very  ancient  times, 
and  even  in  advance  of  the  Northmen ;  first,  under  the  con- 
duct of  Madoc,  a  Prince  of  Wales,  and  afterwards  under  the 
lead  of  Irish  adventurers.  Their  undertakings  in  the  north- 
west,  toward  Iceland  and  its  vicinity,  do  not  appear  to  have 
ever  entirely  ceased.     During  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 


.'j^infc^. 


AOKNCV   or  TIIK    I:N(!I,ISII. 


471) 


ro 


cenliirics  tlicy  maiiitaiiu'd  u  flourisliiii;;  cMiumiM'co  with  Ico- 
land,  cliii'lly  tVom  the  port  of  Hiist**!,  and  somotiiiu's  mado 
warliko  mid  |»iraticnl  expeditions  into  tliat  region,  even  as  Car 
as  Greenland.  'I'lu;  .same  may  ho  maid  of  their  rivals,  tho 
llanseatie  traders  and  pirates.  During'  the  fifteenth  century, 
nunu'rons  Kn^ilish  and  llanseatie  vesstds  sailed  to  Iceland  and 
its  vicinity,  and  it  is  not  utdikely  that  they  were  there  in- 
formed of  tho«i'xistenco  (»f  those  western  countries,  formerly 
visited  hy  the  Icelanders,  and  still  reco^ni/e<l  in  their  tradi- 
tions. Occasionally,  too,  an  ICn^^lish  vessel  may  have  been 
driven  hy  pdes  to  the  American  coast,  although  wc  have  no 
evidence  of  any  such  fact. 

Tho  An;;lo-Scaudinavian  conmierce  carrie<l  Columhus  to 
Iceland,  and  the  Cahots,  not  \oug  alter,  beyond  it;  and  thus 
gave  nn  impulse  to  the  discovery  of  the  rest  of  America.  In 
tho  approacdi  to  the  northern  parts  of  America,  tht;  En<^lish 
may  be  said  to  have  taken  the  lead,  uiuier  the  conduct  of  the 
Cabots,  assisted  by  tho  merchants  and  sailors  of  Hristol. 
Toward  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  they  reconnoitered 
nearly  tho  entire  east  coast  of  America  ;  and  in  so  doiny, 
doubtless  explored  tlie  coast  of  tliat  re<^ion,  destined,  two  cen- 
turies later,  to  bear  tlie  name  of  New  Kn«i;land,  and  to  be  the 
principal  centre  of  the  English  power  on  the  continent. 

During  tho  reign  of  Henry  VII.  and  Henry  VIII.  several 
expeditions  wore  made  by  the  English  to  the  north-east  of 
America.  Their  leading  motive  in  those  expeditions  was  the 
liopo  of  finding  a  shorter  passage  to  the  rich  countries  of 
eastern  Asia.  But  in  this  respect  their  undertakings  were 
failures,  and  for  the  most  part,  unfortunate  ;  their  crews  and 
ships  being  always  exposed  to  perils  from  the  ice,  and  often 
entirely  wrecked.  The  last  English  expedition  of  this  kind, 
in  1536,  ended  so  terribly,  with  such  loss  of  life,  and  other 
disasters,  that  a  most  unfavorable  impression  appears  to  have 


t 


'II 

ill 

Am 


480 


AOKNCY  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


been  made  by  It  on  the  nation.     After  tliis,  for  nearly  nfty 
years,  tlie  En<2;lisli  seem  to  liave  entirely  aljundoned  the  east 
coast  of  North  America,  and  their  explorations  of  the  nortli- 
west.      Their  ^skill  in  maritime  affairs  was  not  yet   great. 
Their  oom.mercial  and  marine  fleet  was  not  large  ;  and  their 
ships  found  more  profitable  occupation  in  capturing  the  ships 
of  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards,  retui'ning  home  richly  laden 
with  the  products  of  tlie  mines  of  the  South,  Aan  in  explor- 
,  ing  the  icy  seas  and  sterile  shores  of  the  North.     Their  rulers, 
Kenry  VIII,  during  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  Edward  VI, 
Mary,  and  Elizabeth  during  the  first  part  of  her  reign,  were 
more  occupied  with  the  affairs  of  religion  and  the  church,  and 
with  foreign  Avars,  than  with  exploring  new  countries,  or  set- 
tling questions  of  geography.     And  when  at  last  they  came 
to  be  able  to  emi)loy  some  of  their  means  and  forces  in  the 
work  of  discovery,  they  were  diverted  from  the  north-v/est 
in<-o  other  directions.    This  was  owing,  in  part,  to  the  influence 
of  Sebastian  Cabot'  himself.     This  great  navigator,  after  hav- 
ing conduct(>d  several  expeditions  from  England,  in  search  of 
a  passage  '<  j  China  by  the  north-west,  appears  to  have  be- 
come satisfied,  that  further  attempts  in  that  direction  were 
hopeless ;  and  he  i:ow  tliought,  that  a  shorter  route  to  India 
might  be  found  by  sailing  to  the  north-east,  round  the  north 
of  Europe  and  Asia.     Through  his  influence,  soon  after  the 
middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  several  exploring  expeditions 
went  from  England,  under  Hugh  Willoughby,  Richard  Chan- 
cellor, and  Stephen  Burrough,  intended  to  reacli  Cathay  by 
the  north-east.     Though  they  did  not  arrive  at  their  destina- 
tion, they  fourd  a  route  to  Russia  by  sea,  and  originated  a 
very  profitable  commerce  with  that  country. 

These  may  bo  some  of  the  reasons  why  no  official  explor- 
ing expedition,  for  more  than  forty  years  after  1536,  was 
directed  to  our  coasts  from  England.     Meanwhile  the  fishing 


TM 


AGENCY  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


481 


v.". 


Ia- 


a 


fas 


expeditions  to  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  which  had  begun 
with  the  discovery  of  the  Cabots,  continued  after  tlie  expedi- 
tion of  Ilore.  And  once  at  least  durinir  this  interval,  these 
coasts  were  reached  by  a  great  English  nav 'gator  and  ex- 
plorer, Sir  John  Hawkins,  who  having  been  attracted  to  Flor- 
ida by  the  French  settlements,  and  guided  by  French  pilots, 
sailed  along  the  east  coast  of  North  America  in  1565.  Haw- 
kins thus  became  a  pioneer  of  those  enterprises,  which,  be- 
ginning in  1578  with  the  letters-patent  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
and  under  the  command  of  Gilbert  and  Raleigh,  form  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  American  discovery. 

The  coast  of  Maine,  in  ]jarticular,  was  visited  during  this 
period,  perhaps  by  Cabot  in  1498  ;  and  also  by  Rut  in  1527, 
when  some  of  his  company  probably  landed,  and  our  shores 
were  for  the  ftrst  time  trodden  by  the  feet  of  Englishmen. 

The  territory  of  Maine  appears,  at  this  time,  to  have  been 
known  by  the  English,  under  the  names  of  '-'the  New  Isles," 
"the  Newfoundland,"  or  "the  country  of  Bacallaos,"  which 
were  first  given  by  the  Cabots.  After  Cabot,  however,  the 
English  generally  adopted  the  names  given  to  these  countries 
by  other  nations. 

But  little  as  was  done  by  the  English,  during  this  period, 
in  their  naval  enterprises,  still  less  was  accomplished  in  their 
literary  efforts  to  preserve  and  diftuse  the  knowledge  of  what 
had  been  really  effected  by  their  voyngers.  The  original  re- 
ports and  descriptions  made  by  Cabot,  and  which  must  have 
been  invaluable,  were  lost,  and  have  never  been  recovered. 
A  chart,  composed  by  him  in  1544,*  was  printed,  but  nearly 
all  its  copies  were  lost.     The  same  is  true  of  all  the  reports 

*  [Another  chart  was  made  by  Cabot,  immediately  after  his  return  from 
his  first  voyage  in  1497,  which  was  seen  and  partially  described  by  D'Ay- 
ala  in  bis  letter  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  July  25,  1498.  This  document 
is  lound  ii'  Bersenroth's  Calendar  of  the  Spanish  Archives,  vol.  1,  p.  177.— 
Ed.] 

U 


\ 


* 


482 


AGENCY  OF  THE  PORTUGUESE. 


wliicli  may  have  been  made  at  that  time  by  other  English  ex- 
plorers on  our  coasts. 

But  at  length,  toward  the  end  of  this  period,  Richard  Eden 
collected  and  published,  in  1577,  his  book  of  travels  to  the 
West  and  East  Indies,  and  thus  gave  a  new  impulse  to  the 
spirit  of  discovery  among  his  countrymen.  Before  this  time 
he  had  published,  in  1553,  a  less  important  work,  "  Treatise 
of  the  New  India,"  which  was  only  a  translation  of  Sebastian 
Miinster's  Cosmography.  After  Eden  followed  Master  Rich- 
ard Hakluyt.  The  first  of  his  voluminous  collections  of 
voyages  was  not  published,  however,  until  1582,  and  there- 
fore falls  into  a  later  period  than  the  one  comprised  within 
the  present  volume. 

The  few  charts  of  the  east  coast  which  were  composed  by 
Englishmen  during  this  time,  were  mostly  copied  from  Span- 
ish, French,  and  Portuguese  originals. 


3.  Agency  of  the  Portuguese. 

The  Portuguese  were  the  first  who  followed  the  lead  of  tlie 
Cabots  in  their  ideas  and  plans  for  north-western  discovery. 
Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  sent  out,  between  the  years 
1500  and  1503,  several  expeditions  to  the  north-east  of  Amer- 
ica, under  the  command  of  Gaspar  Cortereal  and  his  brothers. 
These  voyages  were  very  unfortunate,  resulting  in  the  loss 
of  men,  ships,  and  money.  Discouraged  by  these  reverses, 
and  becoming  more  and  more  occupied  with  the  more  fa- 
vored regions  of  Brazil  and  the  East  Indies,  the  Portuguese 
sovereigns  abandoned  the  work  of  northern  discovery.  The 
Portuguese  continued  however,  their  private  enterprises ;  and, 
following  the  track  of  the  Cortereals  and  Cabots,  they  yearly 
visited  the  fishing-grounds  of  Newfoundland,  the  richest  in 
the  world.     During  the  greater  part  of  the  sixteenth  century, 


Be 

1 V 

In 


AGENCY  OB'  THE  PORTUGUESE. 


483 


they  were  the  most  active  fishermen  on  the  banks,  and  gained 
and  commnnicatc'd  much  information  concerning  those  re- 
gions, and  tiie  neighboring  waters  and  coasts  of  Labrador, 
and  Davis'  and  Hudson's  Straits.  AV^e  find  these  coasts  and 
waters  for  the  first  time  accurately  depicted  on  Portuguese 
charts. 

From  tliese  charts,  as  well  as  from  other  circumstances,  it 
is  cfuite  certain,  that  the  Portuguese  visited  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  probably  also  the  coast  of  Maine. 

The  names  given  by  the  Portuguese  to  these  regions  are 
"  Terra  de  Labrador,"  and  "  Terra  de  Cortereal."  The  first 
is  applied  only  to  the  more  northern  countries  ;  first  to  Green- 
land, and  afterwards  to  the  present  Labrador.  The  second  is 
more  strictly  applied  to  Newfoundland;  though  it  was  under- 
stood by  the  Portuguese  to  comprise  all  the  country  west  of 
it,  which  was  known  to  them.  But  when  the  Cortereals,  in 
the  course  of  time  were  forgotten,  other  names,  given  by  for- 
eigners, were  adopted  instead  of  theirs,  even  by  thei  ■  own 
countrymen.  The  first  fair  delineation  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  is  found  in  a  Portuguese  chart  of  the  year 
1558. 

The  charts  made  by  the  Portuguese  are  a  better  source  of 
information  on  these  coasts,  than  their  books.  No  full  report 
of  a  Portuguese  explorer  to  the  north  has  been  preserved. 
Even  regarding  the  voyages  of  the  Cortereals,  we  find  in 
Portuguese  authors  only  scattered  and  occasional  notices. 
Galvano,  a  Portuguese  author,  composed  and  published  in 
this  period  a  chronological  survey  of  voyages  of  discovery, 
which  contains  n\any  valuable  allusions  to  our  region. 

In  1583,  numerous  Portuguese  vessels  and  seamen  were 
found  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland ;  but  after  this  we  do 
not  hear  much  of  them  in  that  region.  Soon  after  1580, 
Portugal  was  conquered  by  Philip  of  Spain,  and  merged  in 


It 

LI     II 


4 


J. 


484 


AGENCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


5 


m 


'•i 


,  Ml    >l 

m 


I 


his  own  kingdom.  By  this  unhappy  union  with  Spain,  and 
other  adverse  circumstances,  the  maritime  power  of  the  Por- 
tuguese was  destroyed,  their  colonies  were  subverted,  and 
their  energy  and  industry  paralyzed.  The  Portuguese  there- 
fore disappeared  from  our  waters,  and  their  fisheries  on  the 
banks  were  abandoned.  They  never  made  a  permanent  es- 
tablishment on  our  coasts,  though  in  their  maps  they  planted 
their  banner  on  several  countries  in  the  vicinity  of  Maine. 
A  few  geograpliical  names  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland, 
and  the  name  "  Labrador,"  are  the  only  remaining  monu- 
ments of  the  presence  in  our  waters  of  this  once  interesting 
and  powerful  nation. 


4.  Agency  of  the  Spai-^iards. 

Agramonte  and  other  enterprising  Spanish  navigators, 
after  the  vovages  of  Cabot  and  Cortereal  to  the  north-west, 
urged  upon  the  king  of  Spain  to  undertake  similar  expedi- 
tions, but  without  success.  The  exploring  voyages  of  that 
nation  were  commenced  from  its  colonies  in  the  West  Indies. 
From  this  centre  of  their  operations  they  adv.inced  toward 
the  north,  along  the  shores  of  what  are  now  the  States  of 
Florida,  Georgia,  and  Carolina.  On  this  track  they  expected 
soon  to  find  an  end  of  the  northern  countries  ;  and  several  of 
their  explorers  in  this  direction  were  ordered  to  turn  west- 
ward as  soon  as  possible,  and  sail  into  the  Western  Ocean 
toward  the  Moluccas.  Cortes,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  also 
proposed  to  make  search  for  a  western  passage  somewhere 
south  of  Newfoundland ;  and  in  1525,  Estevan  Gomez  was 
directed  to  these  latitudes.  For  the  same  purpose  he  surveyed 
a  great  section  of  the  coast  between  40°  and  45"  N.,  and  ex- 
plored with  much  care  the  coast  of  Maine ;  particularly  the 
large  bay  and  river  of  Penobscot,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 


V 


1 


AGENCY  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


485 


e 

is 


of  "  Rio  (le  las  Gamas."  lie  made  a  chart  of  the  coast,  which 
was  used  by  the  royal  cosmograj)her  Ribero  for  his  great  map 
of  the  world.  But  Gomez  found  neither  a  passage  to  the 
west,  nor  gold,  nor  other  valuable  products  in  the  countries 
seen  by  liim.  Ilis  voyage  was  the  last  official  Spanish  expe- 
dition in  search  of  a  passage  to  the  Pacific  on  the  eastern  side 
of  America.  The  Spaniards,  however,  for  a  long  time  be- 
lieved in  the  existence  of  such  a  passage,  and  laid  plans  for 
its  discovery,  which  were  still  prosecuted,  in  15T0,  by  their 
great  navigator,  Pedro  Menendez.  But  after  the  conquest 
of  the  rich  countries  on  the  shores  of  the  South  Sea,  they 
thought  the  long-sought  passage  might  be  more  easily  discov- 
ered from  the  western,  than  the  eastern  side  of  America ;  and 
therefore  carried  on,  from  the  time  of  Cortes,  a  series  of  ex- 
plorations along  the  west  coast  of  North  America  under  the 
command  of  Francisco  Ulloa,  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Cabrillo,  and 
others,  who  extended  the  limits  of  Spanish  conquest  and  dis- 
covery fin  that  side  far  north,  to  California  and  the  Strait  of 
De  Fuca.  On  the  eastern  side  of  North  America,  the  coun- 
tries lying  in  the  high  latitudes  where  Gomez  had  been  occu- 
pied, were  never  reached  again  by  the  Spaniards,  except  only 
by  the  fishermen  of  the  Basque  provinces,  to  whom  Gomez 
had  opened  the  way. 

The  Biscayans,  always  active  fishermen,  followed  Gomez 
yearly  to  the  Grand  Banks,  as  the  Portuguese  had  foll(fwed 
Cortereal ;  and  as  they  probably  carried  their  cargoes  directly 
to  Havana  and  other  Spanish  settlements  in  the  West  Indies, 
we  may  infer  that  they  sometimes  came  in  sight  of  our  coast. 

At  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  and  beo;inning  of  the  seven- 
teenth  century,  these  Spanish  fisheries  on  the  Banks  of 
Newfoundland  gradually  declined,  and  came  to  an  end,  like 
those  of  the  Portuguese.  Both  these  nations  gave  place  here 
to  the  French,  who  were  soon  followed  by  the  English. 


lii 


48G 


AOENCkr  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


No  regular  official  survey  of  the  coast  of  New  England 
was  made  after  that  of  (loniez,  during  the  period  under  con- 
sideration, nor  until  the  explorations  and  surveys  of  the 
French  and  English,  near  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century ; 
so  that  nearly  all  the  representations  of  our  coast  contained 
in  the  Spanish,  as  well  as  in  the  French  and  English  maps  of 
this  time,  and  in  the  works  of  Mercator,  Ortelius,  and  others, 
Avere,  as  far  as  our  coast  is  concerned,  only  copies  of  the 
survey  of  Gomez,  handed  down  to  us  by  Uibero.  The  charts 
of  Vcrrazano  were  eventually  lost ;  and  the  chart  of  Homem 
of  1558,  which  shows  that  somo  progress  had  been  made  by 
private  adventurers  in  the  knowledge  of  the  coast,  received 
no  attention  from  these  geographers.  So  that  nearly  all  the 
names  planted  by  Gomez  on  the  coast  of  New  England  were 
transmitted,  and  became  nearly  as  permanent  as  those  left  by 
Cortereal  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland.  We  always  see  in 
these  works  our  great  and  beautiful  Penobscot  River  partic- 
ularly conspicuous,  under  the  name  of  "  Rio  de  las  Gamas," 
or  "  Rio  formosa,"  or  "  Rio  do  Gomez,"  with  its  diverging 
branches,  the  numerous  islands  at  its  mouth,  and  the  great 
cities  on  either  bank,  sometimes  superadded. 

The  first  Spanish  cosmographers  and  map-makers  gave  to 
these  coasts  the  name  of  "  Tierra  de  Gomez,"  under  which, 
toojether  with  Maine,  the  rest  of  New  Enjjland  and  Nova 
Scotia  were  comprised.  They  also  apply  to  these  northern 
parts  of  "  Florida,"  a  name  given  to  them  by  the  French, 
namely,  "  Arambe,"  or  "Arambec,"  Avhich  has  so  marked 
a  similarity  to  the  Indian  name  "  Norumbega,"  that  it  must 
be  reo-arded  as  having  the  same  origin. 

The  historians  of  Spain,  during  this  period,  furnish  us  with 
important  information  relative  to  our  subject;  although  their 
narratives,  even  that  of  Gomez,  are  neither  complete  nor  ex- 
act.    The  Decades  of  Peter  Martyr,  the  first  chronicler  of 


AGENCY  OF  THE  FIIENCH. 


487 


events  in  the  now  world,  contain  on  our  ron-ions,  as  on  the 
whole  of  America,  the  most  full  and  useful  information.  The 
M'orks  of  (iromara  and  Oviedo  connnunicated  still  more  ample 
knowledge.  In  ir)37,  Oviedo  rrave  the  best  and  most  accu- 
rate description  of  our  east  coast,  Avhich  has  come  down  to 
us  from  the  sixteenth  century ;  and  ITcrrera'a  work  on  the 
liistory  of  Spanisli  discovery  is  of  the  highest  interest.  At 
a  later  date  another  Spanish  author,  IJarcia,  com])osed  a 
special  work  on  the  history  of  "  Florida,"  a  name  then  used 
by  the  Spaniards  as  synonymous  with  North  America.  And 
in  quite  modern  times,  the  \vcll-k)iown  Navarrete  published 
from  scattered  documents  in  the  archives  of  Spain,  a  collec- 
tion of  voyages  of  the  highest  interest  relating  to  this  coun- 
try.* 


Tl 


P 


T).  Agkxcv  of  thk  Fukncu. 

The  French  from  Brittany  and  Normandy,  like  the  Portu- 
guese, soon  after  the  expeditions  of  Cabot  and  Cortereal, 
began  to  resort  to  the  fishing-grounds  on  the  Banks  of  New- 
foundland, and  continued  their  operations  there  during  the 
whole  of  the  sixteenth  century,  by  the  side,  first  of  the  Por- 
tuguese, and  afterwards  of  the  Spanish  Biscayans,  who  were 
principal  actors  in  this  profitable  employment.  And,  like 
the  Portuguese,  they  also  continued  the  discoveries  which  the 
great  official  explorers  had  commenced ;  particularly  on  the 
west  and  south-west  of  Newfoundland,  and  about  Cape  Bre- 
ton, which  they  named  "  Terre  des  Bretons."  Under  this 
name  they  included,  on  some  of  their  old  maps,  not  only  the 

*[Thi3  work  was  entitled  "  Collection  of  the  Voyages  and  Maritime 
Discoveries  made  by  the  Spaniards  since  the  close  of  the  Fifteenth  Cen- 
tury." The  first  two  volumes  were  published  in  Madrid  in  1825,  tlie  fourth 
and  fifth  in  1837,  the  sixth  and  seventli  not  until  after  the  death  of  the  au- 
thor, which  took  place  in  1844,  at  the  age  of  seventy-uino.— Ed.] 


I   r. 


'Hi 


m 


Mm 


488 


AGENCY  OF  THE  FKENCII. 


future  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Brunswick,  but  sometimes  also 
tlie  territory  of  Maine,  tlius  cmhracint^  this  entire  region. 
Soon  after  the  hcoiimiii;^  of  tlie  sixteenth  century,  they  ap- 
j)ear  also  to  have  extended  their  voyaj^es  to  the  Gulf  of  St. 
]>awrencc,  and  to  have  gained  some  knowledge  of  the  great 
river  of  Canada.  Our  accounts  of  their  proceedings,  how- 
ever, are  meagre  ;  and  it  is  ditHcult  to  decide  how  much  Avas 
done  by  them,  and  how  much  by  the  Portuguese. 

At  last  in  1524,  the  royal  French  expedition  under  Verra- 
zano  was  pent  to  our  coasts,  of  which  we  have  full  and  good 
reports.  But  these  reports  were  so  long,  that  they  were  read 
by  few  persons,  and  did  little  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of 
this  navigator  and  his  discoveries,  while  his  charts  were  gen- 
erally and  readily  examined  and  understood,  and  frequently 
copied.  But  as  the  charts  of  Verrazano  were  not  preserved, 
so  neither  Avere  the  names  nor  the  geographical  delineations 
doubtless  contained  in  them  ;  while  the  chart  of  Gomez,  hav- 
ing been  copied  l^y  Ribero,  and  often  republished,  perpetu- 
ated the  names  he  had  given,  though  it  was  not  accompanied 
by  any  written  report. 

The  voyages  of  Verrazano  were  followed  by  those  of 
Jacques  Cartier.  This  great  navigator,  in  his  remarkable 
voyages  of  1535  and  1543,  accurately  surveyed  the  whole 
coast-line  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  a  large  section  of 
the  great  river  of  Canada.  These  surveys  were  repeatedly 
copied  by  subsequent  map-makers,  and  form  the  basis  of  the 
maps  and  charts  of  that  period. 

Soon  after  Cartier,  Francis  I,  the  patron  of  Verrazano 
and  himseF,  died  ;  and  his  successors,  Henry  II,  Fi'ancis  II, 
and  Henry  III,  were  too  much  occupied  by  political  and  re- 
ligious dissensions  at  home,  to  give  any  attention  to  affairs  in 
the  new  world.  The  same  causes  also  operated  in  Germany 
and  England,  to  divert  their  governments  and  people  from  the 


AGENCY  OF  THE  FRENCn. 


489 


in 


XQ 


remote  and  loss  cxcitinf*  objects  of  discovery  and  colonization. 
It  was  left  for  the  Huguenots,  in  seeking  a  place  of  refugo 
from  persecution,  to  direct  attention  again  to  America.  In 
their  behalf,  Ilibault,  Ijaudonniere,  and  otliers,  soon  aflcr 
the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  undertook  several  expe- 
ditions to  the  soutjiern  section  of  our  east  coast,  which  had 
also  an  important  bearing  on  the  discovery  of  its  northern 
section.  Among  the  great  maritime  powers  of  Europe,  Spain 
was  the  oidy  one  which  preserved*  tranquillity  at  home,  and 
energetically  pursued  transatlantic  concpiest,  enriching  her- 
self by  the  spoils  of  the  new  world.  The  whole  navigation 
of  France  and  England,  at  the  end  of  this  period,  was  reduced 
to  privateering  and  i)iracy.  It  was  not  until  near  the  close 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  that  great  and  honorable  explorers 
and  adventurers,  superseding  the  French  and  English  "cor- 
sarios,"  with  a  noble  rivalry,  completed  the  discovery  of  our 
coast,  and  solved  the  geographical  questions  connected  with  it. 
After  the  voyages  of  Verrazano  and  Cartier,  the  grand 
name,  "  La  Nouvelle  France,"  was  given  to  the  countries 
around  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  included  also  the  terri- 
tory of  Maine  and  the  rest  of  New  England,  as  far  down  as 
40"  N.  But  this  name  was  sometimes  applied  by  French  geog- 
raphers to  the  whole  of  North  America ;  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  Spaniards  extended  their  name  "  Florida  "  over  the 
same  region.  The  French  also  gave  the  Indian  name,  "  No- 
rumbega,"  to  a  portion  of  New  France  ;  and  we  find  it  applied 
on  some  old  maps  to  the  country  of  the  Bretons  and  Nova 
Scctia.  But  it  is  generally  confined  to  that  part  of  the  coast 
lvin<i  north  of  the  fortieth  degree ;  to  which,  as  was  conceded 
by  the  French,  the  Spanish  "  Florida  "  extended.  The  cen- 
tre of  the  region  covered  by  this  aboriginal  name,  how- 
ever, appears  always  to  have  been  the  Penobscot  River,  "  the 
great  river  of  Norumbega."     And  this  name  is  found  still 


!  1 


1  •; 


a  j 


400 


AOENCy   OF  TlIK  ITALIANS, 


ii[i])lii'(l  to  this  cciitriil  rc^Ioti,  long  jiAer  It  had  disappeared 
from  tlio  adjacent  countries. 

TJje  l^'rcnch  I'xplorers  of  tliis  ])eriod  composed  tlie  most  full 
and  hest  re[)orts  of  their  (txpeditions,  which,  by  a  singular  <;ood 
fortune,  have  nearly  all  been  preserved,  and  especially  those 
of  Verrazano,  of  Cartier,  of  Ilibault,  and  of  LaudoiuiicVe. 
They  are  a  most  important  source  of  information  on  the  con- 
dition of  the  east  coast  in  the  sixteenth  century. 


G.  AoExcY  OK  THE  Italians. 

The  procuress  of  discovery  in  America,  whether  considered 
as  a  whole  or  in  its  ditterent  sections,  was  accomplished  not 
alone  by  the  direct  action  of  the  great  maritime  powers  of 
the  day,  Portugal,  Spain,  France,  and  England,  but  also  by 
the  indirect  agency  of  private  members  of  other  nations, 
settled  at  a  greater  distance  from  the  shores  of  the  Western 
Ocean,  but  further  advanced  in  the  sciences  of  geography 
and  astronomy,  so  necessary  for  maritime  success. 

Some  of  the  exploring  expeditions  luidertakcn  by  the  Span- 
ish, French,  and  English,  avc  have  called  by  their  names  only 
in  a  political  sense ;  because  their  commissions  were  given, 
their  explorers  were  mostly  paid,  and  their  profits  wholly  en- 
joyed by  these  several  governments.  BAt  with  respect  to  the 
scientific  principles,  the  leading  ideas,  and  the  whole  spirit 
which  originated  and  animated  them,  they  must,  partly  at 
least,  be  ascribed  to  private  individuals  of  other  nations.  Thus 
the  enterprise  of  Columbus  for  the  discovery  of  America  is 
usually  called  a  Spanish  enterprise,  which  indeed  it  was,  in  a 
political  sense.  Columbus,  however,  was  not  only  born  and 
educated  in  Italy,  but  acquired  his  nautical  experience  in  Ital- 
ian waters,  and  was  imbued  with  the  adventurous  spirit  of  the 
old  Italian  navigators,  of  which  the  Spaniards  of  his  time  had 


AOENCY  OF  THE  ITALIANS. 


4!>1 


e 
d 


very  little,  except  wliut  lie  iim)arte(l  to  tlieiii.  The  friendH, 
too,  with  nhoin  he  convspoiuled,  Toseniielli,  Peter  I^lartyr, 
and  others,  includiii;^  umon^  thesi;  the  Pope  of  Koine,  hy  whom 
ho  WHS  instructed,  encoura^^ed,  and  a|)plau(led,  were  all  Ital- 
ians. The  same  may  he  said  of  the  voyaj^i's  of  the  Cabotfl, 
which,  thou^fli  justly  called  En;4lish  r'uterprises  in  the  sense 
ahove-mentioiied,  may,  in  another  sense,  he  justly  considered 
Italian  ;  inasmuch  as  the  Cahots,  like  Columbus,  had  their 
birth  and  education  in  Italy,  and  conducted  their  enterprises 
on  the  ideas  and  princi[)les  which  they  had  learned  from  their 
Italian  masters. 

Exactly  the  same  is  true  also  of  the  expedition  of  Verra- 
7-ano,  which  is  properly  considered  a  French  expedition,  in  so 
far  as  it  was  undertaken  by  order  of  the  kiuif  of  France,  and 
in  behalf  of  French  interests  ;  but  in  so  far  as  Verra/.ano, 
like  Columbus  and  Cabot,  was  an  Italian,  educated  in  the 
Italian  school  of  maritime  science,  and  associated  by  sympa- 
thy and  correspondence  with  Italian  cosmo^^raphers,  his  expe- 
dition, also,  must  be  considered,  in  an  im|)()rtant  sense,  Ital- 
ian ;  or  more  exactly,  an  Italian  enterprise  under  French 
auspices. 

But,  in  trutli,  the  way  to  tho  discovery  of  America  was 
pointed  out  to  the  nations  of  Europe  by  the  Italians,  long 
before  the  voyages  of  Verrazano,  of  tho  Cabots,  or  even  of 
Columbus.  In  proof  of  this,  it  will  only  be  necessary  to 
remind  the  reader  of  what  has  been  said  of  the  voyages  and 
charts  of  the  brothers  Zeni. 

But  a  full  discussion  of  the  influence  of  Italy  upon  maritime 
discovery,  would  carry  me  beyond  the  allotted  limits  of  this 
volume,  and  I  shall  pursue  it  no  further. 

I  must  not,  however,  omit  to  ^notice  the  agency  of  Italian 
authors  in  recording  the  history  of  what  was  done  by  their 
own  and  other  nations  in  the  discovery  of  America.     Some 


Ij'i 


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Hiotogiaphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  USSO 

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492 


AGENCY  OF  THE  ITALIANS. 


of  the  very  first  reports  on  western  discovery  were  either 
written,  or  collected  and  published,  by  Italian  authors.  To  this 
class  belong  the  invaluable  reports  of  Peter  Martyr  d'An- 
ghiera,  an  Italian  in  the  service  of  Spain,  from  whom  we  have 
obtained  very  important  information  on  the  voyage  of  Este- 
van  Gomez  to  our  coast.  Here  also  may  be  mentioned  the 
first  collection  of  voyages  of  discovery  in  America  ever  made, 
which  was  published  by  some  anonymous  Italian  author  in 
Vicenza,  in  1507. 

Italy,  during  this  period,  kept  a  vigilant  watch  upon  the 
oceanic  action  of  Portugal  and  Spain.  This  was  true  espe- 
cially of  the  cities  of  Venice  and  Rome,  the  ambassadors  of 
which  always  kept  the  governments  at  home  fully  and  accu- 
rately informed  of  everything  done  by  the  governments  to 
which  they  were  sent,  in  relation  to  discovery  and  coloniza- 
tion in  the  west.  By  such  means  the  Italians,  especially  in 
those  central  positions  where  these  reports  were  collected  and 
published,  became  better  acquainted  than  any  other  nation, 
with  the  western  voyages  and  adventures  of  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal, and  also  of  England  and  France.  These  reports,  pub- 
lished in  Italy,  were  diffused  over  Europe;  and  thus  was 
communicated  intelliojence  of  discoveries  in  America  which 
would  otherwise  have  been  little  known.  Even  at  this  day, 
our  best  information  on  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  the  Cor- 
tereals,  the  Verrazanos,  and  the  Cartiers  to  our  east  coast, 
comes  from  Italian  sources,  and  especially  from  the  great  work, 
"  Delle  Navigation!  et  Viaggi,"  pullished  in  Venice,  by  Gio- 
vanni Battista  Ramusio. 

In  Venice,  where  art  and  science  flourished,  a  large  school 
of  skillful  cartographers  arose.  Many  of  the  first  maps  of 
the  new  world  were  made  and  printed  there,  and  were  usu- 
ally added  to  the  numerous  Italian  editions  of  Ptolemy.  It 
was  here  also  that  Baptista  Agnese,  and  other  Italians,  com- 


AGENCY  OP  THE  GERMANS. 


493 


posed  innumerable  "  Portolanos,"  *  or  sea-charts,  on  wliich 
the  discoveries  of  new  countries  were  depicted,  which  were 
dispersed  through  the  world,  to  be  used  by  explorers  on  their 
new  and  dangerous  routes.  Even  foreign  chart-makers,  and 
among  them  the  Portuguese  Homem,  were  attracted  to  Ven- 
ice, and  composed  their  works  in  that  city,  where  they  found 
the  best  assistance  from  artists,  mathematicians,  and  cosmogra- 
pliers.  Copies  of  several  of  these  Italian,  or  more  strictly 
Venetian  charts,  which  throw  much  light  on  the  history  of 
"  western  discoveries,"  are  placed  in  this  volume. 

But  near  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  France 
and  England  entered  with  new  spirit  upon  a  new  career  of 
American  discovery  and  colonization,  the  learned  men  of 
those  countries  took  into  their  own  hands  the  business  of  col- 
lecting, preserving,  and  publishing  narratives  and  charts  of 
maritime  adventure ;  and,  meanwhile,  the  Italians  lost  that 
literary  preeminence  which  they  had  gained  by  their  early 
publications  on  the  history  of  American  discovery. 


7.  Agency  of  the  Germans. 

The  Germans  also  may  be  mentioned  among  those  nations 
who,  in  many  ways,  assisted  the  work  of  discovery  in  the 
new  world.  German  soldiers  and  seamen  are  often  men- 
tioned as  making  part  of  the  crews  of  the  great  navigators,  and 
especially  of  Magellan  on  his  first  navigation  round  the  globe. 
And  was  not  that  companion  of  the  old  Northman  L^if,  the 
good-natured  Tyrker,  a  German?  And  did  not  this  Ger- 
man, by  his  discovery  of  grapes  in  the  woods  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  by  the  satisfaction  he  exhibited  in  this  discovery, 
give  occasion  for  applying  to  this  country  the  name  of  "  Vin- 

T  — ^ — 

•  Portolano  means  "  a  coaat-pilot;"  also,  "  a  book  in  which  ports  or  har- 
bors are  described." 


pi;;      )i 


404 


AGENCY  OF  THE  GERMANS. 


land  the  f^ood,"  the  first  name  under  wliioli  it  became  known 
to  tlie  civilized  world?  And  was  not  that  man  a  German, 
who,  in  1037,  having  paid  a  high  price  for  a  rare  piece  of  wood 
from  the  forests  of  New  England,  made  it  an  article  of  com- 
merce, commending  it  at  the  same  time  in  a  report  of  the 
country  from  wh'ch  it  came  ?  And  was  it  not  a  German  au- 
thor, Adam  of  Bremen,  who  first  published  an  account  of  the 
discovery  of  Vinland,  at  a  time  when  little  interest  was  felt 
in  such  tidings,  even  if  they  could  have  been  at  all  compre- 
hended, either  by  his  own  countrymen,  or  by  the  rest  of 
Europe  ? 

If  not  great  navigators  themselves,  the  Germans  were  emi- 
nent in  those  sciences  and  arts  which  arc  necessary  to  navi- 
gation. The  earliest  of  modern  astronomers  were  Germans  ; 
and  distinguished  among  these  was  John  Miiller,  better  known 
under  his  Latin  name,  "  Regiomontanus,"  *  who,  from  Nu- 
remberg, his  place  of  residence,  in  the  interior  of  Germany, 
guided  and  regulated  the  routes  of  navigators  and  explorers 
on  the  trackless  ocean.  His  astronomical  Ephemerides,  in 
which  he  had  calculated  in  advance  the  movements  of  the 
moon  and  stars  from  1475  to  1506  f  was  used  by  Bartholo- 
mew Diaz,  Vasco  de  Gama,  Columbus,  and  Vespucci,  on  the 
coasts  of  Africa  and  America,  as  they  themselves  have  stated. 
In  Nuremberg  there  flourished,  after  Regiomontanus,  a  large 
school  of  skillful  mathematicians  and  astronomers. 

From  the  same  town  there  sprang  another  great  German 
geographer,  the  famous  Martin  Behaim,  a  contemporary  and 
personal  friend  of  Columbus,  who,  like  him,  resided  for  several 
years  in  Portugal, — that  part  of  the  European  continent 
which  stretches  furthest  toward  the  west.     Behaim  also,  like 


♦  So  called  from  bis  birth-place  *'  Konigsberg,"  in  Latin  "  Regiomon-- 
tium." 

t  See  Humboldt,  Kritische  Untersucbungen,  vol,  1,  p.  232. 


1 


AGENCY  OF  THE  GERMANS. 


495 


Columbus,  studied  cosmography,  composed  cliarts,  and  like 
him  also,  made  voyages  to  the  Azores  and  the  western  coast 
of  Africa,  then  the  outposts  of  Portuguese  discovery.  And, 
still  following  the  example  of  Columbus,  ho  married  the 
daughter  of  one  of  the  principal  residents  of  these  islands  ; 
so  that  both  Behaim  and  Columbus  may  be  said  to  have  be- 
come connected  with  the  ocean  by  marriage.  By  these  ante- 
cedents, and  by  the  high  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  the 
king  of  Portugal,  it  would  seem  as  if  Behaim  was  qualified, 
like  Columbus,  to  become  a  practical  navigator,  and  himself 
an  explorer  in  the  west.  He  contented  himself,  however, 
with  the  more  modest  fame  of  constructing  an  imi)roved  astro- 
labium,  which  the  Portuguese  and  Spanish  navigators  hung 
up  on  the  masts  of  their  vessels.* 

As  in  mathematics  and  astronomy,  so  also  in  the  arts  of 
typography,  wood-cutting  and  engraving,  the  Germans,  in 
the  time  of  Columbus,  occupied  a  high  place.  This  was  the 
epoch  of  Albrecht  Diirer  and  his  school.  German  printers 
were  dispersed  throughout  Europe.  They  printed  in  Seville, 
among  other  reports  on  America,  the  first  letter  written  by 
Columbus  from  the  new  world.  German  engravers,  who 
often  were  also  good  mathematicians,  engraved  many  of  the 
first  maps  of  America,  not  only  in  Germany,  but  in  Italy, 
and  wherever  else  their  science  and  skill  had  procured  for 
them  employment ;  the  German  Ruysch,  for  instance,  who 
engraved  in  Rome  a  map  of  America,  a  copy  of  which  is 
supplied  in  this  volume.  Composing  maps  of  the  world  from 
materials  furnished  by  navigators  of  other  nations,  seems 
to  have  been  a  passion  with  these  Germans.  Of  the  twenty- 
one  editions  of  Ptolemy,  issued  in  the  first  half  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  nearly  all  of  which  are  embellished  with 
charts,  not  less  than  sixteen  were  published  in  Germany. 


•  See  Humboldt,  1.  c.  p.  234. 


496 


AGENCY  OP  THE  NETHERLANDERS. 


The  Germans  became,  in  fact,  the  great  masters  in  the  art 
of  map-making.  They  constructed  maps  more  accurately 
than  otliers,  and  were  the  first  who  attempted  that  projection 
so  useful  to  navigators,  which,  in  1569,  was  brought  to  per- 
fection by  Mercator,  in  the  little  town  of  Duisburg,  and 
which,  from  him,  was  called  "  Mercator's  Projection."  * 

By  publishing  many  editions  of  the  reports  of  Amerigo 
Vespucci,  who  was  a  favorite  with  the  Germans,  and  by  re- 
peating his  name  on  the  numerous  maps  of  South  America, 
where  it  was  first  placed,  the  German  geographers  and  map- 
makers  may  be  said  to  have  fastened  on  the  western  conti- 
nent the  name  iv  now  bears,  and  to  have  been  the  means  of 
its  becoming  univci-sally  adopted. f  The  best  and  most  com- 
plete map  of  the  world  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  made  in 
a  small  German  town,  under  the  patronage  of  a  German 
prince,  by  Mercator,  the  celebrated  author  of  the  planisphere. 
This  famous  map  contained  all  parts  of  the  old  world,  with 
the  discoveries  in  the  new,  including  portions  of  our  north- 
east coast,  very  accurately  drawn,  and  from  the  best  authori- 
ties. 

8.  Agency  of  the  Netherlanders. 

The  Netherlanders,  particularly  the  Flemings,  had  founded 
a  colony  in  the  western  islands  before  the  time  of  Columbus ; 
yet  they  do  not  appear  until  a  much  later  period  to  have  taken 
part  in  the  work  of  discovery.  And  even  as  geographers, 
writers,  printers,  and  map-makers,  they  fell  far  behind  the 
Germans.  After  the  death  of  Mercator,  in  1595,  the  cop- 
perplates of  his  charts  were  sold  to  the  Belgian  Hondius,  and 


*  Compare  upon  this  Peschel,  Geschicbte  der  Erdkunde,  p.  368  seq. 
Munchen,  1865. 

t  This  question  has  been  amply  treated  by  D'Avezac,  in  his  work, "  Mar- 
tin Hylacomylus  "  (Waltzemiiller),  etc.    Paris,  1867. 


AGENCY  OF  THE  NETHERLANDERS. 


497 


were  transported  from  Germany  to  the  Netherlands,  where 
another  Mercator,  tlie  famous  geographer  and  cartographer 
Ortelius,  had  arisen.  After  that  time,  geograpliy  and  car- 
tography began  to  flourish  in  the  Netherlands,  while  these, 
with  other  arts,  greatly  declined  in  Germany. 

At  the  time  of  their  struggle  with  Spain,  the  heroic  and 
victorious  Netherlanders  became  powerful  on  the  ocean  ;  and 
particularly  after  Hudson's  discoveries,  and  their  settlement 
at  New  Amsterdam,  they  not  only  became  a  leading  maritime 
power,  but,  what  interests  us  more  in  our  present  object,  they 
largely  contributed  to  the  progress  of  geography  and  car- 
togi*aphy,  and  gave  improved  drawings  of  the  peninsula  of 
New  England  and  of  the  coast  of  Maine.  But  all  this  will 
find  a  more  suitable  place  hereafter. 


What  we  have  said  in  this  concluding  chapter  will,  we  trust, 
justify  us  in  bringing  this  volume  to  a  close  with  the  termina- 
tion of  this  first  series  of  exploring  voyageai  to  America, 
undertaken  by  the  four  great  maritime  nations  of  Europe. 
These  voyages,  while  proposed,  in  the  first  instance,  to  dis- 
cover a  shorter  route  by  the  west  to  India,  prepared  the  way 
for  the  further  exploration  of  the  north-east  coast,  and  its 
settlement  by  the  French  and  English.  The  history  of  these 
later  enterprises,  prosecuted  by  the  Gilberts  and  Raleighs, 
the  De  Monts  and  Champlalns,  in  the  brilliant  reigns  of 
Elizabeth  of  England  and  Henry  IV.  of  France,  will  furnish 
interesting  materials  for  a  future  volume. 


APPENDIX. 


LETTER 


ON  THB 


i     II 


VOYAGES  OF  JOHN  AND  SEBASTIAN  CABOT, 


OF    PABI8. 


f        \i 


NOTICE. 


1) 


IJnuNHWioK,  Fob.  15,  isno. 
To  Hon.  Wm.  Wilms,  i,r,.n.,EDiTon: 

Dear  Sir,— I  havo  the  honor  to  prosont  to  you,  for  puhhcation  in  tlio 
llrst  volume  of  the  now  series  of  the  Collections  of  the  Maine  Histor- 
ical Society,  the  translation  of  a  letter  I  have  lately  received  from 
M.  D'Avczac,  relating  to  some  of  the  topics  discussed  in  this  volume. 
In  one  of  the  frequent  and  agreeable  interviews  which  I  enjoyed  with 
this  distinguished  scholar  during  my  recent  residence  in  Paris,  I  took 
occasion  to  express  to  him  the  interes't  I  had  felt  in  some  papers  pub- 
lished by  him  a  few  years  before,  wherein  he  advocates  the  opinion, 
that  the  voyage  made  by  the  Cabots  in  which  North  America  was  llrst 
discovered,  after  the  times  of  the  Northmen,  took  place  in  1 194,  and 
was  followed  in  1497,  149S,  and  1,^17,  by  three  successive  voyages  to  the 
same  regions.  I  stated  to  him  at  the  same  time  my  impression,  that 
this  opinion  was  generally  regarded  as  having  been  disproved  by 
certain  documents,  recently  brought  to  light  from  the  Venetian  and 
Spanish  archives ;  and  that  it  was  certainly  so  considered  by  many  of 
our  best  American  scholars.  He,  however,  had  seen  nothing  in  those 
documents  to  induce  him  to  abandon  the  opinion  referred  to,  or  even 
to  modify  it  materially.  But  he  was  disposed,  in  deference  to  the 
judgment  of  those  who  took  a  different  view,  for  many  of  whom  ho 
entertained  the  highest  personal  regard,  and  also  in  compliance  with 
roy  request  in  the  name  of  our  Society,  to  examine  anew  the  subject  in 
question,  in  the  light  of  the  mjre  recent,  as  well  as  the  earlier  authori- 
ties. The  results  of  that  examination  are  contained  in  the  letter,  a 
translation  of  which  is  herewith  submitted.  And  if  the  theory  of  the 
author  is  not  cleared  of  all  difficulties,  and  proved  beyond  a  doubt,  by 
this  new  vindication,  it  is  certainly  commended  to  the  acceptance  of 
his  readers,  by  the  learning  and  ability  with  which  it  is  advocated. 
Between  discussions  so  able,  as  that  of  Dr.  Kohl  in  his  sections  on 
Cabot's  map  on  the  one  side,  and  this  of  M.  D'Avezac  on  the  other,  it 
must  be  difficult  to  decide.  At  all  events,  our  readers  may  well  con- 
sider themselves  as  eiy  oying  the  best  means  of  coming  to  a  just  decis- 
ion on  this  question,  which  lies  at  the  beginning  of  our  history,  in 
having  it  argued  before  them  on  opposite  sides,  by  two  of  the  most 
eminent  living  authors  in  this  department  of  learning. 
I  remain,  dear  Sir, 

Very  truly  and  respectfully  yours,  «fec., 

LEONARD  WOODS. 


i 


LETTii:R   OF   M.    D'AVEZAC. 


TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  FRENCH. 


42  RuK  i)U  Bac;,  Paiuh,  Doc.  iQ,  1808. 
To  Leonaiu)  Woods,  i,t,.d.,  Bhun^wk^k,  Me.: 

Dear  Sir, — You  wore  plouHed  to  reniitul  mo,  last  Juno,  that  I  had 
incidentally  uttumptod,  more  than  ton  years  previously  (in  the  Jiullatin 
de  ''»,  Societe  de  QCographle  of  Paris,  October,  IH.')?,  note  k,  pp.  20rt 
to  2.. ,,  to  establisli  a  certain  order  in  the  confused  and  contradictory 
notions  which  had  boon  previously  entertained,  relating  to  the  voyageB 
of  discovery  of  tho  two  colebrated  navigators,  John  and  Sebastian 
Cabot,  along  tho  coasts  of  North  America ;  and  the  distinction  which  I 
had  proposed,  of  four  successive  expeditions  under  the  dates,  1404, 1407, 
1408,  and  1517,  appeared  to  your  indulgent  courtesy  to  bo  a  new  and 
very  plausible  theory. 

But  subsequently  to  the  time  when  I  announced  that  theory,  many 
now  documents,  derived  principally  from  tho  researches  of  Messrs. 
Rawdon  Brown  and  George  Bergonroth  in  the  archives  of  It<aly  and 
Spain,  had  come  to  light,  and  were  thought  by  you  to  have  been  gener- 
ally considered  as  affording  a  decisive  argument  in  favor  of  the  com- 
mon opinion,  that  it  was  in  1407  when  tho  first  voyage  took  pliice ;  such 
at  least  you  regarded  as  the  opinion  which  had  been  professed  by  two 
of  your  most  learned  countrymen,  in  some  erudite  observations  sug- 
gested by  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  tho  time  when  a  fac-simile 
copy  of  this  map  was  presented  to  the  American  Antiquarian  Society 
of  Worcester,  Massachusetts ;  observations  which  have  boon  published 
in  the  Proceedings  of  that  Society  for  tho  years  1866  and  1867,  and  which 
are  specially  recommended  by  the  names  of  their  authors,  the  Reverend 
Edward  E.  Hale  of  Boston,  and  Charles  Deane,  Esq.  of  Cambridge. 
You  subsequently  added,  with  good  reason,  another  name  still  more 
considerable,  that  of  Mr.  George  Bancroft,  the  great  historian  of  the 
United  States,  who  had  already  made  use  of  these  documents,  at  that 
time  not  as  yet  published,  in  two  biographical  articles  devoted  to  John 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


603 


I 

II 


and  Sebastian  Cnhnt  in  tlio  New  American  Encyclopedia,  oditod  by 
Riploy  and  Dana;  and  I  lind  uiyNoIfat  piOHont  in  a  condition  to  add  to 
thoHO  a  fourtli  nani«,  tliat  of  Mr.  .Folm  Carson  Hiovoort,  TicHidont  of 
the  IliHtorical  Nocioty  of  Long  iHland,  fron.  whom  1  have  reuoivod  at 
last,  after  many  postal  viciHsitudoH,  a  nionioir  on  tlio  voyage  of  Cabot  of 
14U7,  printed  last  Marcli  in  tlio  IliHtorical  Maynzinc  of  Now  York. 

Ah  tliiH  (piustion  in,  at  tliiH  inoniont,  in  tlio  ordor  of  tlio  day  boforc  the 
Historical  Society  of  Maine,  which  contoinplatoH  tho  publication  of  a 
Documentary  History  of  that  State,  you  ro<iuost  mo,  in  the  name  of 
that  Society,  to  inform  yon,  whether  I  consider  tho  new  docnimonts  to 
which  you  refer,  as  consistont  with  tho  thoory  whirh  I  had  proposed; 
and,  at  all  events,  wheUicr  my  ideas  upon  tho  subject  in  (piestion  have 
undergone  any  modification  in  con80(iuonco  of  new  researches,  made 
either  by  myself  or  by  others.  My  opinion  deliberately  formed  on  this 
subject,  you  had  tho  kindness  to  add,  will  have  tho  highest  authority, 
not  only  in  Europe,  b\it  also  in  America,  with  ail  persons  who  interest 
themselves  in  tho  study  of  the  exploits  performed  by  tho  groat  navi- 
gators of  tho  heroic  Jigo  of  discovery,  but  who  aro  embarrassed  with  tho 
difflcultios  of  this  study. 

Permit  mo,  dear  sir,  to  say  to  you,  first  of  all,  liow  much  tho  solemnity 
of  this  appojil  alaims  me,  and  how  many  serious  perplexities  are  awak- 
ened in  my  mind  by  this  judicial  authority  with  which  you  seem,  in  some 
sort,  to  invest  mo,  in  a  cause  so  much  controverted;  and  not  yet  suffi- 
ciently cleared  up :  accordingly  I  do  not  hesitate  to  deidino  a  part  so 
ambitious ;  and  shall  confine  myself  to  setting  forth  what  I  believe  to 
be  tho  truth,  without  ai.ty  pretension  to  be  believed  on  my  mere  word, 
and  without  forbidding  myself  to  advance,  in  case  of  an  absolute  chasm, 
some  expletive  coi\jecture,  offering  it  simply  for  what  it  is,  and  sub- 
mitting it  very  humbly  to  the  mercy  of  any  who  may  not  choose  to 
accept  it. 

It  is  five  years  since,  that,  on  occasion  of  an  edition  of  one  of  the 
voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier,  for  which  I  was  requested  to  furnish  an  his- 
torical introduction  of  a  few  pages,  my  studies  wore  directed  again  to 
the  whole  series  of  European  navigations  along  tho  coasts  of  America 
now  under  the  dominion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  from  the  first  Irish 
predecessors  of  our  present  Fenians,  from  tho  Welsh  of  Madoc  ap  Owen, 
and  the  Scandinavians  of  Iceland,  of  Norway,  and  the  Faroe  Islands, 
down  to  the  English,  the  Portuguese,  the  French,  of  the  fifteenth  and 
sixteenth  centuries.  The  explorations  of  the  two  Cabots  being  thus 
.  taken  up  again  in  their  natural  connection,  and  examined  anew,  ap. 
peared  to  me  such  as  I  had  before  considered  them.    This  Breve  et 


H 


504 


LETTER  OP  M.  D'AVEZAO. 


succincte  Introduction  hiatorique,  which  I  finished  on  tlve  12th  of  August, 
1803,  and  which  appears  at  the  head  of  the  second  voyage  of  Cartier, 
published  by  the  Brothers  Tross,  was  reprinted  substantially  in  the 
July  number,  1804,  of  the  Annales  des  Voyages  of  Malto-Brun,  where 
the  §  (vi)  relating  to  the  Cabots,  occupies  less  than  two  pages  (77  to 
79),  and  reproduce  ,  in  a  simple  recital,  the  results  of  which  I  had  given 
a  resumi?  in  1857,  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Societe  de  Oeographie  of  Paris. 

Your  last  appeal  has  led  me  to  take  up  again,  with  more  care,  and 
with  a  more  obstinate  perseverance  in  the  pui-suit  of  original  docu- 
ments, this  history  of  the  navigations  of  John  and  Sebastiaa  Cabot  to 
their  new-found  lands.  I  have  here  attempted  a  narrative  of  these 
voyages,  in  which  the  passages  adduced  in  support  of  each  fact  (les 
pidces  justiflcatives)  will  be  incorporated  in  their  own  language:  for 
the  necessity  of  relying  only  on  the  original  texts  has  been  proved  to 
me,  again  and  again,  by  the  treacheries  proverbially,  and  with  too 
much  reason,  charged  upon  translators ;  of  which  indeed  I  have  met 
with  more  than  one  example  in  i^.y  present  inquiry.  But  these  original 
texts,  which  must  be  generally  procured  from  foreign  archives  and 
libraries,  one  never  receives  without  waiting  some  time  for  them,  which 
might  delay  a  good  deal  the  completion  of  my  digest.  But  I  am  un- 
willing to  postpone  any  longer  a  reply,  which  is  already  very  late;  and 
I  purpose  to  send  you,  succinctly,  the  history  whicl;  hais  resulted  from 
such  an  exan.ination  as  I  have  thus  far  been  able  to  give  to  the  original 
sources,  which  are  already  accessible  to  my  cariosity;  in  which  investi- 
gation, the  most  obliging  assistance  has  been  rendered  rne  by  the  Abb6 
Valeritinelli,  the  Marquis  d'Adda,  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith,  Mr.  Ber- 
genroth,  Mr.  Paui  Meyer,  for  which  it  would  be  ungrateful  in  me  not 
to  return  them  my  thanks  in  this  place. 

I  come  now  to  the  matter  in  hand.  In  some  place,  more  or  less 
obscure,  in  tJip  region  of  Genoa,  if  not  in  the  City  of  Palaces  itself 
(perhaps  precisely  in  Castiglione),  toward  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  as  I  suppose,  John  Cabota,  Caboto,  or  Cabot  was  born ;  who, 
early  in  1460  at  tne  latest,  went  io  live  at  Venice ;  married  there  a  daugh- 
ter of  the  countiy,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons ;  and  t'.iere,  after  fifteen 
years  of  residence,  and  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  senate,  ex- 
pressed bj  jne  hundred  and  forty-nine  votes,  obtained  from  the  dogs 
(Andre  Vandramino),  on  the  28th  March,  1476,  his  naturalization  as  a 
citizen  of  Venice  (privilegium  civitatis  de  intus  et  extra).  He  had  ad- 
dicted himself,  it  appears,  with  great  success,  to  the  study  of  cosmog- 
raphy and  the  practice  of  navigation :  pe^liaps  he  had  sought  the  teaeh-  . 
ing  of  the  celebrated  Florentine  cosmographer,  Paul  Toscanelli ;  and 


1 
< 
1 
i 

1; 
a 

t] 
e 
ii 
tl 
ft 

SI 

1^ 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


505 


at  all  events,  he  had  doubtless  adopted,  with  the  avidity  of  a  studious 
adept,  the  theo-'os  professed  by  that  aged  sago,  respecting  tlie  dispo- 
sition of  land  and  water  on  the  surface  of  the  globe,— theories,  the 
fame  of  which  had  reached  even  to  the  court  of  Portugal,  an('  uad  ex- 
cited there  a  curiosity,  which  ho  satisfied  ir  a  well-known  letter  writ- 
ton  from  Florence,  under  date  of  June  25,  1474,  to  Canon  Fornara 
Martins,  an  intimate  of  Alphonso  V,  to  which  there  was  annexed  a 
nautical  explanatory  chart,  representing  the  Atlantic  Ccean,  bounded 
on  the  east  by  the  shores  of  Europe  and  Africa,  and  on  thd  west  by 
those  of  oriental  Asia,  with  a  total  interval  of  130°  of  longitude  be- 
tween Lisbon  and  Quinsay,  the  magnificent  capital  of  the  miglity  em- 
pire of  Cathay.  At  50"^  this  side  of  Cathay,  lay  the  great  island  of 
Zipangu  or  Japan.  At  33°  distivnce  from  Lisbon,  the  great  island  An- 
tilia,  or  ihe  ii  and  of  tho  "  Seven  Cities  "  was  thrust  forwaru,  which  the 
maps  of  the  t".<ie  placed  beyond  the  Azores;  with  some  other  islands 
in  a  location  less  fixed,  among  which  the  island  of  Bresil  occurred  in 
different  places.  A  direct  way  was  thus  boldly  traced  by  tho  learned 
Florentine  across  tho  Western  Ocean,  even  to  that  opulent  country  of 
the  grand  Khan,  whose  incomparable  riches  had  been  seen  and  related, 
two  centuries  before,  by  tho  Venetian  Marco  Polo.  The  attention  of 
Alonzo  V.  was  diverted  by  cares  nearer  home,  by  a  war  with  strange 
reverses,  from  these  meditations  about  a  maritime  route  to  the  Indies 
by  the  west.  But  Cabot,  who,  in  his  travels  in  the  east  (Ei  dice  che 
altre  volte  esso  e  stato  a  la  Mecha)  had  learned  from  the  caravans  of 
Arabia,  that  the  spices  came  from  hand  to  han4  from  the  remotest  coun- 
tries of  the  east,  could  not  fail  to  revolve  in  his  brain  adventurous 
thought  *  regarding  tho  distant  horizon,  w}\ere  that  extreme  Orient  was 
distinctly  indicated,  toward  which  he  saw  ranged,  at  due  intervals 
like  successive  station-houses,  the  islands  of  Bresil,  of  Antilia,  and 
then  Zipangu ! 

The  new  citizen  of  Venice,  taking  his  wife  and  sons  with  him,  to  go 
into  foreign  parts  to  found  an  establishment  of  maritime  commerce,  in 
accordance  with  the  cosmopolitan  habits  of  tho  Venetians,  selecteU  for 
this  purpose  the  English  port  of  Bristol,  tho  channel  of  which  opens 
exactly  toward  those  occidental  regions,  where  Toscanelli  pointed  out, 
in  the  distance,  tho  fortunate  shores  of  Cathay.  It  may  be  conjectured, 
that  it  was  not  far  from  the  year  1477,  that  the  family  of  Cabot  trans- 
ferred its  Penates  to  this  port  in  the  extreme  west  of  Europe ;  for  the 
second  son,  Sebastian,  whom  I  suppose  to  have  been  born  in  1472  or 
1473,  was  then  only  a  child. 

But,  in  1433,  the  15th  July,  we  see  a  ship  and  its  consort,  of  eighty 


506 


LETTER  OP  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


tons  burden,  belonging  to  the  merchant,  Jay,  the  younger,  and  con- 
ducted by  the  most  skillful  mariner  in  all  England,  setting  forth  from 
Bristol  to  go  west  from  Ireland  to  seek  che  island  of  Bresil ;  and  on  the 
18th  of  the  September  following,  the  news  reaches  Bristol,  that  after  a 
cruise  of  two  months,  the  expedition  had  returned  to  a  port  of  Ireland 
without  having  found  the  island  sought.  This  magister  navis  scientijl- 
cus  marinariua  totius  Anglioe,  I  persuade  myself  is  no  other  than  John 
Cabot  himself. 

But  from  a  doubt  let  us  pass  to  a  certainty.  We  have  arrived  now  at 
the  year  1491 ;  and  we  know  this  time,  appositely,  that  there  then  com- 
menced a  series  of  consecutive  explorations,  which  employed,  each  year, 
two,  three,  four  caravels,  proceeding  from  the  port  of  Bristol,  to  sail 
under  the  direction  of  John  Cabot,  the  Genoese,  for  the  discovery  of  the 
isle  of  Bresil,  and  of  the  Seven  Cities :  this  is  what  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador, Pierre  d'Ayala,  sends  officially  t  >  his  government  in  a  despatch 
of  the  25th  of  July,  1498,  on  occasion  of  the  departure  of  a  great  expedi- 
tion confided  to  this  Genoese.  Los  de  Bristol  ha  siete  annos  que  cada 
anno  han  armado  dos,  tres,  cuatro  caravelas  para  ir  a  buscar  la  isla  del 
Brasil  y  las  Siete  Ciudadas,  con  la  fantasia  deate  Genoves. 

At  last,  on  the  fourth  voyage  of  this  septennial  scries,  in  the  month 
of  June,  1494,  the  search  is  no  longer  in  vain :  in  one  of  the  legends 
accompanying  the  great  elliptical  Mappe-Monde,  published  in  1544  by 
Sebastian  Cabot,  then  gi-and  pilot  of  Spain,  the  following  indisputable 
declaration  is  inscribed,  both  in  Spanish  and  Latin,  and  is  pointed  out 
by  an  express  reference  [in  the  body  of  th^  map],  for  what  relates  to 
Tierra  de  los  Bacallaos :  "  This  land  was  discovered  by  John  Cabot  a 
Venetian,  and  Sebastian  Cabot  his  son,  in  the  year  of  the  birth  of  our 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  M.cccc.xcmi  (1494),  the  twenty-fourth  day  of 
June  [at  5  o'clock]  in  the  morning;  to  which  land  has  been  given 
the  name  of  The  land  first  seen :  and  to  a  great  island,  which  is  very 
near  the  said  lai^d,  the  name  of  St.  John  has  been  given,  on  account 
of  its  having  been  discovered  the  same  day." 

This  same  date,  1494,  such  as  we  ascertain  it  on  the  very  map  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  presei*ved  at  Paris  in  the  geographical  department  of  the 
"  Bibliotheque  Imperiale,"  was  extracted  in  a  similar  manner  in  1556, 
at  Oxford,  in  a  transcript  by  Nathan  Kochhaf  (Chytrseus),  and  copied 
by  Hakluyt  in  1589,  at  the  palace  of  Westminster,  from  another  edition 
engraved  by  Clement  Adams.  A  typographical  error,  rather  than  an 
ill-advised  arbitrary  correction,  changed  that  date,  in  this  same  citation, 
in  a  later  edition  of  Hakluyt's  collection.  This  would  not  be  worth 
mentioning,  if  I  were  not  obliged  to  give  notice  here,  that  more  than 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAO. 


507 


one  careless  reader  ha?  inconsiderately,  and  without  being  sufficiently 
informed,  taken  the  date  thus  corrupted,  for  that  which  Ilakluyt  had 
actually  copied  from  the  original,  engraved  by  Adams.  Nor  can  this 
date  of  1494,  which  was  really  written,  be  invalidated,  on  the  other 
hand,  on  the  pretext,  that  the  legend  did  not  emanate  from  Sebastian 
Cabot  himself.  From  whom  then  did  it  come  ?  Its  origin  may,  in  my 
judgment,  assuredly  be  traced  to  John  Cabot,  who  must  be  supposed 
to  have  inscribed  it  in  Italian ;  and  this  explains  how  the  different  ver- 
sions which  have  been  made  of  it  into  Latin,  while  they  are  identical 
in  substance,  are  not  precisely  the  same  in  form.  As  for  the  Spanish 
rendering,  it  is  evidently  posterior  to  the  establishment  of  Sebastian 
Cabot  in  Spain.  But  of  what  avail  is  all  this?  The  legends  belong 
incontestably  to  the  chart;  for  those  which,  on  account  of  their  length, 
are  not  included  within  the  interior  of  the  design,  are  plainly  attached 
to  it  by  references.  And  if  any  one  could  doubt  for  a  moment,  that  the 
whole  was  the  proper  work  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  it  would  only  be  neces- 
sary in  order  to  remove  immediately  all  hesitation  in  this  regard,  that 
he  should  read  the  first  lines  of  the  Retulo  del  auctor,  beginning  thus : 
Sebastian  Caboto  capitan  y  piloto  mayor  de  la  Sacra  Cesarea  CatoUca 
Majestad  del  Iinperador  don  Carlos  quinto  deste  nombre  y  Rey  nuestro 
aennor,  hizo  estaftgura  extensa  en  piano,  anno  del  nascimiento  de  nuestro 
Salvador  Jesu  Christo  de  M.D.XLIIIL  annos, . . .  etc. 

I  assume  it,  then,  as  a  fact  to  be  hereafter  uncontested,  as  I  have 
always  regarded  it  as  incontestable,  that  the  first  discovery  of  Cabot 
was  made  the  24th  of  June,  1494. 

But  during  the  period  of  the  successive  attempts  of  this  intrepid 
navigator  to  find  a  passage  to  the  Indies  by  the  west,  the  great  fact  of 
the  Columbian  discovery  had  been  accomplished ;  and  in  its  train  had 
followed  the  promulgation  of  the  papal  bull,  adjudging  this  new  world 
to  Spain ;  and  immediately  after,  the  protestation  of  Portugal,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  line  of  demarcation,  and  finally,  the  treaty  of  Tor- 
desillas  of  7tli  June,  1494.  Accordingly,  when  John  Cabot  had,  in  his 
turn,  discovered  new  countries,  he  was  obliged  to  acknowledge  that  it 
could  appertain  only  to  a  sovereign,  to  declare  them  his  own,  and  to 
confer  a  beneficial  domain  over  them  on  the  discoverer ;  and  he  had 
recourse  to  Henry  VII,  king  of  England,  to  escape  from  the  exclusive 
pretensions  of  Spain  and  Portugal.  Perhaps  after  this  appeal  to  the 
royal  intervention,  he  had  to  contend  against  jealous  influences  from 
abroad ;  at  least  it  is  certain,  that  the  Castilian  ambassador  Ruy  Gon- 
zales de  Puebla,  received  an  order  from  his  court,  to  make  representa- 
tions against  every  enterprise  of  this  kind.    {Estas  cosas  semejantes  son 


i1    II 


i- 


508 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAO. 


cosas  muy  ynciertaa  y  tales  que  para  agora  no  conviene  entender  en  ellaa, 
y  taiibien  mirad  que  h  aquellaa  partes  no  se  puede  entender  en  eato,  sin 
perjuycio  nuestro  o  del  liey  de  Portugal.)  Ilowovor  this  may  be,  the 
king  of  England  si^^ned  at  last,  at  Westminster,  the  5th  of  March,  1496, 
letters-patent  to  John  Cabot,  citizen  of  Venice,  and  his  three  sons, 
Louis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  and  their  heirs,  and  others  concerned,  to 
go  by  sea  under  the  royal  British  standard,  for  the  discovery  of  un- 
known lands  in  the  western  hemisphere,  and  to  take  legal  possession 
of  them  in  the  name  of  the  crowi;  of  England,  to  bo  enjoyed  by  him, 
and  his  sons  and  heirs,  for  their  sole  use  and  inheritance,  as  vassals 
and  officers  of  the  king,  reserving  one-fifth  part  of  the  net  profits  of 
all  the  products  which  should  be  entered  free  of  customs  at  the  single 
port  of  Bristol. 

We  must  probably  ascribe  to  the  secret  practices  of  the  Castilian 
diplomacy,  the  delays  which  attended  the  departure  of  the  expedition ; 
which  did  not  put  to  sea  until  the  first  days  in  the  month  of  May,  1497, 
in  a  small  ship  manned  by  a  crew  of  eighteen  men,  of  whom  one  was  a 
Burgundian,  and  one  a  Genoese ;  but  the  greater  part  were  Englishmen 
from  Bristol.  It  had  returned  by  the  beginning  of  August;  for  on  the 
date  of  the  10th  of  this  month,  the  king  gave  from  his  privy  purse  a 
gratuity  of  ten  pounds  sterling  To  hym  that  found  the  New  Isle.  Some 
days  after,  on  the  23d  of  August,  the  Venetian  merchant,  Lorenzo 
Pasqualigo,  sent  from  London  to  his  brothers  in  Venice,  what  he  had 
learned  of  the  results  of  this  voyage ;  John  Cabot  had  found,  at  a  dis- 
tance of  seven  hundred  leagues  in  the  west,  a  firm-land,  along  which  he 
had  coasted  for  the  space  of  three  hundred  leagues,  not  having  met  a 
living  person  at  the  points  where  he  had  lauded,  but  still  having 
observed  there  some  traces  of  inhabitants,  trees  notched,  and  nets  for 
catching  game:  on  his  return,  he  had  seen  on  his  right  hand  two 
islands,  where,  however,  he  had  not  wished  to  go  on  shore  on  account 
of  the  failure  of  his  provisions :  he  had  returned  to  Bristol  after  a  voy- 
age of  three  months,  having  left  in  the  lands  which  he  had  discovered 
a  grand  cross,  with  the  banner  of  England  and  that  of  St.  Mark  of 
Venice. 

What  were  these  three  hundred  leagues  of  coast,  thus  placed  under 
this  two-fold  British  and  Venetian  protectorate?  One  might  make 
this  the  object  of  a  special  study,  comparing  carefully  with  the  map  of 
Sebastian  Cabot,  naturally  taken  here  as  the  standard  of  reference,  the 
sketch,  more  or  less  rude,  of  the  countries  upon  which,  in  the  chart  of 
the  celebrated  Spanish  pilot  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  of  the  date  1500,  there 
floats  a  series  of  significant  banners,  accompanied  in  the  east  by  the 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


509 


name  Caho  de  Ynglaterra,  and  in  the  west  by  tlio  inscription  Mar 
descubierta  por  Yngleaes.  It  is,  in  short,  in  its  whole  extent,  the  same 
region  which,  thirty  years  later,  was  called  by  the  Spaniards  Tierra  de 
Estevan  Gomez. 

Without  stopping  to  notice  the  enthusiastic  reception  which  John 
Cabot  received  after  his  return,  his  title  of  Admiral,  the  vestments  of 
silk  with  which  he  arrayed  himself,  the  concessions  of  islands  with 
which  he  gratified  certain  of  his  companions  (et  intrambi  ae  reputano 
conti,  ne  monsignor  larmirante^ se  estima  manco  de  principe) ;  without 
speaking  of  the  magnificent  promises  of  which  he  showed  himself  so 
prodigal ;  I  come  at  once  to  the  preparations  for  a  new  and  more  con- 
siderable expedition,  with  which  he  immediately  occupied  himself. 
The  king  signed  at  Westminster,  the  3d  of  February  following  (1498), 
letters-patent  expressly  authorizing  John  Cabot,  or  his  duly  appointed 
representative,  to  take  in  the  ports  of  England  six  ships,  the  largest 
not  to  exceed  two  hundred  tons  burden  at  the  most,  with  all  their 
equipments,  on  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  in  the  royal  service, 
and  to  embark  in  them  as  many  persons  as  should  freely  offer  them- 
selves to  go  with  him  to  the  countries  or  islands  previously  discovered 
by  him,  in  the  name  and  by  the  commandment  of  his  mjyesty.  Anghiera 
informs  us,  that  Cabot  furnished  the  armament  of  two  ships  at  his  own 
expense  {duo  is  sibi  navigia  propria pecunia  in  Britannia  ipsa  instruxit) ; 
three  others  were  equipped  by  the  merchants ;  and  from  the  treasury 
accounts  of  the  king,  wo  learn  the  names  of  the  followir;g  merchants 
as  thus  concerned,  Lancelot  Thirkill,  Thomas  Bradley,  and  John  Carter. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason  which  occurred  at  the  decisive 
moment,  to  prevent  John  Cabot  himself  from  assuming  the  command 
of  the  contemplated  expedition,  in  virtue  of  the  royal  letters  granted 
to  him  personally  (it  may  be  plausibly  conjectured  that  this  reason 
was  his  unexpected  death),  the  clause  which  substituted  for  him  even- 
tually his  duly  authorized  representative,  found  in  this  state  of  things 
its  effective  application ;  and  his  son  Sebastian,  then,  according  to  my 
computation,  about  twenty-five  years  old,  took  command,  in  place  of 
the  patentee,  of  the  little  fleet  of  five  ships,  carrying  three  hundred 
men,  and  provisioned  for  a  year,  which  left  Bristol  at  the  commence- 
ment of  summer  (in  the  begynnyng  of  somer),  that  is  to  say,  about  the 
2l8t  of  June,  with  the  design  of  colonizing  the  transatlantic  regions 
where  England  had  just  before  planted  its  flag,  and  in  the  hope  of  pen- 
etrating further,  even  to  the  region  of  the  spices  (pensa  da  quello  loco 
oceupato  andarsene  sempre  a  riva  riva  piU  verso  al  levante,  tanto  cKel  sia 
al  opposito  de  una  isola  da  lui  chiamata  Cipango  posta  in  la  region* 


510 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


equlnoziale,  dove  creda  che  nascano  tutte  le  8peciarie  del  mondo).  A 
gale  of  wind  struck  them  on  their  departure,  and  one  of  the  ships, 
sorely  shattered  by  the  tempest,  was  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  Ireland ; 
but  the  others  continued  on  their  course.  Thoy  arrived  in  sight  of 
land  sooner  than  they  expected,  in  about  45°  N.  At  first  thoy  followed 
the  coast  which  8tretche4  to  the  north,  and  thus  arrived  at  about  56°, 
66°,  or  58°  N.  Thence  the  coast  appeared  to  turn  to  the  east ;  and 
although  it  was  in  the  month  of  July,  they  encountered  such  masses 
of  ice,  that  they  were  obliged  to  tack  about.  They  cast  anchor  for 
repairs  at  the  land  of  Bacallaos,  which  Cabot  so  named  from  the 
abundance  of  large  flsh,  so  called  by  the  native  inhabitants.  He 
then  followed  the  coast  to  the  south-west,  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  the 
Strait  of  Gibraltar,  in  a  longitude  nearly  equal  to  that  of  the  point  of 
Cuba;  and  from  thence,  finding  himself  short  of  provisions,  he  sailed 
directly  to  England.  He  had  been  expected  there  ever  since  the  month 
of  September ;  but  he  did  not  arrive  until  the  end  of  October.  His 
expedition  was  attended  with  little  success.  He  had  lost,  it  is  said, 
the  greater  part  of  his  men,  and  had  been  unable  to  discover  any  pas- 
sage leading  to  the  land  of  the  spices,  as  he  had  announced  that  he 
should.  And  accordingly,  on  his  return,  he  met  but  a  cold  reception, 
which  left  only  sad  recollections. 

A  long  silence  in  regard  to  him  now  intervenes.  Did  he  prosecute 
other  voyages  at  his  own  charges  ?  Did  he  engage  in  the  expeditions 
undertaken  by  new  mercantile  Companies,  to  which  some  Portuguese 
from  the  Azores  were  admitted,  and  which  obtained  letters-patent  of 
concession,  first  on  the  19th  of  March,  1501 ;  and  again  December  9th, 
1502?  The  field  is  open  to  coi\jecture;  but  no  evidence  of  any  value 
has  been  hitherto  produced ;  and  we  must  clear  this  historic  chasm  at 
a  bound. 

There  is  a  secondary  fact  belonging  to  the  year  1502,  noted  by  the 
chronicler  Fabian,  and  which  Hakluyt,  on  liis  own  authority^  has  placed 
to  the  account  of  Cabot,  and  which  he  has  finally,  through  inadver- 
tence (if  it  is  not  simply  a  typographical  error),  attributed  to  the  yeaf 
1499,  namely,  the  presentation  to  the  king  of  three  savages  brought 
from  the  new-found-land.  But  the  error  is  discovered  by  ascending 
to  its  source ;  where  it  is  perceived,  that  the  fact  of  carrying  these 
three  savages  to  England  must  be  restored  to  the  Company  of  1501. 

The  renown  of  Sebastian  Cabot  had  not  remained  circumscribed 
within  the  British  isles.  The  official  correspondence  of  the  ambassa- 
dors had  for  a  long  time  made  him  known  to  the  court  of  Spain.  Per- 
haps he  himself  sought  in  this  quarter  a  revenge  for  the  indifference 


LETTER  or  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


511 


and  neglect,  with  which  his  services  had  been  treated  in  England. 
When,  after  tlie  death  of  Henry  VII,  his  successor,  having  become  the 
son-in-law  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  had  entered  into  tl>o  treaty  of 
1611  against  France,  while  James  of  Scotland  embraced  the  opposite 
side,  Cabot  turned  resolutely  toward  Spain ;  and  Ferdinand  wrote,  on 
the  13th  of  September  1512,  to  Lord  Willoughby,  commander-in-chief 
of  the  English  troops  which  had  been  transported  into  Italy  by  the 
Spanish  fleet,  to  demand  of  him  to  send  to  him  the  Venetian  naviga- 
tor  (who  was  doubtless,  at  this  time,  at  his  disposal) ;  wbicli  was  done 
without  difficulty.  Sebastian  Cabot,  having  arrived  in  Castile,  received 
there  immediately  by  royal  commission,  dated  at  Logrono  the  20th  Octo- 
ber, 1512,  the  rank  of  captain,  with  a  salary  of  60,000  maravedis,  with 
Seville  for  his  residence  while  waiting  for  orders.  It  was  there  that  he 
connected  himself  with  the  celebrated  councillor  of  the  Indias,  Peter 
Martyr  d'Anghiera,  who  received  him  familiarly  at  his  house,  and  some- 
times lodged  him  under  his  roof,  and  with  whom  he  was  associated  at 
court  {concurialis  noster)  toward  the  end  of  1515,  awaiting  a  royal 
decree  relaling  to  an  expedition  projected  for  the  month  of  March  of 
the  next  year.  But  Ferdinand  died  the  23d  of  January,  1516,  before 
the  necessary  arrangements  had  been  made  for  the  projected  expedi- 
tion; and  Cabot  obtained  easily,  without  doubt,  leave  of  absence  to 
visit  England,  until  the  young  successor  of  the  deceased  king  should 
come  to  the  possession  of  the  heritage  which  had  befallen  him. 

Perhaps  this  celebrated  navigator  had  already  received  from  Henry 
VIII.  or  his  chancellor  Cardinal  Wolsey,  some  favorable  overture. 
However  this  may  be,  the  fact  remains,  that  a  long  time  after,  in  an 
epistle  dedicated  to  the  very  high  and  .very  mighty  prince,  his  grace 
the  duke  of  Northumberland,  prefixed  to  an  English  version  of  an 
extract  from  the  cosmography  of  Sebastian  Miinster  (1553),  his  poore 
oratour,  Richard  Eden,  recalls  the  circumstance,  that  in  about  the 
eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  (which  is  to  be  reckoned  from 
the  22d  April,  1516,  to  the  same  day  of  1517),  that  monarch  had  equipped 
and  sent  forth  certain  ships  under  the  command  of  Sebastian  Ca- 
bot, and  of  Sir  Thomas  Pert,  whose  want  of  courage  was  tlie  reason  that 
the  expedition  produced  no  result.  Ramusio,  on  his  part,  in  a  letter  to 
Frascatoro,  forming  the  preface  to  the  third  volume  of  his  collection, 
"  delle  Navigationi  et  Viaggi "  (1556)  relates,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  had 
formerly  written  to  him,  that  he  had  advanced  to  the  north  along  the 
transatlantic  coast  as  far  as  67°  30'  N.,  which  he  reached  on  the  12th 
of  June,  having  the  sea  open  before  him,  and  firmly  believing  that  it 
was  possible  to  pass  by  that  course  to  Cathay ;  which  indeed,  as  ho 


612 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


said,  lio  would  have  done,  if  the  opposition  of  the  commander,  and  of 
the  refractory  sailors,  had  not  forced  him  to  return.  There  had  been 
already  ample  allusion  made  to  this  abortive  enterprise  in  a  memoir 
addressed  to  Henry  VIII.,  in  l.')27,  by  Robert  Thorne,  an  Enjjlish  mer- 
chant established  in  Seville,  who  a'lvocates  the  exploration  of  the 
nortliern  routes  with  an  ardor,  which  ho  affirms  he  had  inlierited  from 
his  fatlior  (the  old  Nicholas  Thorne?),  an  associate  of  Ilujjh  Eliot  of 
Bristol,  themselves  also  discoverers  of  the  new  lands;  by  whom  it  had 
come  to  bo  well  understood,  that  if  the  sailors  had  been  obedient,  and 
had  followed  the  designs  of  their  pilots,  the  occidental  Indies,  from 
whence  comes  the  gold,  would  have  been  reached.  All  this  was  made 
perfectly  clear  some  forty  years  ago  by  your  learned  and  sagacious 
countryman,  Richard  Biddle  of  Pittsburg,  Penn.,  whose  book  on  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  altogether  antiquated  as  it  is  in  certain  parts,  retains  never- 
theless a  considerable  value,  and  seems  to  mo  to  give  on  several  points, 
and  especially  on  this,  the  solution  to  which  wo  must  adhere. 

On  his  return  from  this  expedition,  Cabot  doubtless  went  back 
immediately  to  Spain,  where  he  was  forthwith  appointed  Pilot  Mfyor, 
by  a  royal  decree  dated  at  Valladolid  the  6th  of  February,  1518,  with 
an  additional  allowance  of  .50,000  maravedis,  and  25,000  as  an  indem- 
nity for  his  expenses  (atjuda  de  casta),  receiving  thus  in  the  whole 
an  annual  salary  of  125,000  maravedis,  equivalent  to  about  300  ducats. 

Nevertheless,  he  was  again  in  England  the  next  year  on  a  leave  of 
absence,  where  he  received  from  Cardinal  Wolsey  advantageous  offers 
to  conduct  a  new  expedition  for  discovery,  in  view  of  which  the  ships 
were  almost  ready,  with  30,000  ducats  appropriated  for  the  wants  of 
the  enterprise.  He  answered,  that  in  his  position  in  the  service  of  the 
king  of  Spain,  he  could  not,  without  the  king's  formal  permission, 
accept  the  proposition  made  to  him ;  and  as  he  had  in  mind  other  pur- 
poses, he  took  care  secretly  to  urge  his  recall,  and  went  back  to  resume 
in  Spain  the  exercise  of  his  functions. 

Here  ends  everything  in  the  career  of  Sebastian  Cabot  which  relates 
to  the  new-found-land  navigations ;  and  whatever  interest  for  his  biog- 
rapher there  may  be  in  the  remainder  of  a  life,  which  was  prolonged 
beyond  this  period  for  almost  forty  years  in  an  incessant  activity, 
North  American  history  can  no  longer  find  in  it  any  facts  for  its  own 
use.  Here,  then,  ought  also  to  end  my  answer  to  the  question  which 
you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  solicit  me  to  examine  anew. 

You  perceive,  then,  that  with  the  exception  of  some  secondary 
details,  with  regard  to  which  my  first  decisions  have  been  rectified  by 
a  more  extended  study,  I  have  found  in  the  documents  which,  within 


LETTER  OF  M.  D'AVEZAC. 


513 


tho  last  ton  years,  have  boon  cxlnnnod  from  tlio  archivca  of  Italy,  of 
Spain,  and  of  Knj,'lan(l,  a  proiMoiis  conlhiualion  of  wliat  yon  woro 
jdoasod  to  call  my  phuisililo  theory.  Kaoli  ono  of  tlic  four  voyagoH  of 
discovery,  which  I  Jiad  discriminated  in  my  notices  of  JH.')'  and  id'  ISd.'!, 
is  found  in  fact  to  present  somo  cliarac^teristic  trait  to  distinjjuish  it 
from  tho  three  otiuus.  And  first  of  ail  it  is  necessary  to  arrange  tliom 
in  two  classes,  tho  one  for  tliose  performed  by  Jolm  ('abcit,  tlie  otlier 
for  those  porlbrmod  by  Sebastian  ;  ami  then  to  notice  their  special  dis- 
tinctions. 

The  Voyar/es  performed  by  John  Cabnl  (mho  had  hit  sou  ivith  hhn). 

The  llrst  voyage,  which  had  boon  preceded  by  many  similar  attempts 
tho  knowledge  of  whicli  is  due  to  the  researches  of  Mr.  Ilorgcnrotli  in 
the  archives  of  Sinvancas,  is  directly  attested  by  the  unanswerable  tes- 
timony of  Sebastian  Cabot,  who  protends  to  nothing  more,  on  this 
voyage,  than  a  Jlrnt  nuiht  of  hind,  and  an  island  situatcnl  near  by,  under 
tho  date  of  2-4th  of  June,  141)4. 

Tho  second  voyage,  which  lasted  from  the  beginning  of  May  to  tho 
beginning  of  August,  i4'.)T,  is  characterized  by  a  navigation  of  three 
hundred  leagues  along  the  coast,  tho  contemporary  delineation  of 
which,  reproduced  on  the  monumental  chart  of  Juan  do  la  Cosa,  shows 
us  the  British  standard  erected  on  tho  "  Cabo  do  Ynglaterra  "  (which 
must  have  boon  reached  by  tho  end  of  May,  or  at  the  latest  on  the  first 
days  of  June,  and  which  is  notlung  else  than  the  Terra  prima  vista  of 
the  preceding  voyage),  and  then  on  diverse  successive  points  even  to 
the  Mar  dcscubierta  por  Yiujleses,  on  tho  shore  of  which  no  landing 
appears  at  that  time  to  have  been  effected. 

Voyages  performed  exclusively  by  Sebastian  Cabot. 

The  third  voyage  has  for  its  salient  feature,  the  encountering  of  ice 
in  56°  or  58°  N.,  in  the  month  of  July  1498 ;  and  then,  a  falling  back  to 
the  land  of  Bacallaos. 

And  finally,  the  fourth  voyage  has  for  its  characteristic  circumstance, 
Cabot's  advancing  to  the  north,  even  to  the  latitude  of  07'^  30'  N.,  at  tho 
date  of  the  11th  June,  1517,  having  then  before  Lim  the  coast  running 
east-north-east. 


It  is  impossible  for  one  who  pays  any  attention  whatever  to  these 

distinctive  characters,  to  confound  any  one  of  these  four  voyages  with 

either  of  the  other  three.    But  if  one  should  give  himself  but  little 

concern  for  a  rigorous  exactitude,  and  should  think  it  sufficient  to 

33 


'     f 


:|     i 


rM 


liETTEU  OK  M.  D'AVKZAC. 


griiu])  t(>){()tluti',  ill  Hoino  elegant  phrases,  nil  tlio  results  obtained  Ity  a 
whole  H('rieH  of  etVoiLs  diructed  to  the  same  object,  it  niij;lit  happen 
that,  maijestieally  coilVod  with  the  Holeinii  peniko  of  the  lord  hifjii 
(thnneuUor  of  Knj^hvnd,  ho  wouhl  make  from  theso  four  HiiecosHivo 
voya^jes  of  father  and  son,  only  ono  and  the  same  voyagf,  under  tho 
mean  date  of  1  tiw,  bet,'innin)^  with  the  meditations  and  projects  of  tho 
father,  and  followiiifj  each  other  oven  to  tho  last  terminus  of  07"  !M)' 
N.,  reached  long  afterward  by  tho  son.  .Such  is  tho  inaiiiior  in  which 
history  is  (tccommodittrd  by  the  far-famed  (Oiancollor  llacou  of  Veru- 
1am !  IJut  neither  yon  nor  I,  dear  sir,  have  had  our  heads  covered  with 
the  iniiijestic  poruke  (tho  Kreiu^h  have  the  levity  to  call  it  sometimes  by 
tho  name  oi  toupetl .  .  .),  under  tho  shelter  of  which  ono  allows  himself 
such  enormities.* 

Keceive  with  indulgonco  these  pafjos,  which  aro  more  hasty  than  I 
could  wish,  and  believe  in  the  constaiK^y  of  the  sentiments  of  hijrh  and 
Hiucoro  esteem  of 

Your  alfectionato  and  faithful  servant, 

D'AVEZAC. 


•[SpoaltiiiKof  events  which  took  place  in  tho  fourtt'cnth  year  of  tho  accnualon  of 
Henry  VII,  Lord  LtiiconHayM;  "Somewhat  before  tliis  tliiH>  then'  fell  out  a  nienior- 
ablt)  accident;  tliere  was  one  .Sebastian  Cabot,  a  V<>netiun  dwelling;  in  Itrlstol,  a  man 
seen  and  expert  in  cosmof];rapliy  and  navif^ation.  This  nuvn,  seeinj;  t)ie  success,  and 
emulating,  perhai)s,  tho  ent(>rpi'ise  of  Christopher  Columbus,  in  that  fortunate  discov- 
ery toward  the  south-west,  which  hud  been  made  by  him  some  six  years  before,  con- 
ceited with  himself,  that  lands  might  likewise  be  discovered  toward  tlio  north-west. 
This  (i&bato,  b(>aring  tlie  king  in  iiand,  that  he  would  find  out  an  Island,  endued  with 
rich  commodities,  |)rocured  ijim  to  man  and  victual  a  ship  at  Bristol,  for  the  discovery 
of  that  island;  with  whom  ventured  also  tliree  small  ships  of  London  inerahants, 
fraught  witli  somo  gross  and  slight  wares,  fit  for  commerce  wltli  barbarous  people.  He 
sailed,  as  he  affirmed  at  Ids  return,  and  made  a  card  thereof,  very  far  westwards,  with 
a  quarter  of  tho  north,  on  the  north  iiide  of  T(>rra  do  Labrador,  until  ho  caino  to  tho 
latitude  of  67°  30',  finding  the  sea  open."— Uacou'a  Works,  Montague's  Ed.,  vol.  3,  p. 
356.-ED.] 


I  N  T)  v:  X . 


tl 


Ahiico,  4Kt. 

Altoiiiiki,  <»r  Alj^()ii(|uiii  race,  Hi),  01. 

Altori^iiic's  oC  nortli  of  Europi;  uiid 
North  AiiuMit'ii,  M,  olt  ;  ciiIKmI 
"Skiolliii<,'s"  by  Scaii(liii;iviiiiis, 
OS  ;  (sapturcMl  by  (-'oitiMoal,  liilt, 
170;  disposition  of,  toward  Kii- 
ropeaiis,  2ti((;  rosoinbliii;^  "  pno- 
plo  of  cast  parts  of  world,"  "JOS; 
Heon  by  Oartior,  ;{24,  ;!27. 

Acadomy  of  Madrid  publisli  Ovlo- 
do's  work,  ;U5. 

Acadio,  2;5."). 

Adam  of  Bremen,  80,  81,  110,  378, 
:W0,  404. 

Adolantado  of  (/'hicora,  ;{0.j. 

Africa,  147,  US. 

Africa,  Eastern,  on  l'ortu<;noso 
chart,  174. 

Agency  of  dilforoiit  nations  of  Eu- 
rope in  disoovoryof  cast  coast  of 
America,  477;  ol  Nortlimon,  477, 
478;  of  Enylisli,  478-4S2;  of  Por- 
tuguese, 4S2-4S4;  of  Spaiuards, 
484-487;  of  Frencli,  487-400;  of 
Italians,  400-40;}  ;  of  (Jernians, 
40:5-400  ;  of  Nethcrlandcrs,  40(i, 
407. 

Agnese,  Baptista,  maps  of,  202,  20;J, 
200,  208,  ;uo. 

Agoncy,  410. 

Agramonto,  Juan  de,  commission 
from  Ferdinand,  10:5;  particulars 
of  commission,  104;  remarks,  105; 

{>08sibly  intended  for  New  Eng- 
and,  100;  uninformed  iis  to  its 
results,  100. 

Aiayascon,  417. 

Alaminos,  Antonio  de,  voyage  of, 
101,  102,  180,  241,  404;  from  Vera 
Cruz  to  Spain,  243-245 ;  chief  pi- 
lot of  Ponce  de  Leon,  244;  tries 
Bahama  Channel,  245 ;  discoverer 
of  Gulf-stream,  245. 

Alarcon,  a  discoverer,  300. 

Albemarle  Sound,  309. 


AilK)rt  dc  la  Picria,  (iommandcr  of 
CharU'sfort,  428;  victim  of  a  mu- 
tiny, 4;L'. 

Aldabraiid.S:!. 

Ali;oiii|uin  Indians,  00. 

Allcgliany  .Mountains,  302,  408. 

Altaniaha  Uivcr,  30S. 

America,  discovery  of  proclaimed, 
81  ;  name  restricted  to  South 
America,  Id),  201);  nanui  in  gen- 
eral use,  20S;  coast  of,  140,  410; 
new  era  in  history  of  discovery 
of,  474. 

America.  Nortli,  configuration  of 
,  (continent,  32, 3:!;  soutliorn  coast- 
line, 32;  northern,  .32,  33;  west 
coast,  .33 ;  east,  33 ;  Terra  dc  (hiba, 
on  Schonor's  mait,  101;  on  Portu- 
guese chart.  No.  10,  ISi);  on  map 
of  Agnese,  204  ;  luonounced  a 
continent  by  S.  C!  ibot,  170;  do- 
j)ictcd  as  such  by  (Josa,  170  ; 
name  little  used  by  Spanish  au- 
thors, 243;  mentioned,  145,  140, 
20((,  207,  208,  31.3,  300,  400,  428. 

America,  oast  coast  of,  58,  300,  301, 
317,  41.3,  421. 

America,  north-east  coast  of,  302. 

America,  South,  Terra  Sanctie  ('ru- 
cis,  l.')0 ;  island  on  Schoner's  map, 
100;  called  Terra  Nova,  Brasilia, 
Papagalli,  l()0;attenti(jn  attract- 
ed to,  341 ;  on  Cabot's  maps,  300. 

Anaford,  Anaiiord,  Ilaneliord,  102. 

Andeliord,  Audoford,  101. 

Anderson's  colonial  church,  180, 
note. 

Angos,  father  and  son,  201. 

Angoulesme,  Passamaquoddy  Bay, 
231,  234. 

Anian  Strait,  114. 

Anticosti,  315,  327,  328,  331,  345. 

Antilia,  125,  148. 

Antilles,  237,  402,  424,  430,  441, 443, 
458. 

Antipodes,  country  of  the,  181. 


fiin 


INDKX. 


Anti<|ultiitrrt    Amitricnniii,    C    ('. 

\{.\iu,  .")7.  iiofo. 

Ai»ii1ii(Im-  Momiliiiim,  HtS.  4:W,  I.M). 

A|i:iliitMi,(ii'  I'iliiHsi  Miniiiliiiiirt,  CIS. 

Apiilrhni,  .tl).'. 

ApoHtiiiriMi,  Ili^liliniiU  of,  :io;i, 

A|»|HMnliiK(*H  to  ('Imp.  II,  i(»7-ll(); 
('liiV|).  IV,  l»7-l<l;i;  Cliiip.  V.  171- 
IH2  ;    Ciiiip.  VI.  '2'2(V-)>Xt\   <'li:ip. 

VIII,  -iiti*-;!)!);  ciiiip.  l\,'_'tH-;iu;;. 

.\rsiliH,  acipiaiiiU'il  willi  iHliiiKls  of 
liidiaii  Al'<'llip(>la^l^  lit). 

.\raiiilit'('  ( Ni>iuiiil»(';,'a),  '_'M;t. 

Arcipcl  (If  Kstidiiiio  (Joinoz,  .'l.')."{. 

.ViTlilp(!la),fo  of  (Joiiit'/,, ;!."», ;!()."».  :!IKI, 

Ai(;liipi'laj,'(>,  Nortlicni,  Ml  1.       |;H)I. 

An'liipt'iaj,'M  (\v  la  'riamoiiliiiia,  or 
Si'|»t('Mtii<>iial, :!."»,  ;;i  i,  :;i2. 

.Vicliiiiola;;!)  of  7. 1  is  islaiuU,  i'U((. 

.Vr('liipfla<;(),  West,  Indian,  KM. 

.\r('ipi'la<,f(>.  ;!(I7. 

Aroiul  (U)  Ksfcvan  (ioniunz,  ;J1)1. 

.Viocifus,  ;!(»4. 

Arodoiida,  Island  of,  ;MS, :{«((. 

Ariiis,  Oonioz,  410. 

AhIuu',  lilu  of  II.  Hudson,  14.">,  :57(l, 
:{77.  :t7!i,  ;iss,  404. 

Ashclmrst,  T.,  IS4. 

Asia,  ii(>7;  northern,  14.');  eastern 
coast  of,  141). 

AsHUinption  Island,  '.VM. 

Atabalipa,  Indian  chief,  ;MI,  407. 

Atinas  of  Dieppe,  44;5,  445. 

Atlas  Montes,  14S. 

Aubert,  navif;ator  of  l)iopi)o,  lirst 
brint^s  to  Francie  aborij^ines  from 
C.-vnada,  20;{,  .'t^O. 

Auoroba^^ra  (Norutnbej^a'.*),  ;].*);J. 

Avoiro,  188. 

Ayala,  Don  Pedro,  letter  from,  1408, 
125,  1.5;{,  H»2,  ;J72. 

Ayllon,  voyaffe  of,  101,  102,  180, 
224,  287,  ;{0;{,  ;301);  expedition  of, 
24.5-248;  expedition  to  Chicora, 
;J04-401 ;  representation  of  coun- 
try, ;J1)4;  agreement  with  {govern- 
ment, .'{i)4 ;  title  and  plan  of  en- 
terprise, ;505  ;  delay,  ;J!)5;  sails 
with  large  armaujent,  ;5!M( ;  mis- 
fortunes, :5i)0,  ;5S)7 ;  discovery  and 
examination  of  coast,  111)7,  808; 
Kibero's  chart,  898 ;  Ayllon  dies, 
401 ;  dissension  and  revolt,  401 ; 
remnant  return  to  S.  Domingo, 
401 ;  mentioned,  253, 272, 274,  402, 
404  412  414  459. 

Azores,  110,  119,  144,  147,  148, 177, 
386,  424,  441. 


na.allaoH,  |8I,  200,  204  ;  flsldng 
voMHfls  there,  2M.'»;  mentioned, 
lo;;,  110.411.410.420. 

Itacallias,  (iriuiii  of  word,  IHO. 

Kaccalhao.  ishmd  of,  171*. 

l»ai<-alauraH,  l.'tS;  llaccullmoH,  105. 

Itacon,  Ijortl,  ist. 

Hath\ioH,  council  at,  27.'l;  Junta  of, 

'-'!)1». 

Iliillin's  Hay.  33. 

Ilaggesen.  referred  to,  UK). 

Itahania  ItanUs,  144,  l.'iS. 

MahaniaChannel,  404,  404. 

Ilahia  de  la  KnsenatIa  (May  of  the 
Inlet),  3S,;tl3. 

Ilahia  iionda,  37;  fonda,  3S. 

ISahia  do  .San  Christobal  (St.  ('hris- 
to|>lu'r's  Hay),  310. 

Ilaia  de  nialvas,  3b)S. 

Itaia  dus  nie(laus,.3SS. 

Itaia  de  St.  .Maria.  St.  Marie,  St. 
Mary's  Hay  (Chesaieake),  303, 
300,  307,  352,  3.58,  '.IM\,  392,  399, 
400,  401,  4.51),   100, 

Itaia  das  Hojas,  341). 

Iluiuiroft,  concerning  (.'abot,  359 
note,  370. 

Hanks,  llshing,  39,  40.  -See  New- 
foundland. 

Harbi(i  du  Hocage,  French  geogra- 
pher, 355,  ;).50.  357. 

Harcia,  refeiied  to,  243,  240,  .309, 
31)0,410,409,47.3. 

Harlow,  405. 

Uarr(',  commander  at  Port  Royal, 
4.32. 

Hascjues,  41,  280,  301,412, 

Batatas  (sweet  potatoes),  first  men- 
tioned, 248,  note. 

IJattle,  ilrst,  between  Europeans 
and  Americans,  08. 

TJaxos  do  modo,  170. 

Bays,  description  of,  53. 

Bay,  Cape  Cod,  108,  141. 

Bay  of  Fundy,  38,  41,  231,  .303,  304, 
315,  217,  3.58,  307,  381,  384,  390. 

Bay  of  Halifax,  303, 

Bay  of  New  York,  30(S, 

Bay  of  St,  Johan,  or  S,  Juan  Bap- 
tista,  311,314,  353,  .308. 

Bay  of  St.  Lawrence,  330. 

Baya  Pequeiia,  307. 

Baya  del  Loremo,  305, 

Baya  de  S.  Maria  (Saco  or  Casco 
Bay),  307. 

Baya  de  S.  Cyria  (Trinity  Bay),  175. 

Baye  des  Barques,  320. 

Baye  des  Chaleurs,  327,345, 350, 380. 


INDKX. 


r>i7 


Hiiyci  Krnn.,oim<,  I,a,  :IH,  IIXJ. 
H.  titi  S.  Antonio,  :i(Hl,  ;il7. 

M.  <l.»  s.  ( 'iiiiHioviil,  MM,  ml,  ;j»w. 
IJ.  il«>  St.  .liij^o,  ;iH;i. 
li.  (U)  s.  .iiiiiii,  :\:>H. 

Uoaiir.irt,  427. 

Hoiiiiiiii.  iiiiip  of.  I'.M,  rr..  1 10, 1 IV, 

I IH,    |.",(»  ;   loiiMd'iclH   Ills  ulolu), 

U7.  L';ii». 

HtiliriiiKStiiiit,  :l'i,  )J:i,  57. 

liiiiiiivoiitiii'ii,  lliiliiiii  inoiik,  irni. 

U»iiX''ii,  IViKuii,  l»l»,  III. 

HoiKi.  I  »1>. 

Htiriiiiiiia.  (liHC(>vt>ry  <>r.  lo.").  III. 

IU'iiiiikIiis,  projected  Ki'ttk'iiiciit. of. 
•10(1;  on  Miiip  of  IMliiM'o,  lo7;  nnii- 
tloiitMl,  •_';tM,  ;ti)i,;(st(,  LM,  i:.o. 

IU;niiti(l('/.,  Juan,  lo.*). 

Hon  Sabloni  (Sal)lo  Hay),  ;J8J,;|S2, 

Hiarnialaiwi,  HH,  1()7. 

Biarniia,  hi). 

Hiaiiif,  (Jiiinolf'H  hoii.  70.  III. 

IJiaiiK!,  Iluiinir's  Hoii.di.stoveroror 
Now  Knjfland.  (12,  oa;  rosult  ol" 
ox])(>(lition,  (i:!,  04. 

Hiddlo's  nienuiir  of  Cabot,  iTlcnotl 
to,  I2S,  l;!4,  l;VJ,  KIT,  IS4,  IS.",,  2o7, 
212,  214,  215,  217,  2ll»,  220,  2H2, 2S4, 
5«W;  nuunoranda  l»rou}flit  tolij^ht 
by,  ISO;  ills  tlioory  on  ("abot's 
voya;roof',  I'Al,  208. 

Binnni,  240,  24;t. 

IJird  KockH,  JLT). 

Uis(!ay,  mariners  and  flHlicnnon  of, 
270,  280,  28 1. 

Bremen,  bisliopric  of,  8(1;  Adam  of, 
80,81,  no,  ;!78,  :{80. 

BlisH,  P.  ( !.,  2:54,  note. 

Block  Island,  2:)0.  200,  2(il. 

Blunt,  Coast  I'ilot,  referred  to,  178, 
2r)7,  :io;5. 

Bobadilla.  Isabella  do,  wife  of  Do 
Soto,  400. 

Bonne  visto,  2:50. 

Bourdet,  4:«),  447,  448. 

Bradley,  Thomas,  180. 

Brattalid,  01. 

Brasil,  island  of,  125,  ;}01. 

Brazil,  Protestant  colony  in,  415, 
422;  174,41.5. 

Brest,  824,  82.'>. 

Brousinp,  life  of  Mercator,  ;W5. 

Brior  Island,  41,  ;}81. 

Brion's  Island,  ;J20. 

Bristol,  112,  118,  110,  308  ;  Vene- 
tians resident  there,  122 ;  voyages 
from  to  the  west,  125. 


Ilrittiiny,  pllotM  of.  100;  tlMlii>rmun 
of,  2(N);  pi«>l(>nHi«>nH  of.  270. 

Broad  Uivtir,  427. 

Ilrotlior  liouis,  island  naintMl  for. 
17.'.. 

Hry,  Theodoro  do,  4;l."i. 

Hiisi,  tlif,  878. 

Hu/./ard'K  Hay,  72. 

Hylol.  220. 

Byron  Uland,  82<'>. 

Ciibiili.To,  DioK.".  210,  80.V 

Cabo  (It!  Arot'iffs  (Capo  of  Ui'ofH), 
10,  81 1,814.  ;iht.  807,  888. 

('alio  do  AronaH.  205,  805.  800,  ;107. 
810,818,  814.  810.  818,  811),  :t52,  :i:>H. 
.8(lH,8s;i.;ilil.802,  .800. 

( 'abo  do  las  An-nas,  817.  818. 

C.  do  Hoa  Ventura,  102,  178. 

Cabo  do  Cauavoral,  241,  808,  440. 

<  'alut  dolli  oontis.  102. 

(.'abo  do  Concopicion.  17.'). 

(!abo  ilo  ( 'orriontes,  242,  8()H, 

(,'.  DoHorto.  ;588. 

Cabo  dol  undo  del  inaro.  ;'.(i5. 

Cabo  do  (ianias  (Doer  <'apo),  ;J0.>. 

(-'abo  (;la(Mato,  l.")8. 

Cabo  (iruosso,  808. 

('abo  tie  laj^us  islas,  801, 

Cabo  da  lexns.  :;0(». 

(;.  do  nuuilias  ysbis.  ;J(U.  812,  8I(!, 
.•!07,  8S8,  80l.4'l7. 

Cabo  dos  Sablous  (Capo  Cod),  .'I.VJ, 
8.58. 

Cabo  de  San  Antonio  (C.  Bona  \'is- 
ta),  175. 

Cabo  Sancto,  1(12. 

Cabo  de  Sta.  Cruz,  .808. 

Cabo  de  Sta.  Klona,  Helena,  or  KUe- 
na,  808,  .800.  852,  888,  808. 

(;abo  do  San  Johan.  80ii,  810. 

Cabo  do  Sta.  Maria  (Capo  Ann), 
811,812,81(1. 

C.  de  S.  Maria,  on  map  of  Ton-a 
Nueva,  2.84. 

('abo  de  S.  Paulo,  175. 

(Jabo  do  Santja<?o  (St.  James'  Cape), 
810,  814. 

Cabo   Trafalgar  (C.   Hatteras,   or 

.    Lookout),  808,  309. 

Cabo  Verdo,  148. 

C.  da  Volta  (C.  Kay),  iUU. 

(y'aboto,  (Jiovanni,  122, 12;}. 

Cabots,  the,  expeditious  of,  84,  152 
284. 

Cabots,  John  and  Sebastian,  voy- 
ages of,  121-140;  plan  for  north- 
west passage,  128 ;  and  great  cir- 


518 


INDEX. 


clo,  123,124;  prolitninary  voyage, 
125,  120  ;  pctitiDii  Kinjj  Henry, 
120;  patent  granted,  127;  little 
known  of  their  voyages,  1;}1; 
probabilities,  I;»2;  first  land-fall, 
1;J2,  i;i;{,  l;J4;  uncertainties  as  to 
voyage,  l;J5;  returns  to  Bristol, 
IT). 

Cabot,  John,  125,  120;  patent  to 
liimself  and  sons,  127, 128 ;  anoth- 
er, 128,  VM ;  discoverer  of  North 
America,  128  ;  mentioned,  12i), 
149. 

Cabot,  Le\vi«,  127;  Sancius,  127. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  12;J,  127;  map  at- 
tributed to,  12)>;  inscripf.on,  l;i{; 
sails  from  Bristol,  1:50;  northern 
latitude  reached,  l;J7,  1:38  ;  first 
fisherman  on  banks  of  New- 
foundland, l;5'.);  proceeds  south- 
west, liJi)  ;  lands,  142  ;  captures 
Indians,  142 ;  southei-n  extent  of 
voyage,  143  ;  homeward  track, 
144 ;  supposed  discovery  of  parts 
of  Asia,  144  ;  scientific  results, 
145 ;  proposal  for  another  expedi- 
tion, 145;  contemplates  another 
expedition,  107;  another  possi- 
ble voyage,  20(J  ;  thooi-y  of  Mr. 
Biddle  as  to,  208;  suppositions 
and  ditticulties  in  regard  to,  20l>- 
224;  small  encouragement  from 
Henry  VH.  and  Henry  MH, 
214;  gof^s  to  Spain,  221;  pilrfc 
major,  2l:J,  222;  no  proof  of  leav- 
ing Spain  in  1510  or  1517,  223; 
note  by  editor  on  ai'guments  of 
Mr.  i  id  die  and  Dr.  Kohl,  224, 
225;  n.ap  and  voyage  attributed 
to  him,  358-377 ;  ne  plus  ultra  of 
voyage,  364;  map  not  valuable 
for  illustration  of  Cabot's  voy- 
age, 300;  inscriptions,  308,  309, 
370 ;  fables,  370 ;  variation  of  mag- 
n'jic  needle,  370;  date  of  map, 
371;  another  map,  371;  worth- 
lessness,  371  ;  mentioned,  140, 
147, 149, 18:3, 184, 244,  295,  305. 

Cabral,  Pedro  Alvarez,  104,  174. 

Cabrillo.  expedition  to  California^ 
227,  360. 

Cacomedas,  367. 

California,  33,  291,  294,  360,  403. 

Camden  Hills,  417. 

Caraelo    Hernando,   governor    of 
Bermudas,  406. 

Canada,  297;  French  expeditions 
to,  320-337;  expedition  to,  340- 


.J47 ;  ciiart  of,  351-354,  name,  354 ; 
mentioned,  393,  410,  417. 

Canary  Islands,  115,  119,  424,  436, 
441,458. 

Cano,  Sebastian  del,  271. 

(/apes,  47. 

Capo  Anguille,  325. 

Cape  Ann,  50,  311. 

Cape  Antonio,  404. 

Cape  Blanc,  ;J()(). 

Cape  dd  Bertoens  (C.  of  the  Bre- 
tons), ;J80. 

Cape  do  Bretan,  349. 

Capo  Breton,  on  Reinel's  cliart, 
179;  once  claimed  by  Portugal, 
179 ;  name  given  by  Krench,  201 ; 
Estotiland  on  chart  of  Zeni,  105 ; 
voyage  of  Master  Hore  to,  337- 
340;  mentioned,  274,  283,  3o2,313, 
325,  348,  349,  353,  358,  366,  371,373, 
375,  422,  431,  475. 

C.  de  Boavista,  349. 

Cape  Buonavista,  323. 

Cape  Charles,  400. 

Cape  Cod,  34,  35,  44 ;  description  of, 
49;  Cabo  do  Arecifes,  49;  other 
names,  50;  seen  by  Biarne,  63; 
by  Leif,  04;  by  Thorwald,  67; 
mentioned,  68,  (i9,  71,  72,  91, 109, 
141,  154;  Central  between  Cape 
Race  and  Florida,  155 ;  mention- 
ed, 2(55,  295,  305,  300,  310,  311,  314, 
315, 310, 318,  319,  352,  358,  300,  368 
383, 384, 393. 

C.  do  Croix,  358. 

Cap  Double  (Pt.  Rich),  325. 

Cape  Elizabeth,  36 ;  description  of, 
50,  51;  nientioned,  304,  312,  316, 
384,  note. 

Cape  of  England.  366. 

Cape  Farewell,  387. 

Capo  Fear,  252,  262,  .308;  river,  397. 

Cape  Florida,  33,  143, 444. 

Cape  Francois,  425,  436,  449. 

C.  Frey  Luis,  349. 

Cape  of  Good  Hope,  294. 

Cape  Hatteras,  34, 143, 144, 180,  255, 
308,  309. 

Cape  Henlopen,  306,  310,  314,  319, 
353,  383. 

Cape  Henry,  400. 

Cape  Hondo,  315.    See  C.  Sable. 

Cape  of  Hope,  326. 

C.  des  isles,  353. 

Cape  of  the  Islets,  417. 

Cape  Lookout,  252,  308. 

Cape  Madabeda,  367. 

Cape  Malebarre,  306. 


INDEX. 


519 


Cui)  (I'Orleans.  320. 
C.  do  Piloto,  ;}4i). 
Cape  Uace, ;}:},  l.')8. 


"C.  do  Po 


gesi,"  158;  27:),  ;J02,  ;5;]V,  ;.W9. 

Capo  Ilasso,  ;}4i). 

Ca])e  do  llax, ;].")((. 

Oapo  Honiaiii,  "J.'j^,  2'>,],  25(1. 

Capo  Sable,  ;{0,  :{7;  description  of, 
51;  name  given,  52;  seen  by 
Cabot,  141;  Cape  Hondo,  'M't; 
mentioned,  (W,  280,  8  )4,  ;J81,  ;J82, 
;}84,  ;W0;  Sabloni,  ;]52,  ;55:5. 

Cape  S.  Antonio,  444 

Cap  do  yt.  Alovise  (east  point), 
328. 

C.  do  Chiistolphe,  ;55;}. 

Cape  de  St.  Jean  (St.  John's  Cape), 
325. 

C.  Sta.  Marie,  ;J58. 

Cape  of  St.  Mary,  :317,  318. 

Cape  de  St.  Paid,  ;J58. 

C.  de  St.  Konian  (Cape  Roniain), 
301),  352,  ;J83,  '.m,  42{». 

Cap  Tiennot,  or  Tieno  (C.  Mont- 
joli),  321). 

C.  da  Tormenta,  349. 

C.  Tratt'algar,  3i)(). 

Cape  da  Volta  (Kay),  349. 

Cape  of  Vinland,  108, 109. 

C.  "  XI  virges,"  349. 

Capitana,  La,  ship  of  de  Ayllon, 
397. 

Capo  del  gato,  102. 

Caribbean  Islands,  242;  Sea,  441, 
443  4(>4. 

Carolina,  254,  407,  432. 

Caroline,  La,  fort  built  by  La^don- 
niere,  437,  450. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  228,  294,  298,  313, 
315,  310  ;  first  voyage,  320-;^29 ; 
birth  and  childhood,  322  ;  pro- 
poses a  voyage,  323;  sails  and 
arrives  at  Newfoundland,  323; 
continuation  of  voyage,  324-327 ; 
first  navigator  on  coast  of  New- 
foundland, 325 ;  returns,  328 ;  de- 
sire to  find  passage  to  west,  328 ; 
new  commission,  329 ;  second 
voyage,  329-337 ;  arrives  on  east 
coast  of  Newfoundland,  330;  at 
the  St.  Lawrence,  332 ;  near  pres- 
ent Quebec,  332 ;  ascends  St. 
Lawrence,  333 ;  discovers  and  de- 
signates Quebec,  Montreal,  and 
St.  Peter's  Lake,  334 ;  winter,  334 ; 
friendly  Indians,  334;  "way  to 
Florida,"  335 ;  reports  of  Indians, 
385 ;  seizure  of  Indians,  336 ;  re- 


ttn-ns,  330  ;  sliorter  route,  336 ; 
first  to  cinuunnavigato  New- 
foundland, 337. 

Cartier,  Jac'»iucs,  expedition  to 
Canada,  340-347 ;  report  to  king, 
340;  letters-patent,  ;341;  commis- 
sion, 342:  arrives  at  Holy  C'ross, 
.342;  builds  fort,  342  ;  explora- 
tions, .343;  passes  winter  and  re- 
turns to  France,  :U3 ;  goes  to  suc- 
cor of  Ivoberval's  expedition,  344 ; 
assistance  rendered  as  explorer, 
344,  .345  ;  forgotten,  345;  best 
draft  to  illustrate  his  voyages, 
:}S9;  jncntioncd,338,  349,  350,  305, 
374, 379,  390,  392,  407, 409. 414, 427. 

Casco  iiay,  54,  .304,  312,  358,  307; 
islands  in,  52,  305. 

Castillo,  chart  by,  300. 

Cataia,  295,  298. 

Cataio,  380. 

Catliay,  route  to,  145 ;  Cathaia  on 
map  of  Hehaini,  149  ;  name  of 
northern  {'hina,  ]5i);  Kathay,  123, 
124,  125,  120, 128;  mentioned,  131, 
144,  250,  255,  277,  295,  297, 298, 374, 
474. 

Catherine  la  Reinc,  449, 

Cattegat,  on  chart  of  Zeni,  99. 

Cautio,  240,  243. 

Cavo  Descubierto,  1.54. 

Cavo  da  Espera  (Cape  Speer),  179. 

Cavo  de  Esperanza,  2;\0. 

Cavo  de  Lisarte,  154. 

Cavo  Kaso  (C.  Pace),  178,  301,  349 

Cavo  de  S.  Jorge,  154, 

Cavo  de  Ynglaterra  (C.  of  England), 
153,  154. 

Ceira,  349, 

Chabot,  Philippe  de,  323, 

Challeux,  475, 

Chan  (Khan),  country  of  the  Great, 
13(5,  285,  370, 

Chai'les  V.  promotes  Cabot,  212; 
supposed  invitation  from,  222; 
appoints  commission  to  prepare 
maps,  etc.,  299,  300;  to  examine 
and  correct,  307, 359,  360, 

Charlesfort,  427, 

Charlevoix,  referred  to,  201,  202; 
chart  of  Canada  and  east  coast 
of  United  States,  351-354 ;  names 
on  chart,  352,  353 ;  important  fea- 
ture, 353 ;  coast  of  Maine,  354. 

Charts  of  Cartier  and  Roberval,  389, 

Chart  by  Alonzo  de  Chaves,  307- 
315, 

Chart  of  Gastaldi,  321. 


,020 


INDEX. 


(.'hart  for  Gomez,  2nO-ni9. 

Chart  by  JJiugo  Iloinoin,  ;n7-;584; 
atlas  by,  ;578;  (Ireonland,  ;n8; 
entrance  to  IJavis'  and  Hudson's 
Straits,  ;j7!» ;  names  on  chart,  ;57i> ; 
islands,  ;{7i>;  straits,  ;J8();  mare 
loparamantium,  ;{80;  peninsula, 
;]80;  names  annexed,  :J81 ;  bay  of 
Fundy,  ;}8l;  Nova  Scotia,  hsi: 
Capo  Sable,  ;J82 ;  names  on  coast, 
;}82 ;  Florida,  ;]8;} ;  results  of  ex- 
amination, ;{84, 

Chart  containing  Mercator's  Pro- 
jection, ;58r),  ;38('). 

Chart  of  east  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica, by  Mercator,  ;J84-;U);5 ;  islands, 
;)8();  c()j)ies  chart  of  Zeni,  ;J8(), 
887;  best  portion  of  work,  ;{88; 
l'ortuf;ueso  names  for  Terra  Cor- 
terealis,  888 ;  sufjgestion  of  Ash- 
er,  ;588,  ;18!);  Homcm's  map,  ;J89; 
charts  ol  Cartier  and  lioberval, 
;J8U ;  Latin  inscriptions,  l]{)0 ;  lake, 
;jlH) ;  Nova  Scotia  and  New  Enj?- 
land,  ;}()();  names  on  coast  of 
United  States, :Ji)();  first  to  delin- 
eate Alleghany  Mountains,  ;5i)2; 
numerous  followers  and  copyists, 
392. 

Charts  of  Northmen,  107-110;  com- 
mon features,  107. 

Chart,  Portuguese,  No.  8,  of  coast 
of  Newfoundland,  Labrador,  and 
Greenland,  174-177. 

Chart,  Portuguese,  No.  10,  of  Flor- 
ida, Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland, 
Labrador,  and  Greenland,  17!)- 
182;  original  discovered  at  Mu- 
nich, 180 ;  date  inferred,  180 ;  dis- 
coveries of  the  Cortereals  depict- 
ed, 180;  inscriptions,  181;  line 
of  demarcation,  181 ;  latitude  and 
longitude,  181. 

Chart,  by  Johann  Ruysch,  of  new 
world,  15(V-158,  160. 

Chart  of  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  321. 

Charts  made  in  Spain,  8(50,  8rtl. 

Chart  from  atlas  of  Nicholas  Val- 
lard  de  Dieppe,  354-358;  names 
on  chart,  350,  357,  308 ;  by  whom 
made,  857;  principal  objects  on 
cliart,  357. 

Chart  from  VeiTazano,  200-299. 

Chart  by  Gaspar  Viegas,  848-351. 

Chart  of  Zeni,  97-106,  886,  887. 

Charlesbouig  Royal,  ;343. 

Chaves,  Alonzo  de,  315,  316,  318, 
319,  361,  883. 


Checatica  Bay,  325. 

Chesapeake  Bay,  303,  806,  .'JOO,  310, 
.892,  400,  401,  402,  411,  468,  4(M). 

Chicora  (coast  of  Carolina),  245, 
247,  248,  272,  288, 289,  394, 395, 396, 

Chicora,  Francisco,  248. 

Chicora,  river  of,  286,  287. 

Chignecto  Bay,  882. 

ChiU,  360. 

China,  124, 140,  274,  205,  206,  208. 

Chri;<tian  I.  sends  exploring  expe- 
dition, 114. 

Chytrreus  (Nathaniel  Kochhaf), 
868,  868. 

Cibola,  country  of,  426. 

Cipangn  (.Japan),  149.  See  Zipangu. 

Claudia  Island,  259,  291,  852,  391. 

(Jlayton,  Ga.,  408. 

Coburg-Gotha,  Archives  of  Duke 
of,  816. 

Cod-fish,  40,  41. 

Cogswell,  letter  of  Verrazano,  269, 
270,  notes. 

Colfo  iu)rdero,  on  chart  of  Zeni,  1(X). 

Coligny,  Admiral,  415;  expedition 
sent  out  by,  421, 422, 427, 428, 480 ; 
])lan  for  relief  of  colony,  484; 
Laudonniere's  report  to,  447 ;  or- 
ders in  regard  to  Spaniards,  450, 
467. 

C.  Colombo,  Fernando,  refeiTed  to, 
117,  note. 

Colon,  Diego,  .307. 

Colon,  Hernando,  200,  302. 

Columbus,  Bartholomew,  121,  124, 
125,  140,  876. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  120,  121, 
128,  147,  148,  149,  150,  181,  376; 
preparatory  voyages  mentioned, 
115, 116;  first  time  in  American 
waters,  117;  in  Iceland,  117; 
Humboldt's  opinion,  118;  Finn 
Magnusen's,  119;  information  in 
Iceland,  119;  gives  an  impulse  to 
discovery,  121 ;  first  voyage,  237 ; 
attention  to  southern  regions  or 
America,  238;  second  voyage, 
230;  charts  lost,  239;  other  <£s- 
coveiies  known  to  him,  289. 

Commission  to  Gilbert  and  Ra- 
leigh, 474. 

Conception  Bay,  168, 175. 

Conclusion  and  recapitulation,  477- 
407. 

Contarine,  123,  note. 

Continents,  desci'iption  of,  t5T.  , 

Cordova,  244. 

Coronado,  426. 


INDEX 


521 


Cortereal,  Gaspar,  105 ;  first  voyapo, 
1(10;  second,  109,  370;  governed 
by  Cabot's  map,  KiO,  107;  land- 
fall, 107;  return  and  arrange- 
ments for  second  voyage,  lOH; 
second  land-fall,  109;  seizure  of 
aborigines,  109;  fate  unknown, 
170;  report  of  commander  and 
sailors  of  second  vessel,  170;  new 
light  thrown  on  these  voyages 
by  Dr.  Kohl,  170,  note. 

Cortereal,  John  Vaz,  10.5, 100. 

Cortereal,  Miguel,  voyage  in  search 
of  his  brother,  171. 

Cortereals,  the,  84 ;  expeditions  to 
America,  104-173,  174,  183,  274, 
379 ;  expeditions  in  search  of,  172. 

Cortereal,  Vasqueanes,  100, 172. 

Corterati,  297. 

Cortes,  244, 272,  273,  294,  402 ;  letter 
to  emperor,  403,  411,  412,  400. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  Spanish  naviga- 
tor, 151 ;  map  of  east  coast,  140, 
151-155,  101,  177, 179, 218, 239, 244, 
295,  303,  300,  377. 

Cosen  d'mar,  102. 

Costacha,  350. 

Coste  R.  ontra,  353. 

Cotifachique,  414. 

Country  of  the  antipodes,  181. 

Crignon,  228,  231. 

Cuba,  on  Ruysch's  chart,  157 ;  on 
Schoner's,  101 ;  supposed  a  part 
of  Asia,  239 ;  mentioned,  143, 144, 
240,  243,  275, 277, 290, 409, 400, 404. 

Cumberland  Island,  304;  Sound, 
404. 

Currents,  41, 42. 

D'Avezac,  referred  to,  148,  848,  385. 

Davis'  Strait,  33,  170,  178,  302,  338, 
350,  304,  305,  392. 

Deane,  Charles,  referred  to,  359, 
302,  note,  370. 

De  Bry,  referred  to,  279,  note. 

Dee,  John,  map  by,  392. 

De  Laet,  472. 

Delaware  (Peninsula  of),  309,  310, 
383. 

Del  Principe  river,  392. 

De  Monts,  49,  305,  317,  383,  393. 

Denys,  Jean.  French  navigator,  201, 
202;  chart  of  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence, 202,  229,  320,  381. 

De  Puebla,  192. 

Desertum  Busor,  378,  380. 

De  Soto,  Fernando,  294,  392;  expe- 
dition of,  403:    discoveries  and 

34 


schemes,  407,  408 ;  dies,  408 ;  re- 
port, 409;  expedition  sent  in 
search  of  him,  4(K»,  410;  M  ildon- 
ado's  search  of,  410,  412.  414. 

Detroite  de  St.  Pierre  (St.  Peter's 
Channel),  328. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  245. 

Dieppe,  201. 

Divers  voyages,  Ilakluyt,  291. 

Do  Bretan,  island  of,  348. 

Dolfinato,  NicoUo  del,  map  by,  317. 

Don  Marti,  costa  de,  307. 

Don,  Nicolaus,  letter  to  the  em- 
peror, 197;  license  granted,  108; 
country  to  which  he  was  driven, 
198. 

Donnacona,  Indian  chief,  -iii2,  3.35, 
330,  341 ;  dies  in  France,  342. 

Dornelos,  Juan,  193. 

Doria,  Theodosio,  93. 

Drogeo,  95,  105,  387,  388,  392. 

Drogeo,  expedition  to,  104;  inhab- 
itants, 104;  New  England,  105, 
100 ;  Ih'oceo  on  chart  of  Zeni,  104. 

Dumbshaf,  107. 

East  Point,  328. 

Eden  referred  to,  123  note,  200,  216, 
224. 

Edinburgh  Encyclopedia,  quoted, 
36. 

Eldorado,  426. 

Elliot,  180. 

Emanuel,  the  Great,  164, 165 ;  expe- 
ditions fitted  out  by,  165 ;  refuses 
permission  to  Vasqueanes  Cor- 
tereal, 172 ;  chart  made  for  him, 
174 ;  a  new  slave  coast,  187. 

Emperada,  292. 

England,  113  ;  commerce  to  Ice- 
land, 113,  119  ;  intercourse  be- 
tween newly-discovered  regions 
and,  186  ;  receives  first  news 
from  Florida,  434, 454. 

English  men-of-war,  113;  twenty- 
five  English  vessels  destroyed, 
113, 114;  claims  and  possessions 
in  North  America,  140;  first  to 
discover    Nortli   America,    146 
fisheries  in  sixteenth   century, 
187;  first  on  these  shores,  283 
ship  in  harbor  of  San  Juan,  285 
sails  to  San  Domingo,  286 ;  expc' 
dition  resembling  Rut's,  286 ;  in- 
terest of  government  excited  in 
America,  434,  475. 

Engroenelandt,  104. 

Engronelandt,  102. 


522 


INDEX. 


Enaonada,  Baliia  de  la,  38. 

Euterpiisos  of  Menendoz  and  Mar- 
quez  kept  in  obHcurity  by  Span- 
ish policy,  472,  47:5. 

Eric  tlio  Ked,  (Il,()2;  sons  of,  82. 

Eric's  Fiord,  ((1,70. 

Erik,  bishop  of  Greenland,  voyage 
of,  8;j. 

Erik,  the  Priesthater,  8;J. 

Espafiola  (St.  Domingo),  124,  100, 
101. 

Esqniinaux,  58,  85 ;  Skrellings,  80- 
91  ;  maps  by,  103  ;  mentioned, 
133,  370. 

Estancelin  referred  to,  93,  200,  205, 
notes. 

Estevanez  Juan,  island  of,  348. 

Estland  (Shetland),  100. 

Estotiland,  Estotilant  (East  Out- 
land),  05;  vessel  driven  to,  104; 
on  cliart  of  Zeni,  104-100  ;  on 
chart  of  Northmen,  110, 114,  387; 
Estotilandia,  110. 

Europe,  88. 

European  navigators,  first  voyage 
along  coast  of  Maine,  71. 

European  settlement,  first  on  coast 
of  Maine,  55. 

Expeditions,  influence  exerted  by 
various,  upon  discovery  and  set- 
tlement of  Maine,  474,  475,  47(). 

Expedition  of  two  English  ships, 
281,  289. 

Expeditions  to  Canada,  French, 
320-337  ;  first  official  exploring, 
322. 

Expedition  to  Chicora,  by  Ayllon, 
394-401,421. 

Expeditions  of  De  Soto,  Maldona- 
do,  and  Arias,  402-412. 

Expeditions,  English  trading,  111- 
114;  to  Virginia,  413. 

Expeditions,  exploring,  from  Bris- 
tol, 372. 

Expeditions  of  French  to  Florida, 
434-440,  447,  455. 

Expedition  of  Dominique  de  Gour- 
gues  to  Florida,  402-407. 

Expeditions  undertaken  by  Isa- 
bella de  Bobadilla,  409. 

ExpediMons  of  Menendez  on  coast 
of  Florida,  455^61 ;  sent  by  Me- 
nendez under  Pardo,  460. 

E::pedition  under  Ribault  and 
Laudonniere  to  Florida,  413-476. 

Expedition,  first  exploring,  of  Jean 
Ribault,  421-431. 

Expeditious,  Spanish,  along  coast 


of  Florida,  394-412;  from  Mexico 

to  the  North,  420. 
Expeditions,  examination  of  early 

Spanish,  411,  412. 
Expedition,  searcliing  for  De  Soto, 

172;  for  tlie  Cortoreals,  173. 
Expeditions,  various,  402. 
Expeilitions    to    Vinland,    subse- 
quent to  Thorflnn  Karlsofne,  82- 

85. 
Explorations  on  coast  of  United 

States,  Spanish  and  French,  471. 
Exploration,  scheme  of  Cortes,  403. 
Eyolfson,  Magnus,  117. 

Fabulous  stories,  149 ;  nations,  378. 

Fabyan,  Robert,  142. 

Faeroer,  Faereyjar,  Fareysland,  or 
Ferrisland,  sliortened  to  Frees- 
land,  or  Frisland,  1(X). 

Farewell,  Cape,  02. 

Faroe,  58,  94, 100-102,  107,  280,  387, 
392. 

Features,  physical,  31. 

Fernandus,  J.  and  F.,  184. 

Fimboge,  77,  78.  [280. 

Fishermen  of  Europe  in  our  waters. 

Fishermen,  French,  35, 324 ;  indem- 
nified by  Henry  VIII,  339;  con- 
sequences of  expeditions,  347; 
interest  of,  430. 

Fishermen  of  Guypuzcoa,  280. 

Fishermen,Poriuguese  and  French, 
382 ;  Spanish,  470. 

Fishing  banks,  39;  interest,  321, 
340,  430. 

Five  Nations,  335. 

Flogascer,  foglaster,  corresponding 
to  fuglasker,  102. 

Flora,  230. 

Florida,  33;  Sparke's  description 
of,  446;  coast  of,  420,  444;  de- 
struction of  Protestant  colony, 
453 ;  expedition  of  Menendez  to, 
45.5-461;  of  Gourgues,  402-467; 
extent  of,  460,  note ;  Pascua,  241 ; 
Spanish  survey  of  east  coast, 
4(57-474 ;  Spanish  province,  470 ; 
France  relinquishes  pretensions 
to,  467 ;  Spanish  interests  in,  de- 
cline, 473;  extent  of,  489. 

Florida,  La,  234,  241,  243,  274,  276, 
277,  297.  307, 308,  352, 363, 380, 383, 
402,  403,  407,  416,  422,  467. 

Florida,  Cape,  468 ;  great  river  of 
(Miss.),  408;  Gulf  and  Peninsula 
of,  on  Schoner's  map,  161 ;  Keys, 
437;  Strait  of,  444. 


INDEX. 


623 


Florido  Franvaise,  La,  430;  French 
Florida,  448. 

Foglaskcr,  ;{87.    See  Flocaacor. 

Fogs,  44. 

Fonseca,  151. 

Fort,  Scandinavian  termination,  as 
in(!afort,  onlcfort,  olotbrt,  100. 

Fortune  Bay,  ;U1». 

Foscarini,  !)(i,  note.  [417. 

Fox  Cliannel,2H).220,:J04;  islands, 

Franvaiso,  La  Have,  ;5S. 

Francisca  (Canada),  2!)(i,  297. 

Fra.«catoro,  22(i,  221),  2:!2. 

France  Hoy,  station  of  lloberval, 
a4;3,  ;{44. 

Francis  I.  of  France,  201,  249,  2.j0, 
270,  29.i,  ;J2.5,  ;U!,  ;J44,  ;U5,  351. 

French  explorers,  414,  487. 

French  fort  on  Penobscot  TJay,  419. 

French  names  supersede  Spanish, 
3-54. 

Frencli  settlement  at  Port  Royal, 
fate  of,  432-4:54;  suft'erings,  dis- 
content, and  discord,  432;  build 
vessel  and  sail  for  France,  433; 
rescued  by  P]nglish  bark,  433; 
arrive  in  England,  434;  interest 
excited,  4.34, 

French  Protestant  sailors  in  Eng- 
lish service,  433;  B'rench  ships 
and  sailors,  443;  sailor  escapes 
from  Spanish  slavery  in  Florida, 
455. 

French  voyages  after  Cabot  and 
Cortereal,  199-205 ;  French  prom- 
inent in  colonization  of  Maine, 
199,  205*  date  of  first  voyages, 
201 ;  give  name  to  Cape  Breton, 
201;    power  of  merchants,  201, 
note;   names  of  new  countries, 
204;  enterprise  of,  205;  French 
captains  as  discoverers  in  new 
world,  228. 
Frejrdisa,  71,  77,  78. 
Frisius,  Gemma,  385. 
Friesland  (Faroe),  94,  95, 109. 
Frisland,  on  chart  of  Zeni,  100-102, 
104 ;  on  chart  of  Northmen,  109, 
110,114;  Frislant,  387. 
Frislanda  (Iceland),  152. 
Frobisher,  290;  discoveries  of,  on 

Lok's  map,  292. 
Frobisher's  Strait,  291. 
Fuego,  Tierra  del,  48. 
Furdustrandr,  72,  74. 

Gabote  (Cabot),  John  and  Sebas- 
tian, 131,  note. 


Cfalvano,  referred  to,  138,  200.  275, 
278. 

Caray,  Francisco  de,  402. 

(farva.  La  (Bermuda),  400. 

(Jardar,  a  Dane,  01. 

(Jaspt-  Bay,  327. 

(raspcsie.  La,  327. 

(tastaldi,  Jacomo  di,  map  by,  220, 
233,  234. 

Genoese,  intercourse  with  north  of 
Europe,  93. 

Georgia,  Gulf  of,  34. 

Georgia  aod  (Jarolina,  theatre  of 
first  Protestant  colony,  and  of 
first  attempt  of  .Jesuits,  408. 

George's  Banks,  352. 

Germans,  agency  ol',  493-490. 

Ghillany,  147,  151,  notes,  159. 

Gilbert,  Sir  llumphrey,  referred  to, 
191,  217,  218,  ;J02.  :!4(»,  405, 413, 470. 

Ginnungagap  (Davis  Strait),  107, 
108.     See  (Uiuningagap. 

Globe  of  Martin  Behaim,  148,  159, 

Goat  Island,  near  Newport,  202, 

Golfam  de  Merosro,  3S8. 

Golfe  des  chateaux  (Strait  of  Belle 
Isle),  324,  320. 

Golfo,  303,  304. 

Golfo  de  Castelli,  230. 

Golfo  Quadrato  ((^ulf  vi'  St.  Law- 
rence), 34,  202,  320. 

Gomara,  referred  to,  114,  137,  187, 
217,  218,  247, 274, 299, 314, 330, 301, 
398,  404,  472, 

Gomez,  Estevan,  friend  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  223;  expedition  of, 
271-281 ;  receives  title  of  piloto, 
271 ;  report  of  strait  discovered 
by  Magellan,  272 ;  council  at  Ba- 
dtyos,  273;  sails,  273;  no  report 
preserved,  274 ;  in  search  of  pas- 
sage to  China,  274 ;  in  communi- 
cation with  Sebastian  Cabot,  275 ; 
uncertainty  as  to  voyage,  270; 
Indians  brought  home,  277; 
Herrera's  statement,  277;  direc- 
tion and  length  of  voyage,  278; 
"esclavos,"  279;  gives  Spanish 
name  to  coast,  279 ;  fisheries  re- 
ceive new  impulse,  280;  men- 
tioned, 37,  49,  52,  55,  224,  248,  295, 
302-,300,  310,  312, 314-317, 319, 320, 
358,  366,  374,  399,  404,  412,  419. 
Gosnold,  393,  413,  425, 474. 
Gourgues,  expedition  to  Florida, 
462-467 ;  eftbrts  of  Huguenots  to 
re-establish  colony,  462;  Gour- 
gues a  nobleman,  patriot,  etc., 


r)24 


INDEX. 


402;  rocoives  commission  and 
sails,  4(i;i;  route,  404;  lands,  4(W; 
treats  with  Indians,  4(ir) ;  suprises 
Spanish  forts,  405;  rovenfjo,  405, 
400;  returns  to  Franco,  4(fO;  re- 
ception at  Uocholle,  4(((i;  suhse- 
quent  history,  400, 407 ;  death,  4(57. 

(Jrantl  Menan,  ;JH1,  ;}y2. 

(irand  llivor  (Penobscot  Bay),  410. 

(jrrapes  and  vines  discovered  by 
Leif's  men,  (i5,  4S):J. 

Gravesend  Bay,  258. 

Great  Britain,  58. 

(Jreene,  ({.  W.,  referred  to,  200,  note. 

(}reenland,  .58;  discovery  of,  00; 
named,  ((2;  position  of  in  Icelan- 
dic geography,  85, 8(i ;  settlements 
disappear,  85;  Beterpence  col- 
lecte(l  in.  04;  on  chart  of  Zeni, 
07,  102-105;  on  chart  of  North- 
men, 107,  108,  110;  pirates.  114; 
probably  seen  by  Cortercal,  108, 
175;  on  Portuguese  chart,  175; 
on  Bcinel's  chart,  178;  called 
Labrador,  181;  on  map  of  New 
France,  220;  liighway  to  New- 
foundland, 2;U);  mentioned,  (54, 
70,  77,  88,  02,  05,  ll;5,  11.5-117,  aOl, 
;J5«,  ;{(S4,  ills,  387,  302,  303. 

Greenland,  Gulf  of  (Sinus  Gruen- 
lanticus),  158;  Greenlandt,  on 
Kuysch's  chart,  157. 

Grenville,  413. 

Grijalva,  244. 

Gronlandia  Antiqua,  107;  Groen- 
landia,  108 ;  on  chart  of  Zeni,  102. 

Grotlandia,  207. 

Guadelupe,  302. 

Gualdape,  307,  401. 

Guanahani,  251. 

Gudrida,  70,  71,  74,  77,  70,  82. 

Guinea,  coast  of,  115. 

Gulfs,  four  great,  33,  34. 

Gulf  of  Florida,  458. 

Gulf  of  Georgia,  352. 

Gulf  of  Maine,  35 ;  name  proposed 
and  used  in  Edinburgh  Encyclo- 
pedia, 36;  37,  51;  crossed  by 
Biarne,  03 ;  by  Leif,  64 ;  by  Thor- 
hall,  74;  on  chart  of  Northmen, 
108;  indicated,  100 ;  Cabot  enters, 
140,  141;  on  Cosa's  chart,  154; 
often  included  under  name  of 
Tierra  de  los  Bretones,  106 ;  de- 
scription of  coast,  by  Verrazano, 
263-265;  Verrazano'^s  first  land- 
ing-place in,  265 ;  mentioned,  76, 
281,  305,  306, 311, 312, 314-316, 318, 


310,  352,  353,  306,  383,  384,  301, 

474. 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  ,12,  180,  243,  244, 

204,  402,  403,  408,  410,  414,  420, 

441,444. 
(Julf  of  New  York,  34,  30,  318,  310, 

301,  35)3. 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  34,  48,  140, 

170,  302,  313, 315, 320, 320, 330, 348, 

345>,  350,  352, 353, 350, 366, 373-375, 

370. 
Gulf  of  Santo  Lunario,  32(5. 
Gulf-stream,  42,  72,   315),  404,  412, 

444,  4(50,  475. 
Gunblorn,  387;  Gunnbjorn  driven 

to  Greenland,  01 ;   Gunnbjorn'a 

Skjar,  01. 
Gunningagap,  132.  .    • 

Giisselfeldt,  ;100. 

(Jut  of  Canso,  230,  .^03,  313,340,358. 
Gwardus  ensula  (Vardoehuus),  00. 

Ilakluyt,  referred  to,  130,  note,  206, 
207,  224,  250,  2(53,  346,  352;  in- 
formation concerning  Hawkins' 
voyage,  442,  note,  445. 

Hakluyt,  MS.,  131,  note,  201,  note; 
map,  302,  note,  482. 

Ilaliburton's  Nova  Scotia,  381,  382, 
note. 

Halifax,  230. 

Hanas,  102. 

Hanefiord,  102.  See  Anaford. 

Hanseatic  towns.  111 ;  traders,  etc., 
470. 

Harbors,  account  of,  53. 

Haup,  01.     See  Hop. 

Havana,  404,  400,  411,  444,  458, 460. 

Hawkbridge,  220. 

Hawkins,  310,  413;  voyage  along 
coast  of  North  America,  440-447 ; 
English  discoverer  of  West  In- 
dies, 440;  early  voyages,  441 ;  sec- 
ond most  important,  442 ;  slave- 
trader,442 ;  French  pilots  and  sea- 
men, 442,  443;  and  proceedings, 
443;  English  voyage  of  discove- 
ry, 444 ;  approaches  Florida,  444 ; 
assists  Laudonniere  and  colony, 
445  ;  information  gained,  445; 
sails  toward  north-east,  446;  at 
Banks  of  Newfoundland,  447 ;  ar- 
rival in  England,  447 ;  pioneer  of 
English  navigators  to  Virginia, 
475,  481. 

Hayti,  277,  306. 

Hazard,  Historical  Collections,  127, 
note. 


INDEX. 


525 


Iloiwllands,  47. 

HoIro,  77,  7S. 

ncllulami  (Nowfonmlliind),  iiaino 

f;ivon,  (14;  position  in  Icolandic! 

^oofiraphy,  So,  H(( ;  mentioned,  71, 

HH,  10(1,  108,  10!). 
Ilonry  VII.  I'Jl,  124,  125,  129,  1.^5, 

R'i;  issued  patents,  120,  l;}0,  1H4; 

entries   in  aci-t.  of  i)iivy  purse 

expeiisos,  L'tf)  note,  IHO. 
Henry  VI 1 1,  281,  288,  200,  ;W!);  fa- 
vors Master  I  lore,  ;j;J8. 
Herbert,  Lord,  200. 
lleriulf,  02. 
Iloriulfniis,  02,  108. 
Ilerrera,  referred  to,  K'm,  177, 1S,3, 

101, 107, 207,  200,  2l:{,  24.-),  247,  2r)0, 

27(),  280,  28;-),  287, 200,  ;jo;j,  ;]i)0,  ;]08, 

40<1,4IO,420. 
Hetland,  107. 
Iliaitland  or  Ilitland,  100. 
Iliffhlands  of  Nevorsink,  257. 
Highroad,  oceanic,  208  ;  national 

French,  424. 
Highways  on  map  of  Agncsc,  294, 

295,  290. 
Hills  seen  by  Verrazano,  250. 
Hispana,  29(');  Ilispaia,  iJOiJ. 
Hispaniola  (St.  Domingo),  144,  290. 
Hoalfjardareyri,  117. 
Hochelaga,  Indian    village,   river, 

etc.,  ;w;^8;j5,  a4;j,  im,  su.    See 

Ochelaga. 

Hojeda,  193. 

Hollensis,  on  map  of  Iceland,  etc., 
175 ;  Episcopus  Holensis,  102, 175. 

Holum,  01  Ilolar,  102. 

Homem,  Diego,  298,  299,  377,  388- 
391. 

Hondo,  Rio,  37. 

Hondius,  317,  318,  392. 

Honfleur,  Jean  Dcnys  de,  map  of 
Newfoundland,  158. 

Honguedo,  331. 

Hop,  72,  7.'i,  70,  91. 

Hore,  Master,  voyage  of,  337-340; 
previous  pi-oiect  of  the  Cabots, 
337 ;  favored  by  Henry  VIII.  and 
others,  338  ;  sails  and  reaches 
Newfoundland,  338 ;  great  suffer- 
ings, 339;  cruel  policy,  339;  re- 
turns, 339. 

Hudson's  Bay,  33,  388,  380. 

Hudson,  Sir  Henry,  219,  393,  413. 

Hudson  Elver,  258, 292,306,  310,314, 
335. 

Hudson's  Strait,  114,  178,  302,  358, 
365,  388,  389. 


Huguenots,  415,  422,432,  457,  402. 
IIuiid)oldt,  rorerre<l  to,  .-)9,  HO,  118, 

120,  13:!,  134,  13(i,  138,  151,  154, 159, 

102,;{(M»,  301. 
Iluth,   Henry,  collections  of,  203, 

315,310. 
Hull,  112. 

Icaria,  104-100,  ;]S7. 

Icehuid,  Island,  Islant.,  Islaiida,  58; 
discovery  of,  (iO-02 ;  S(!!indiiiavian_ 
settlements  in,  01 ;  dependency  of 
Norway  and  I)eninark,  85;  Ice- 
landic geograi)hers,  85;  descrip- 
tion of  the  globe,  88;  trade  to,  in 
llftocnth  century,  94;  Scandina- 
vian draftsman  from,  107  ;  on 
chart  of  Northmen,  108;  in  four- 
teenth century.  111;  stock-tish, 
112;  English  make  war  in,  113; 
Columbus  in  Iceland,  117,  118; 
mentioned,  148,  157,  174,  181,  236, 
301,  3((3,  374,  387. 

lUia  do  frcy  Luis,  contracted  to  C. 
Freels,  175,  179. 

Indentations  on  coast  of  Maine,  47 ; 
other  coasts,  48. 

India,  name  applied  to  American 
discoveries,  149  ;  Went  Indies, 
150;  Indians,  l.-)0;  passage  to, 
147;  on  map  of  Hohaim,  149;  pas- 
sage to,  by  western  route,  271. 

Indians  of  Maine,  .55,  91 ;  of  New 
England,  90,  91  ;  Scandinavian 
names  among,  91  ;  capture  by 
Cabot,  142;  presented  to  Henry 
VII,  185  ;  sc^en  by  Cartier,  324, 
327, 330 ;  words  given  by  Thevet, 
417, 418. 

Indian  River  Inlet,  fort  near,  4.59. 

Indies,  125 ;  passage  sought  to,  by 
Cabot,  139. 

Indies,  West,  1,50,  231,  23(5,  268,  277, 
303,  404,  415,  422,  440,  4(iO. 

Ingolf,  first  to  settle  in  Iceland,  61. 

Inlets,  description  of,  53. 

Inscriptions  on  map  attributed  to 
Cabot,  ,3(58,  369. 

Insula  de  Flores,  148. 

Ireland,  Irlant,  148, 174. 

Irish,  first  in  Iceland,  60. 

Isabeau,  the  ship  of  Laudonnifere, 
437  447  448. 

Isabella  (Cuba),  161. 

Isla,  or  Ilha  de  Fortuna  (Resolu- 
tion Island),  178,  379,  388. 

Island  of  Aredonda,  348, 386. 

Island,  Brandau,  292. 


n.oa 


r,2( 


INDEX. 


iHlfiiul  of  Tapp  Hrcton,  134. 
IhIiukI  iiiiinod  for  brother  Louis, 

17.-). 
Isliiiids,  ('aj)o  Verde,  4M. 
iHliind.s  ill  CaHco  JJay,  .'il,  note;  52, 

I.  do  .Fnaniiios,  .'5(t:{. 

Island  of.Fuaii  Kstovanoz,  .*]]8. 

Islands  on  coast  of  Maine,  52. 

I.  s.  Mifruol,  :j(i;5. 

Islands,  new,  2iMl. 

Islands  on  map  of  Xcw  Franco,  229. 

Island  of  Iv'liodes,  2(10. 

Island  of  Saneta  (Jruz  (possibly 
Sable  Island).  170. 

Island  of  St.  .lolin  (f'apo  Breton), 
:51:5.  ;!71;  (I'rinco  Edward  Isl- 
and). ;57.'). 

Islands  between  western  Europe 
and  eastern  Asia,  147-150;  fabu- 
lous stories  cont^erning,  14!). 

Islanda  (Iceland),  on  chart  of  Zoni, 
101. 

Islas  dosiertas,  251. 

Lslo  Alezay.  iL'Ci. 

Isle  de  TA'ssoniption,  .3.31. 

Isle  de  Haeclius,  :J;]2. 

Isle  do  IJrion.  :i2(l. 

lslo  aux  f 'oudrcs,  .3.'{2,  ,35(5. 

lslo  au  Margaulx.  ;{25. 

lslo  d'Oiloans,  ;i;!2,  'M\. 

Isle  do  St.  Catherine,  ;}24. 

Isola  do  demoni,  220;  Y  dus  do- 
monios,  ;!S8. 

Isthmus  (of  New  England,)  be- 
tween Atlantic  and  racilic,  295- 
200. 

Italian  navigators  to  northern  coun- 
tries, 04, 400. 

Itland,  100. 

.lamaica,  444. 

.lames,  a  navigator,  220. 

Japan,  St.  Domingo  thought  to  be, 
124;  Hispaniola  supposed  to  be, 
1()5 ;  mentioned,  100, 103,  239. 

Java  major,  103. 

Jesuits,  first  brought  to  North 
America,  4(58 ;  entry  into  city  of 
Mexico,  408 ;  into  California,  4(^8. 

Jesus  of  Lubec,  the,  ship  of  Haw- 
kins, 442. 

Joanna  of  Castile,  193. 

Jocher,  Gelehrten  -  Lexicon,  416, 
note. 

John  II.  of  Portugal,  147. 

Jomard,  M.,  fac-similes  of  maps, 
162,351,353,359,386. 


Jones,  J.  W.,  rcfoiTcd  to,  2155,  261 , 

notes. 
Joidan,  Capt.,  246. 
Jutland,  peninsula  of,  90. 

Kathay,  12:5-128.     Sec  Cathay. 

Karlsofne,  70-81;  82,  91. 

Keniufboc  lliver,  .54,  55,  304.  317. 

Khan,  13(5,  285.  :57(5. 

Kialarnes  ((.'.  Hhip-nose),  49,  (57,  69, 
71,74,  7.">,  108,  100,  155. 

Kochhaf,  Natlianiel  (Chytrious), 
.•5(18,  371. 

Kohl,  new  light  from  Portuguese 
arcduves  on  the  Cortereal  voy- 
ages, 170;  ."504,  .307,  notes. 

Kolno,  John  of,  114. 

Krossanais,  (50. 

Kuntsman,  referred  to,  1.56, 168, 176, 
170, 180,  188, 190,  230,  notes. 

Labrador,  Cabot's  land-fall,  1.3.3- 
1.35;  attached  to  Asia,  158;  on 
Schoner's  map,  1(52;  on  Portu- 
guese chart.  No.  8,  175;  on  Kci- 
nel's  chart,  178;  on  Portuguese 
chart.  No.  10, 179, 181 ;  on  map  of 
New  France,  227;  name  given  to 
(freenland,  181,  378;  mentioned, 
32,  .58,  105,  113,  114,  1:52,  135,  137- 
139,  145,  170,  200,  274,  294,  297, 
301,  324,  328-3.30, 3.5(5,  .3(54, 305, 374, 
.375,  379,  387,  388,  39.3,  419. 

Lac  d'  AngoulC'mo  (St.  Peter's 
Lake),  333. 

Lachine,  rapides  de,  343. 

l^a  Francese,  231. 

Le  Have,  highlands  of,  40,  303. 

Lago  de  Golesme,  35(5. 

Laguna  do  Nicaxagoe,  363. 

Lake  Champlain,  334. 

Lake  Huron,  390. 

Lake  Ontaiio,  390. 

Lake  Superior,  390. 

Lake,  Great  North  American,  380. 

Larcadia,  L'Arcadic,  L'Accadie, 
etc.,  2.34. 

La  lioche,  French  discoverer,  74, 
note. 

Laudonniere,  French  expedition 
under,  434-440;  plan  to  relieve 
colony  at  Port  Koyal,  4.34 ;  intent 
to  establish  colony,  4.35;  route, 
436;  land-fall,  4.36;  builds  fort, 
4,37;  explores  St.  John's  River, 
Florida,  and  Georgia,  4.38;  In- 
dians, 4,38 ;  fountain  of  silver  and 
gold,  438;    dissatisfaction    and 


INDEX. 


527 


nmtiny,  4.'J8;  docision  to  return 
f<)  Kiance,  IK);  anival  of  lliuv- 
kiiis,4K);  nowH  of  Laiulonuii  re's 
pr(»(!«'C(liii^s  ciiniod  to  Fiaiu'd, 
447;  uiiCiivonibli}  reports  spruiul, 
44S;  oxpodition  sent  to  his  re- 
liof,  44S,  |.")();  i!sc;ipo  from  niiis- 
sacro  by  Spaniards,  4r»;l;  low  of 
conijiany  n^tuiii,  4r>4;  ho  roaches 
Knt,Mand,  IM;  mentioned,  41.!, 
42:J,  42i),  4:!l,  4:{-J,  471,  47;},  475. 

liObersee,  ;W(». 

liOif,  Erik's  son,  voyajjo  and  set- 
tlement in  Xew  Kn^dand,  <i;!-(!<i; 
settlement  probably  in  IMuxU' 
Island,  05;  observations  on  cli- 
mate,etc., (Id;  Vinland  voyage, (Id. 

Leifsbudir  (Nanagauset  liay),  (15, 
(17,  (lit,  72. 

Lclcwel,  referred  to,  Di),  104,  115, 
15!>,  ;{.ss.  (:i:!4. 

L'Emerillon,  sliip  of  Cartier,  :5;j;i, 

Le  Moyne,  Jacipies,  4.'!5;  rejxtrts  of 
cxplorin}.;  expedition  under  Lau- 
donnicre,  4.)5,  4;5S;  escapes  from 
massacre,  and  arrives  in  Enfjland, 
4.'):5,  454;  publishes  accounts  of 
events,  4.55 ;  mentioned,  47.5,  470. 

Lory,  French  navigator,  203. 

liCscarbot,  referred  to,  :J42,  HS'^. 

Lcvrier,  La,  ship  of  Ilibault,  448, 
45;J.  454. 

Ley,  English  ambassador  in  Spain, 
281,  :{(il. 

Linne,  now  Kingslynne,  112. 

Loaysa,  201). 

Lok,  or  Locke,  Master  Michael, 
map,  2!)(),  205,  207,  371. 

London,  112. 

Long  Island  and  Sound,  .311. 

Long  Island,  on  Ilomom's  chart, 
381;  (Islesboro'),417. 

Los  Martyres  (Florida  Keyes),  242. 

Louisa  Island  (probably  Martha's 
Vineyard),  2(iO,  2(11. 

Louisa  of  Savoy,  250. 

Lucayan  Arcliipelago,  243,  245,  430. 

Lucayos  (Bahamas),  424,  440. 

Lulfoden  Islands,  00. 

Madden,  Sir  F.,  355. 

Madeira,  115, 174,  424. 

Madoc,  tradition  of,  59, 114, 478. 

Magellan,  Straits  of,  48,  271,  273, 

29;i,  294,  299. 
Magliabecchian  MS.,  referred  to, 

250,  note,  203. 
Magnetic    needle,    variation,    47; 


noodle  and  polo,  notions  of,  by 
early  navigators,  157. 

Magnusen,  referred  to,  04,  111-113, 
ni>tt>s. 

M.iitias,  island  of,  301. 

Maine,  cMmate,  temperature, winds, 
44,45;  fogs,  4(1;  peculiar  feature 
ofcoa.st.  47:  jMtsition  of,  5s:  first 
Kuroiieans  on  coast  of,  71,  70; 
may  iiavt^  formed  i)ai't  of  MarK- 
laiul,  .s4;  Frencli  inlliu'uce  on 
discovery  and  setth'uu'ut  of.  205; 
earlv  discovery,  2:!d.  237;  men- 
tioned, 100,  12(1.  14(1,  172,  :{:;.5,  ;{30, 
;!.54,  ;;02,  ;io;!,  407. 

Miiine,  coast  of,  .52,  .".:l.  S4,  11:;,  140; 
on  Portuguese  chait,  177;  (Ui 
nuip  of  New  France.  227,  231; 
nossildy  visited  l»y  Europeans 
i)efore  Verrazano,  2(1(1;  beauties 
of,  207;  English  actually  land, 
2SS;  Verrazano  killed.  2H0;  on 
chart  of  Lok,  201  ;  on  .Mercator's 
map,  301 ;  first  Euroi)ean  settle- 
ment on  coast  of,  410,  420;  iidlu- 
enco  of  various  exi)editions  up- 
on discovery  and  settlcuuMit  of, 
474 ;  mentioned,  172,  ;iU4,  ;{07,  ;i88, 
405. 

Maine,  fJulf  of,  .35;  size  and  con- 
ligurati(m  of,  30;  soundings,  ;38; 
tides,  4:}. 

Major,  H.  II.,  refeirod  to,  378. 

Maldonado,  408-410.  412;  careful 
exploration  of  coast  of  United 
States,  411. 

Malone  Bay,  2;}(). 

Malte-Brun,  110,110,388. 

Mangi,  on  map  of  Bchaim,  149; 
name  of  Chinese  province,  1.50. 

Maps  of  Columbus  lost,  1.50;  first 
engraved,  of  new  world,  156; 
made  by  mariners  of  llontleur 
and  Dieppe,  202. 

Map  (.see  charts),  No.  4,  of  ocean 
and  islands  between  western 
Europe  and  eastern  Asia,  from 
Behaim,  147-150. 

Map,  No.  5,  of  east  coast  of  North 
America,  151-1.55. 

Map,  No.  0,  of  new  world,  by 
Kuysch,  15(^1.58. 

Map,  No.  7,  of  North  America,  from 
globe  of  Schoner,  158-103. 

Map,  No.  11,  of  New  France,  by 
Gastaldi,  226-233. 

Map,  No.  12,  of  Terra  Nueva,  by 
Ruscelli,  233-235. 


628 


INDEX. 


Miip,  No.  l:t,  of  North  America,  by 

Michael  l.ok,  lilK»-liUii.  |-21t2-21t.'.. 
Map,  No.  ll.ofAmtMirii,  hy  Aj,nu'.H(>, 
MapH,  No.  I.*),  (it  Nurlh  Auicrica,  a, 

h.  c,  <1,  lilMV-iilM). 
Map,  No.  17,  HkctchoH,  I,  2.  '.],  4,  T), 

tl,  7,  ofiioast  of  lJiiitc(l  .StatoH  by 

dill'iMcnt  authorH,  ;!ir)-;!lH. 
Map,  No.  *J(),  of  world,  uttributud 

to  ('al)ot,  ;ir)K-;{(ii). 
Mar  Itaxa,  .'lOK. 

Mar  dcHfubiorto  por  YiiylcHOs,  154. 
Maro  coiifrolatuin,  17(1. 
Maro  do  Veriazaiia,  '2\)2. 
Marpucit's  Hay,  2;!(). 
Marklaiid   (.Nova  Scotia),  named, 

t(4;  two  boy rt  of,  77;  jioHition  of, 

in   Icelandic   ^'eoj^rai^hy,  H.'i,  8(1; 

mentioned,  (id,  71,8a,  «4,  88,  10(\, 

108,  1011,  117. 
Maninez,  400,  4(IH,  4(H». 
Martha'H  Vineyard,  2.')1)-2(11. 
Martyr,  I'eter,  referred  to,  1.'!:!,  142, 

14:{,  107, 200, 212, 217, 218,  277-27!), 

870.      • 
Mary  of  Gnilford,  Engll.sh    ship, 

281-28.'>,  287,  288. 
Massachusetts,  100;  bay,  i]5,  812. 
Matanzas  Inlet,  4'>.i. 
Matien<;o,  240 ;  Matienzo,  395. 
Matthew,  the,  ship  of  the  Cabots, 

128.  l;i5. 
May  IMver,  425,  42(i,  4'M. 
Mcfhmos,  ;{04,  ;ji;{,  ;j.');5. 

Medina,  Pedro  de,  'Ml, 
Menendez  de  Avilea,  450,  452;  ex- 
■  ])editions  of,  on  coast  of  Fhn-i- 
drt,  45.5-401 ;  service  in  Spanish 
America.45({;  commission  to  sur- 
vey (!oast  of  Florida,  45(i ;  "  Per- 
petual Adelantado  of  Florida," 
4.57;  chanpe  in  character  of  ex- 
pedition, 457;  sails,  4.58;  attacks 
and  destroys  French  settlement, 
4.58;  executes  other  objects  of 
expedition,  459,  400;  difficulties, 
461 ;  lionois  and  rewards  from 
Philip  II,  401 ;  governor  of  Cuba, 
401 ;  returns  to  Spain  and  again 
to  America,  401;  disorders,  401, 
467;  rebuilds  forts  and  restores 
colony,  407  ;  sends  out  Jesuit 
missionai'ies,  407,  4(58 ;  survey  of 
coast,  408  ;  far-reaching  plans, 
470;  recalled  to  Europe,  470;  fa- 
vorite of  Philip  II,  470;  invested 
with  command  of  armada,  and 
death,  471;  proniiucuce  among 


navigators  and    explorers,  471 ; 

(^hiiractor,  47.'1. 
Meueiidez    and     Maniuez,    enter- 

nrises  of,  shroiuled  in  obscurity 

l)y  Spanish  policy,  472. 
Moiutndez  in,  401. 
Mcrcator,   100;    atlas  of,  .'117,  'MH, 

;181 ;  birth  and  childhood  of,  :184  ; 

tirst  maps,  ;185;   map  of  world, 

;{85  ;    nrojection,  ;{85  ;   enunent, 

;i80;  (iliaracter  of  work,  :i8t(. 
Mer  d'Kspaigne,  do  France,  Ocoano, 

:{54. 
Meta  incognita,  291. 
Metway  harbor,  ;to;t. 
Mexico,  10.5,  29-1,  290,  '.W\,  402,  408, 

4.59. 
Micmac  Indians,  captured  by  Cov- 

tereal,  JM),  170. 
Miller,  referred  to,  142. 
Mines' nasin,.*!82. 
Mingan  islands,  ;J28. 
Minion,  shi|)  of  Master  Ilore,  ii'iS, 
Miramiehi  Hay,  ;!20. 
Miruelo,  24;},  240,  ;}90. 
Mississippi  Uiver,  294,. '508,  414,408. 
Mocosa,  ;i92. 

Moluccas,  274,  278,  29;]-295. 
Monaco  (the  monk),  100. 
Montaignes,  ;!5;5. 
Montagna  verdo,  JJOO,  .1.58. 
Montagues  de  Pala8si,488. 
Montauk  Point,  Jill,  314. 
jNIonto  de  trigo,  230. 
Montreal,  3;J4. 

Mi'isur,  or  Itlausur  (wood),  78,494. 
Mount  Desert  Island,  52. 
Mount  lioyal,  333. 
Munich,  archives  of  Bavarian  army 

at,  174. 
Munster,  290. 

Naddod,  a  Scandinavian,  in  Ice- 
land, 61, 114. 

Naesset,  (J8,91. 

Nantucket  Island,  40;  Shoals,  40, 
43,  49,  353. 

Narraganset  Bay,  05,  201,  265,  311, 
314, 430.  [403. 

Narvaez,  expedition  of,  363,   402, 

Natiscotic  (Anticosti),  331. 

Nauset,  72,  74,  91. 

NavaiTO,  285-287. 

Navarrete,  referred  to,  193,  280,  301. 

Navigation  from  Great  Britain  to 
Iceland,  112. 

Navigators,  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
French,  English,  92. 


INDKX. 


629 


Now  HnmHwi(ik,  ;J27. 

New  Kiij,'liiii(l,  ;tl;  tlrst  diHCoverod, 
<L'.  (t;l  ;  tlrsl  HottUniioiit,  (l:{-llll; 
HotitlH^rn  pari  luinuul  Viiiliintl, 
(Ml;  couHitluHMl  part  of  Kuropo, 
85-88  ;  inliahitcd  Ity  SkrolIiii^'H 
(KH(iuimaiix),  Hl»;  Knj,'IiMli  vossul 
driven  to  coaHt,  lilt;  iiiuiitioiHMl, 
105,  KMl,  in,  IKl,  17;t,  L'(t4-2i»7.:l(r)- 
:J()7,  ;t;;r.,  ;i(i(i,  ;]8;{,  ;jh4,  ;!1M),  yiti,  n.i, 
4;n,47(». 

Now  KiiKliind,(Julf  of,;}5,  ;i(l. 

Now  found  island,  18(1. 

Nowfouiidlaiid,  ;i'2,  .'14,  58;  soon  by 
IJianio,  tl;!,  (t-l;  karia,  105;  pon- 
insula  on  (Josa's  map,  152;  on 
Unysoh'Hrh.irt,  158;  on  Scliomir's 
map,  Kl'J  ;  visitod  l)y  Cortoroal, 
KJH  ;  second  voyaj^o,  1(11)  ;  oast 
coast  explored  by,  17(1;  thinks  it 
mainland,  177;  on  Koinel's  chart, 
178  ;  names  on  maps  of,  I71>  ; 
south  coast  on  Uoinol's  chart, 
170;  on  rortu^jueso  chart,  181; 
Portuj^uese  lishinff  (iompany,  188 ; 
Portuffueso  exi)C(iitions  to,  100; 
intention  of  making;  Spanish  set- 
tlement in,  105;  belonf^ing  to 
Portugal,  108  ;  on  mai)  of  New 
France,  227,  2:50;  early  distiove- 
rios,  2;J(I ;  circumnavijfated  by  ('ar- 
tier, iV-il ;  voyage  of  Slastor  Hore 
to,  a;n-a40;  montioned,  100,  l;{2, 
135,  i;J)),  140, 144, 145, 15;},  207,  274, 
275, 270, 281,  28;},  207,  ;}01, 305,  307, 
313,  315, 32(1, 348-;j5(),  35(5, 3(55,  3(5(1, 
371, 373, 374, 370, 380, 3U3, 410,  430, 
431. 

Newfoundland  Banks,  30,  187,  238, 
280, 281, 301, 354, 404, 412,  447,  470, 
470. 

New  Franco,  342,  340,  379,  380,  428. 

New  IIami)shiro,  109. 

New  Islands,  the,  150, 100. 

Now  Jersey,  383. 

New  land,  a,  supposed  to  be  New- 
foundland, 83. 

Newport,  Leif's  settlement  near, 
05 ;  harbor,  201,  202,  428. 

New  River  Inlet,  254. 

New  Spain,  380. 

New  York,  bay,  and  harbor,  141- 
144,  250-258, 203,  277, 294, 391, 413, 
428,  430,  431,  475. 

New  York,  Gulf  of,  39,  141. 

Ni9a,  Marco  do,  420. 

Nicolas  of  Linne,  112. 

Noder,  like  Norden,  102. 


Nordcro,  colfo,  100. 

Norobagra,  3.5;l. 

Normandy,  lOO,  2(K),  270. 

Nortlmum,  45;  •u;«M»iinls  of,  50-01. 
80;  emigration,  00;  tralllc  with 
Mkrellings,  73  ;  reports  of  V(»y- 
agcM,  70;  expedition  t(t  Viidand 
after  Thorliim  Karlscfno.  82-85; 
iieroic!  age  passed  by,  84;  geog- 
raphers ill  Iceland.  80;  reminis- 
cences or.M8;  attractions  or  New 
Kngliind  to.  02;  inlliienceof  Iheir 
attempt,  03;  Friesland  Islands  in 

tiosscssion  of.  04 ;  resume  of  their 
Luowledge,  105;  charts  of,  107- 
110;  common  features.  107;  men- 
tioned. 40,  53,  83,  00-04,  102,  103, 
110,202,305. 

North-west  passage,  28:i,  290,  309, 
;170,  305,  40:!,  412.  477. 

Nortlnnnberland,  Duke  of,  20(1. 

Norumbega,  Norumbogue,  Terra 
(Us  Norumbega,  205,  230;  difVer- 
ont  restrictions  of  name.  231,28;}; 
varimis  forms  of  word,  2:!5;  mon- 
tioned, 270,  284,  288,  201,  ;517,  318, 
;50l.;i02,  41(1,  410,480. 

Norumbega,  city  of,  ;!5:}  ;  groat 
river  of,  ;}04,  420,  480 ;  gulf  or  sea 
of.  ;J5. 

Norvogia  (Norway),  90,  100,  207. 

Norway,  77,  00;  Norwegia,  80. 

Nouvelle  France,  La,  Nova,  La,  340, 
35(1,  :}80. 

Novjya  Zemlia,  80. 

Nova  Scotia,  ;54, 51 ;  soon  by  IMarne, 
03  ;  included  with  Maine,  84; 
Estotiland,  105;  soon  by  Cabot, 
140,  141 ;  on  Kuysch's  chart,  158 ; 
on  Koinol's  chart,  170 ;  on  Portu- 
guese chart,  180,  181 ;  on  map  of 
New  France,  227,  2;]0;  mention- 
ed, 173,  207,  281,  297,  ;}()2-:}04,  ;W7, 
317, 348, 3.53, 3.58,  ;}00,  ;}73, 380,  381, 
300, 419. 

Novus  Atlas,  sketch  from,  317. 

Nueva  Ilispania,  297. 

NouvoUo  Franco,  430, 489. 

Nuova  Francia,  La,  231. 

Nuremburg,  M.  Behaim,  born  in, 
147. 

Nurumberg,  Tierra  de,  234. 

Oc.ampo,  Sebastian  de,  240. 

Ocean,  Atlantic,  33,  177,  295,  296, 
297,  354,  426;  isthmus  between, 
and  Pacific,  295 ;  passage  sought 
between  and  Pacific,  460. 


r,no 


INDKX. 


Or  can,  Kfwtoin,  IrtO,  208. 

Ocoaii,  NorMiorn,  'Jl)7. 

(hi'.ui,  l'iici(|f,:t;j.  liil,  m\2(Y.\,'M\ 

•2W,  L'lw,  4i'(l.  m. 
Ovmu,  Wi'Htcni,  MO,  'Jl>.'),  471. 
Occiui,  hotwooii   w<)Ht«iin    Kurupu 

nnd  <!:iHt(>rii  AhIii,  147-150. 
Ocluiliijfii,  420, ;{.'»(».    Sec  Iliicliolivga. 

OOHtoi'OO,  lol. 

OhifHon,  rorunoil  to,  1)4. 

OloiiNiH,  102. 

"(>n«)f(M)tM,"75,  70,  80. 

OhhIow  liay,  2.*)4. 

Opliir,  200.' 

OitflliiiM,  ri'fiirrcd  to,  KMt,  l:i4,  2U2, 

:{oo,  ;{<;i .  ;{7.-»,  .•wi,  .'Wj,  381),  ',m,  ;h)2. 

Osmoiii  IJay,  ;ii»l. 

Ottawa  l{ivor. ;!;!.''.,  :{|K). 

OttiKiiy.  .M.  do,  I.VJ. 

Ovaiido,  4(ll>. 

Oviodo,  deHcriptioii  of  coaHt,  :{07- 
;H(I;  roCenod  to,  207,  220. 247,  274- 
270,  2H.-,,  2H7,  200,  :107,  ;tl2,  iiVA,  lil'), 

;{0l,;«i7,;i8;j,:MMi,;{0M,4or>. 
Owen,  lofoniul  to,  00. 
Owl's  I  load  pioniontoi7,  y04,  312, 

310,  384. 

Pamlico  Sound,  .WO,  300. 

Panama,  IstliinuH  of,  UK),  203. 

Paniico,  402. 

PapaKalli  terra,  100. 

Papas,  or  papar,  in  Iceland,  00,  01, 

111. 
Pardo,  expedition  under,  400. 
Paria,  101. 
Pariana,  200. 

Parkman,  referred  to,  2.34. 
Parmontier,  228,  232. 
Parry,  220. 
Parte  incofjnito,  2;{0. 
Pascua  Florida,  241. 
Pastjualipo,  referred  to,  IflO,  171, 

note ;  letter  of,  130,  note ;  133, 135, 

130,  177,  .375. 
Pa88ama»iuody  Bay,  53,  50,  234, 235, 

note. 
Pedoe  River,  309. 
Pemaqnid,  01. 
Penguin  Island,  .330. 
Penin.sula«,  33,  34,  47. 
Penobscot  Bay,  53,  54,  2.34,  201, 304, 

312,  310,  353,  358,  307,  391,  410, 

419,  420. 
Penobscot  Indians,  55. 
Penobscot  River,  54,  55, 50, 312, 310, 

358,  301,  892, 489. 


PoqnotM,  on. 

Puranil(^li,  Indian  kin(7,  418. 

I'oreen  (iior^on),  JHt. 

I'urlo,  lia,  Hhip  of  Ribault,  448,  453, 
454. 

Perm  (HIarmaland),  107. 

Pert,  Kn^iiHli  uavi^fatur  with  Cabot, 
2(MI,  207,208,210,220. 

Porn,  204,  450. 

PoHohol,  roftirrod  to,  175,  178,  188, 
103,  240,  207,  notoH. 

Potorpence  collected  in  (ireonland, 
04. 

Pliilli|)H,  Sir  'I'lioniii.H,  map  in  pos- 
HOMHion  of,  3.M,  3.VI. 

Physical  foaturos  of  coast  and 
("Julf  of  Maine  :\\-M. 

Pieria,  coinniandur  of  Charlottfort, 
428  432. 

Pineda,  402,  403,  408. 

Pirates  on  coast  of  (Ireonland,  114. 

Piscata(iua  Rivor,  .'"i5. 

Pi/arro,  discovories  of,  293. 

Placoutia  liay,  340. 

Plisiicus  Sinus,  l.')7. 

PoiiK  S.  Andre,  340. 

Points.  Maria,  340. 

Polo,  Marco,  notions  and  reports 
of,  140;  inscriptions  and  le;rends 
taken  from,  I.V);  (pioted,  150. 

Pon(!e  de  Leon,  expedition  »)f,  240- 
24.3;  sails  in  seanOi  of  fountain 
of  youth,  240;  roaclicH  (iuana- 
Iiani,  discovers  and  names  La 
Florida,  241 ;  ^jovcrnor  of  Florida 
and  Itimini,  242;  dies  in  Ouba, 
243;  mentioned,  101,  102, 180,274, 
303,  308,  402,  444. 

Popham  celebration,  memorial  vol- 
ume, 187. 

Popham,  English  captain,  405. 

Port  of  the  Holy  Cross,  332,  834, 
JWO,  342. 

Port  de  la  Plata,  390. 

Port  du  Rofufre,  230. 

Port  Royal,  on  map  of  Now  France, 
230. 

Port  Royal,  fate  of  settlement  at, 
4.32-434;  snfl'erings,  432;  captain 
killed,  432 ;  sail  for  Franco,  433 ; 
succor  from  an  Eni^lish  bark, 
433 ;  arrive  in  England,  434 ;  men- 
tioned, 430,  407. 

Port  Royal  River,  entrance,  etc., 
427. 

Portland  Harbor,  53,  54. 

Porto  Rico,  285,  280,  402. 

Portolauo,  or  Portulano,  298,  298,. 


INDEX. 


581 


848,  a77,  420;   namo  cxplainod, 

4(»;i. 
rortiipii.  1H4, '-a'l.  :ir.r.. 

r'trtiimH<stM>x|»l(>inrH,  KM;  dcpllno 
('(iliiiiilitiH'  |ii'o|Mtsiil  tor  wuMtoni 
voyiijio,  KH;  S<niyroM,  \h:,\  HhIi- 
li»K  (•(im|iiiiiy  lorimid,  IHM,  |H|i;  no 
J()iii'ii:ils,  llMi;  iiiiiy  li!iv(*!i|)|)U!ii(>(l 
nil  (iiir  coaMl,  IIM);  tniicilitioiiH  to 
N«nvroiiii<ll;iiHl  coiitiiiui'tl,  ItKl; 
kiiidiinHH  to  (iillxM't,  MM  ;  Hcttlo- 
iiioiit  on  Siililo  IhIiiikI,  MM  ;  iictivo 
on  ItiinkHol'  Nuwfoiiiidl.vnd,  ID'.'; 
tlioir  discovrrioH  ^dvuii  on  cliartH, 
llt'J;  lii^li  roiid  t(»  Kattt  liuiicH,  'JIM, 
4H2, 4M;t. 

rontriiiroiirt,  ;W;l. 

I'nito.  Alluiit  di!,  2H.t. 

Priniii  Vista.  :!•_';!,  ;!(Ml;  Prima  tiorni 
viHia.  :{7;!.  ;!7 »,  ;17."). 

Priiniini  ViHaiii,  ;J7I.  .'174. 

Vrhutt  I'ldward'H   IhIuikI,  '.VM,  KC, 

PriiiK'. .«»:!.  4l;{. 

rroniontoriiiiii  Vinlniidim.  lOH.  i" 

Protestant   colony  in    ncnv  win  i, 

41.*),  I'Jl  ;  asylniii  Cor  Frcncii    '' 
Ptoloiny'.s    }fO(»;,n'apliy.     !.')();     mo 

Ptolo'inv,  '-'IHl,  207,  :tln. 
Puntiide'la  Khnida,  ;ios. 
Puiidias,  lolcnod  to,  2S2,  28;i,  284, 

iiutua. 

Quadon,  .n()2. 

iiuol)uc;,  ;{:14,  :14:{,  .*)-)(»,  ;W7. 

<^uoon  Klizal)(!(li.  coininission  to 
(rill)eit  and  Ual(M<,di,  474 ;  report 
of  Kiencli  colonists  to,  475. 

Quinsay,  <'ity  of,  21»r». 

Qiuviri'(('alil  >riiia),  201. 

Quoddy  Head,  ;J0. 

Rafii,  roforrod  to.  r)7,  00,  08,  70,  78, 

7i),  Si,ss,  HI),  !)l,  los,  117. 
Raleif^h  Hay,  2.')'). 
Kaloi{,'li,  Sir  W.,  405,  41:},  421,  455, 

470. 
Eamusio,  referred  to,  I'M,  20;5,  207, 

218, 221, 220,  240, 20:1, 200,  270,  298, 

y:)5,  :{40, 1577,  ;wo,  4();{,  4;50,  402. 
Recapitulation,    conclusion,    and, 

477-407. 
Reif  Capo,  40,  .311,  .314. 
Regiomontanus,  147. 
Reinel,  chart  of  Nova  Scotia,  etc., 

177-170;  mentioned,  275,  209,  301. 
Result  of  examination  of  maps  for 

early  history  of  Maine,  182. 


Uliodo  Island,  72. 

IMiodon,  island  of,  2«10. 

lUltaiiK.  .lacipics,  4.V1,  4.'i4. 

Uihrmlt,  .lean,  llrst  cxplnrinp  oxpo- 
ditioiiof.42l-4;tl  ;  oullit,  liintriic- 
tioiis,  etc.,  422,  42.1;  now  roiitn, 
I2;l.  .124;  arrives  on  coast.  425, 
KIdorado,  4'.'0;  estalilislieH  fort 
and  C(iloiiy,427;  sails  north, 428; 
returns  ti'»  l''ianc»>,  42S,  420;  c(d- 
ony  overwlielmcd  hv  Spaniards, 
4;;('t;  mistakes  of  liihault.  4:tO, 
l.ll  ;  solicitations  for  aid  un- 
heeded. 4:(2  ;  commands  third 
French  expedition  to  Florida, 
447;  sails,  440;  meets  Kandoii- 
iiicre  and  companions. 450;  Span- 
ish armament  appears,  450;  |{i- 
haidt  sails.  -I.')!  ;  adopts  olVen- 
Hivo,  4.V.';  Fieiich  fort  sniprised, 
45:t;  Kihanlt  shipwrecked  and 
killed,  4.'):l  ;  few  of  ccdony  ro- 
tnrii  to  Franco,  454;  oonimiHsion 
included  (iulf  of  Maine,  474  ; 
loses  opportunities  of  estahlish- 
iiiff  Frt^iicli  s((tl lenient  in  Maine, 
475 ;  mentioned,  4i:i,  414, 440, 471, 
47;i. 

liihera  ci'am,  ;i81. 

inOeia  de  .lardins.  :iS1. 

Kihera  de  S.  .loam,  ;181. 

Kihero.  llrst  ehait  of  Maine,  52; 
niai)  hy,  200-;!O7;  mentioned,  ItU, 
28i,:io7,:5i:!-;!i7.  ;!io.  :!.5:!,;ioi,yoo, 

;177,;58;!,;J08,:!00.407,410. 

R.  do  hoiine  mere.  :i.5;{. 

Uiode  la  hiielta,.'lo:t,  .T).'};  de  Huena 
"ladre,  hueiia  madeira,  .'iOO,  311, 
h.  1,  ;U7,  :!.')8,  ;i07 ;  de  (;anada,  350; 
do  Castanar,  .'U3  ;  las  Canoas, 
300;  T)!d)ol,  307;  Doloso,  358; 
Douche,  35(i;  de  Don  I)io<,'o,  102; 
Duce,  3((5;  del  Kspiritu  Santo 
(.lames  Hivor).3l();  del  Fspiritu 
Santo  ( Mississippi ),  308. 408 ;  Fre- 
mosa,  3.50;  Fiindo  (Hay  of  Fun- 
dy),  31(i;  do  las  (lamas,  304,  312, 
3i3, 310, 3.58,  ;507, 301, 420 ;  da Gen- 
te,  .340;  Grande,  yrant.  304,  358, 
301 ;  Grande,  of  Norumhoffa,  302, 
420;  Hondo,  Fondo,37,31K);  Jan- 
eiro, Hay  of,  415;  .Jordan,  247, 
300,  .300,  307,  390,  427 ;  de  Monta- 
fias,  303,  313;  Nevado,  108;  de 
Peros,  307;  de  St.  Antholne,  353 ; 
de  San  Antonio,  310, 311, 314, 319, 
307;  de  Sta.  Elena,  .300;  S.  Pol, 
358 ;  de  S.  Quenam,  306 ;  Pria,  3fi0 ; 


632 


INDEX. 


Primero,  358,  30f);  del  Principe, 
300,  31)0;  de  Qucnboquin,  347; 
Real,  310;  de  1108.1,175;  Salado, 
310,  4(M);  Seco,308;  S.  Miguel  de 
Gualdape,  307,  401 ;  do  Tormenta, 
388 ;  de  Trafalgar,  30i>  •  da  Trav- 
e(,'a,  350 ;  de  la  Volte,  353. 

Rivers,  54. 

River  of  Hocliolaga,  354  ;  of  the 
Holy  Cross,  204;  La  Plata,  300; 
St.  Lawrence,  50, — see  St.  Law- 
rence; of  Sta.  Maria,  420.  See 
Rio. 

Riviere  Cartier,  ;'24 ;  des  Dauphins, 
437 ;  Dolphins,  451 ;  do  May,  425, 
420,  430,  437,  450,  4(55 ;  du  Sague- 
nay,  305;  Seine,  404. 

Roberval,  expedition  to  Canada, 
340-347 ;  head  of  expedition,  341 ; 
delay,  342;  arrives  at  St.  John, 
543 ;  establishes  himself  at  France 
Roy,  43 ;  search  for  nortli-west 
passage,  344;  return,  344  ;  por- 
trait on  map,  354 ;  mentioned,322, 
357,  305,  414,  427. 

Rochelle,  454. 

Roggeveenj  409. 

Rori^83. 

Rome,  Greenland  known  at,  110. 

Roseway  bank,  40. 

Route,  new  French  to  east  coast  of 
United  States,  424,  430,  440,  474. 

Route,  Spanish,  to  east  coast  of 
United  States,  424,  430. 

Royal  collections  of  King  of  Bava- 
ria, 177, 180. 

RusceUi,  233,  234,207. 

Rut,  object  of  his  expedition,  283 ; 
return,  283  ;  litt'e  knowledge 
concerning,  284  ;  probabilities, 
280,  287,  288 ;  result  of  examina- 
tion, 288;  second  English  expe- 
dition on  entire  coast,  280;  men- 
tioned, 320, 481. 

Ruysch,  chart  by,  150-158. 

Sable,  Cape,  37. 
Sable  Island,  170, 101,  204,  232. 
Sable  Island  Bank,  40. 
Saco  Bay,  207, 312,  307. 
Saco  River,  64,  55. 
Sagadahoc,  55. 
S,.gra,  151. 

Saguenay  Ri,.^r  and  country,  331, 
332, 335, 356, 343, 354,  365, 380,  300. 
Samson,  the  English  ship,  281-28a 
Saintonge,  French  captain,  344. 
San  Antomo,  307, 317. 


Sand-bank  on  map  of  New  France, 

23'?., 
Sandy  Hook,  257,  258,  300,  319,  353. 
San  Felipe,  fort,  459. 
San  Mateo,  450,  404. 
San  Pedro,  349. 
Santau '  -r,  471. 
Santee,  300. 

Satouriba,  Indian  chief,  464. 
Sault  de  S.  Louis,  343. 
Savage  Rock  (C.  Neddoc),  406,  note. 
Savannah  River,  308,  407,  414. 
Saxe  Weimar,  Grand  Duke  of,  299, 

300. 
Scalodin  (Skalholt),  102. 
Scandinavia,  58,  00;  Scandinavian 

draftsman  from  Iceland,  107. 
Scandinavian,  Chronicles,  60  ;  A- 

mei'ica,  87. 
Schmeller,  referred  to,  179. 
Schoner,  globe  of,  158 ;  other  globes 

similar  to,  159 ;  map,  100, 101 ;  two 

great  series  of  discoveries  indi- 


cated on,  102. 


[99. 


Scocia  (Scotland),  on  chart  of  Zeni, 

Scholnus,  114, 115, 119. 

Sea  of  Cortes,  403. 

Sea  of  Norumbega,  35. 

Seahorse  Point,  220. 

Septemcitade,  Sept  Citds,  Island  of 
the  Seven  Cities,  125, 135, 148, 292, 
426,  437. 

Sera  Lion  (Sierra  Leone),  148. 

Seyler,  Johann,  158. 

Sforza  archives,  130,  note. 

Shetland  Islands,  58, 95, 100, 107. 

Ship-nose  (Kialarnes),  49, 68,  69. 

Shoals,  fishing,  39. 

Sigurdson,  refei-red  to,  117. 

Sigurdus,  map  drawn  by,  107-109. 

Silver  mines,  437. 

Sinbad,  Arabian  navigator,  149. 

Skager  Rak,  90. 

Skaflioldin,  387. 

Skalholt,  Sktlhott,  102, 108, 117. 

Skraekja  (to  cry),  00. 

Skrellings,  68,  73,  80,  SO,  90, 91. 

Slave-trading  ^oyages,  245;  slave- 
hunting  expeaitions,  247 ;  Gomez* 
cargo,  277 ;  Ha  vkins'  do.,  442. 

Smith,  65,  303,  413,  463. 

Snorre,74,77,79. 

Snorre  Thorbrandsi>n,  70. 

Solomon,  ship  of  Hawkins,  442. 

Sorand,  100. 

Soundings,  38. 

South  Sea,  299,  426,  437. 

Spagnola,  Spafiola,  150,  U'7. 


INDEX. 


533 


Spain,  115, 121, 120, 130, 148, 165, 166 
18;},  184,  li)2-l!)8, 210-215, 223,  241, 
242, 251, 271-273,  277, 281,  287,  327, 
3!)4, 430, 45((,  457, 450, 401,  400,  467, 

484  >       >  . 

Spanish  Basques,  280,  301,  412. 

Spanisli  expeditions  along  coast  of 
Florida,  23(i-248. 

Spanish  expeditions  of  Ayllon  to 
Chicora,  24.5-248. 

Spanish  expeditions  and  fisheries, 
404,  412,485;  shipwrecks,  40.5. 

Spanisli  survey  of  east  coast  of 
Florida,  407-474. 

Spanish  claims  to  whole  of  North 
America,  470. 

Spanish  sovereigns  protest  against 
English  enterprises,  l!)2. 

Sparke,  442,  445;  description  of 
Florida,  440. 

Spice  Islands,  305. 

Spitzbergen,  80. 

Sprengel,  German  geographer,  .300. 

Square  Gulf,  321. 

S.  Andre,  point,  340. 

St.  Augustine,  San  Augustino,  425, 
451,  458,  4.50. 

St.  Brandan,  125, 148, 140,  386. 

S.  Christofalo,  317. 

St.  Croix  Hiver,  54,  55,  50. 

St.  Domingo,  243,  240,  280,  305,  401, 
430,  444. 

St.  George's  Channel,  454. 

St.  German,  280. 

St.  Gregor,  300. 

St.  Helena  Sound  (Rio  Jordan), 
300,  300,  307,  420,  450. 

S.  Jago,  277. 

St.  John,  or  S.  Juan  Island,  134. 

St.  John,  Newfoundland,  283. 

St.  John's  River,  30S,  330,  300,  450. 

S.  Juan  Baptista,  300. 

S.  Juan  de  Porto  Rico,  285. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  50 ;  expeditions 
to,  322;  application  and  exten- 
sion of  name,  330 ;  San  Lorenzo, 
330 ;  mentioned,  227, 202, 204, 208, 
315,  310,  320,  327,  345,  35?,  353, 
350,  300,  365,  375,  370,  388,  300, 
302,  400,  420,  400. 

St.  Lawrence,  gulf  of,  162,  315,  320, 
356,  365,  375,  370;  early  French 
voyages  to,  202,  350. 

St.  Lawrence  Port,  331. 

St.  Laarens,  354. 

Sta.  Lucia,  fort,  450. 

S.  Maria,  Point,  340. 

Ste.  Marie,  Courant  de,  343. 


St.  Mary's  Bay,  309,  340,  382,  300, 

400,  401,  400,  400.    See  Bahia  de 

Sta.  Maria. 
St.  Mary's  River,  425,  4.36. 
St.  Martin,  Pilot  Major,  212,  213. 
St.  Maurice  River,  300. 
S.  Miguel  de  Gualdape,  307,  398, 

401. 
St.  Paul  (North  Point),  337,  340; 

island,  350, 373. 
S.  Paulo,  340. 

St.  Peter's  Channel,  3.30,  331. 
St.  Peter's  Island,  337. 
St.  Peter's  Lake,  333,  3.34. 
S.  Sebastian,  fishermen  of,  280. 
Saint  Servan,  324. 
Stadacona,  Indian  village,  332,  .335, 

350. 
Stat  (Cape  Statlant),  00. 
Steamers,  British,  45. 
Stockfish,  112. 
Stow's  Chronicles,  206. 
Strachey,  405,  note. 
Strait  of  Bahama,  458. 
Strait  of  Belle  Isle,  324-320,  320, 

330,  350,  305,  375,  370. 
Straumey,  72. 
Straumfiordr,  72,  74-70. 
Streme,  Stromoc,  100. 
Sudero  Colfo,  100. 
Suderiie  I.,  100. 
Suecia  (Sweden),  00. 
Sueno,  81. 

Swallow,  ship  of  Hawkins,  442. 
Swansea,  454. 
Sweating  sickness,  220. 
Sweet   potatoes   first   mentioned, 

248,  note. 
Sylva,  Bp.  of  Viseu,  351,  355. 

Tartars,  North  American  Indians 

thoufrht  to  be,  150. 
Tarratines,  00. 
Tartaria,  140, 150. 
Temistitan,  city  of,  403. 
Temperature,  44. 
Terceira,  188,  245. 
Terra  Agricule  (Greenland),  378; 

Terra  Agricolse,  387. 
Terra,  tierra,  de  Bacalaos,  Bacalos, 

Bacalhas,  Bacallaos,  Baccalaos, 

Baccalhaos,   Bocalhas,  105,  178, 

188,  180,  204,  234, 204, 207, 208, 301, 

302,  307,  356, 380. 
Tera  Bimini,  180. 
Terra,  terre,  tierra  de,  des,  dus, 

Bretones,  Bretons,  106,  204,  208, 

302,303,  il7,363,391. 


634 


INDEX. 


Terra  Corterealis,  terra  de  cortte 
Real,  102,  175,  189,  204,  3SeS,  389. 

Terra  do  Cuba,  on  Schoner's  map, 
101. 

Terra  Florida,  109,  290,  297. 

Terra  incognita,  308. 

Terra,  ticrra  de  Labr;wlor,  220,  234, 
301,  302,  307,  ;504. 

Torra,  tiorra,  Nova,  Nueva,  Nuova, 
158,190,231,233,321,350. 

Terre  Franvaiso,  La,  204,  205. 

Torre  des  Molues,  La,  204. 

Terre  Neuvo,  La,  204,  329. 

Testa,  French  pilot,  420. 

Thebet,  149. 

Thevet,  415 ;  visits  Norumbega,  410 ; 
Indian  words,  417,  418  ;  visits 
Penobscot,  419;  credit  to  pilot, 
420. 

Thirkill,  L.,  180. 

Thomassy,  referred  to,  290, 291, 300, 
notes. 

Thorbrandsen,  Snorre,  70. 

Thorfinn  Karlsefne,  settlement  in 
Vinland,  70-81 ;  marries  Gudrida, 
70;  sails  from  Greenland,  71; 
sails  westward,  and  builds  Thor- 
finn's  budir,  72 ;  goes  in  search  of 
Thorhall,  75;  tliird  winter  in 
Vinland,  77  ;  returns  to  Green- 
land, 77  ;  sails  for  Norway,  78 ; 
returns  to  Iceland,  79 ;  results  of 
expedition,  79-81 ;  mentioned,  82, 
91. 

Thorhall,  70,  72,  74,  75,  79,  80. 

Thorlak,  Bishop,  79. 

Thorleifson,  117. 

Thorne,  referred  to,  180;  letter  to 
Henry  VIII,  215,  210,  222;  two 
letters  of,  281-283,  301. 

Thorstein,  Erik's  son,  70. 

Thorwald,  Erik's  son,  00-09. 

Thorwald  Helgason,  83. 

Thorwald,  son-in-law  of  Erik  the 
Bed,  71. 

Tides  in  Gulf  of  Maine,  43 ;  in  Bay 
of  Fundy,  43. 

Tierra  de  Ayllon,  307,  398,  399. 

Tierra  de  Gomez,  277, 279,  302,  307, 
399. 

Tierra  de  Nurumberg,  234. 

Tiger,  the  ship  of  Hawkins,  442. 

Tiger-like  animal  on  map  attribu- 
ted to  Cabot,  304,  308. 

Tiraboschi,  referred  to,  90,  229. 

Tordesillas,  treaty  of,  307. 

Torfaeus,  107, 108. 

Torlacius,  Gudbraudus,  109,  110. 


Torlacius  Theodoras,  107, 108, 109. 

Torlakson,  110. 

Tortugas,  242,  444. 

Toscanelli,  125,  140, 148, 150. 

Tradition  of  Madoc,  59;  of  people 
from  west,  59 ;  of  Irish  to  west, 
00;  of  Irish  in  Iceland,  00. 

Trinito.  La,  ship  of  liibault,  448. 

Trinitie,  ship  of  Master  llore,  338. 

Trin,  prom.  (C.  Farewell),  387. 

Tronde  (Drontheim),  99. 

Tyrker,  05,  87,  493. 

Ultima  Thule,  110-118. 

Ungava  Bay,  230.  388,  389. 

United  States,  52,  53,  142;  called 
Nurumbega,  231  ;  information 
from  de  Soto's  reports  regarding 
southern  portion  of,  409  ;  first 
European  settlement  on  coast 
of,  05 ;  second  do.  of,  427 ;  men- 
tioned, 39, 42, 43,  48, 49, 53,  92, 251, 
390,  395,  412,  420,  459. 

United  States,  east  coast  of,  351- 
3.54. 

United  States,  coast  survey,  36,  42. 

Valdes,  governor  of  Cuba  and  Flor- 
ida, 471. 

Vallard,  author  and  owner  of  map, 
354,  355,  390. 

Vasco  de  Gam  a,  104. 

Vasseur,  Le,  Michael  and  Thomas, 
430. 

Vega,  referred  to,  243,  410. 

Velasco,  Don  Juan  de,  409. 

Velasco,  Portuguese  or  Spanish 
sailor,  202. 

Velasquez,  governor  of  Cuba,  402. 

Venetians,  intercourse  with  north 
of  Europe,  93,  94  ;  resident  at 
Bristol,  122. 

Venice,  center  of  geographical 
knowledge,  377. 

Vera  Oruz,  244. 

Verrazano,  52,  84;  Italian  naviga- 
tor employed  by  the  ^iench,249; 
chart  of,  228,  231;  expeditions, 
248-270;  sails  from  France,  250; 
in  sight  of  coast  of  United  States, 
251;  land-fall,  252,  254;  southern 
terminus  of  voyage,  253,  254;  se- 
cond and  third  landing-places, 
255,  257,  258;  hills,  250;  sails  east, 
258 ;  island,  259,  200 ;  sails  along 
coast  of  New  England,  203 ;  de- 
scription of  coast  of  Gulf  9f 
Maine,  263-265 ;  coast  of  Maine, 


INDEX 


535 


t> 


207;  returns  to  Franco,  207;  ac- 
count inviiluablo,  2(i9;  second 
expedition  probable,  201),  270;  ul- 
timate fate,  270,  284,  289;  charts, 
2U()-2m)  ;  Vcrrazano'8  plat,  290, 
291,  295  ;  sea  of,  297,  :i:i5,  474; 
mentioned,  819,  ;]20,  352,  422,  42;j, 
424,427,428.  4 ;!0. 

Verrazano  Ilieronymus,  291,  note. 

Vespucci,  Anieriffo,  129,  100;  rea- 
son for  his  name  being  given  to 
America,  49(5. 

Vespucci,  Juan,  273. 

Vessel  sails  from  Iceland  to  Mark- 
land,  8;5,  84. 

Vianna,  188. 

Victoria,  the,  Magellan's  vessel,  271. 

Viegas,  chart  by,  ;548-351. 

Villegagnon,  41 5,  410. 

Vines  and  grapes  discovered  by 
Leif 's  men,  05,  49:]. 

Vinland,  nained,  0(5 ;  climate,  length 
of  days,  etc.,  (5(5;  "  the  good,"  77, 

79,  82,  92;    known  in  Denmark, 

80,  81 ;  expeditions  to,  82-85 ;  in- 
tercourse between  Greenland, 
Iceland,  and,  84;  lost  sight  of, 
85 ;  position  in  Icelandic  geogra- 
phy, 85,  80;  part  of  Europe,  87, 
88;  on  chart  of  Zeni,  100;  on 
chart  of  Northmen,  108;  men- 
tioned by  Adarn  of  Bremen,  110; 
mentioned,  (58,  70,  74, 117. 

Vinland's  Haf,  108. 

Virginia,  405,  407,  413,  414,  434,  441, 
475. 

Vitalis,  Odericus,  81. 

Vitet,  referred  to,  201-203. 

Vivaldi,  the  brothers,  Vadino  and 
Guido,  93. 

Vivaldi,  Ugolino,  93. 

Voyage  attributed  to  Sebastian 
Cabot,  358-377 ;  incoiTect  theory, 
371;  remarks  on  probability  of 
voyage,  372-370 ;  prima  tierra  vis- 
ta, 373;  search  for  north-west 
passage,  374 ;  errors  in  statement, 
376;  voyage  doubtful,  377. 

Voyages  between  time  of  Colum- 
Dus  and  1520,  161. 

Voyage,  English,  under  Cabot  and 
Pert,  206.      " 

Voyages  of  Prance,  295. 

Voyages,  French,  after  Cabot  and 
Cortereal,  199-205. 

Voyage  of  Hawkins  on  coast  of 
North  America,  440-447. 

Voyage  of  Leif,  Erik's  son,  63,  66. 


Voyages  to  Newfoundland,  192-190. 
Voyages  of  Spaniards  from  Havana 

to  IJacallaos,  411. 
Voyages  of  Verrazano,  249-270. 
Voyages  subse»iuent  to  those    of 

Cabot  and  the  Cortereals,  183- 

224. 

Walckenaer,  treatise  of,  149,  note; 

map  found  in  library  of,  151. 
Wawenoc  Indians,  91. 
Weimar,  collections  of  Grand  Duke 

of,  299,  300. 
Western  Europe  and  Eastern  Asia, 

short  distance  between,  147. 
Western  Islands,  11(5. 
Westrabord,  387. 
Weymouth,  393,  413. 
Wh'ite  bears,  133. 
White  Mountains,  205,  207,  304. 
Willoughby,  489. 
Winds,  44. 
Witsarc,  387. 
Wytrtiet,  referred  to,  114,  279,  note, 

392,  419,  note. 

Ylhas  de  caravillo,  388. 

Ynglaterra,  Cavo  de,  153, 154. 

Yngleses,  mar  descubierto  por,  154. 

Y.  dos  Bocalbas,  178. 

Y.  dus  demonios,  388. 

Ys.  des  Tjoups,  353. 

Ysla  de  S.  Juan,  300. 

Y.    de    la    torraenta    (Island    of 

Storms),  379. 
Ysla  Verde,  301,  386. 
Yucatan,  180,  303. 

Zahotman,  referred  to,  96. 

Zartmann,  referred  to,  112. 

Zeni,  the,  voyages  of,  92-97,  114, 
110;  map  of  Greenland,  102,387; 
sea  chart  of,  97-106:  names  on 
chart,  98,  100,  102,  1()4;  informa- 
tion from  Northmen,  102 ;  map  of 
Greenland  copied,  103;  diffV^rent 
interpretations,  106;  particular 
distinction  of,  106;  mentioned, 
96, 101, 103, 110, 122. 

Zeno,  Antonio,  95,  98, 104, 105. 

Zeno,  Carlo,  95. 

Zeno,  Nicolo,  94,  95. 

Zeno,  Nicolo,  the  younger,  96,  98, 
103. 

Zichmni,  95, 105, 114. 

Zipangu  (Japan),  156,  157,  160,  239, 
296.    See  Cipangu. 


